MING QING YANJIU XIX (2015) ISSN 1724-8574 : 9-43 © Università degli studi di Napoli “L’Orientale”
QI JIGUANG’S 戚繼光 WUJING QISHU ZHAITI 武經七 書摘題. A FEW NOTES ON A SYNOPSIS OF THE MILITARY CLASSICS
Felix Siegmund*
ABSTRACT The famous Ming general Qi Jiguang (1522-1582) is best known for his military treatises, namely the Jixiao xinshu and the Lianbing shiji, while his other writings are much neglected by researchers. This article is an annotated translation and discussion of Qi Jiguang’s Wujing qishu zhaiti (16th cent.) The Wujing qishu zhaiti is a collage of excerpts from the Seven Military Classics (Wujing qishu), which are then re-arranged to form a new text. This new text, which is constructed like a word- game, can be read as a commentary on the meaning of the military classics and their relative importance to the canon of military texts. In this re-arranged text, new meaning is constructed and new interpretations are suggested. While the history of the reception of the Wujing qishu zhaiti is unknown due to a lack of sources, the text seems to bear traces of discursive confrontations of the time and of a struggle for legitimacy. Qi Jiguang even seems to challenge the established order of the elites by re-enforcing the position of military studies as a serious subject, comparable to civil (Confucian) studies.
Keywords: Qi Jiguang, military theory, Military Classics, Wujing qishu, civil-military relations, late Ming
Introduction
The Ming general Qi Jiguang (1522-1582) is one of the better known figures in Chinese military history and probably the most famous in Ming military history. Perhaps this is because he is not only a military
* Faculty of East Asian Studies, Ruhr-Universität Bochum, Germany. [email protected]
Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 04:03:33AM via free access 10 Felix Siegmund figure, but was also connected to literary circles and could thus be styled a scholar-general.1 Qi Jiguang is famous for his success in fighting pirates in the Chinese Southeast in the 1560s and for his participation in securing the Northwestern border against the Mongols, being a proponent of the Great Wall building project. Even more importantly, he is famed for his military writings: He is the author of the Jixiao xinshu, which he himself edited in two different versions, and of the Lianbing shiji. He has been lauded a lot for his military achievements, for his military writing and – how could it not be so? – for his patriotic stance. In China, Qi Jiguang is celebrated as a national hero. Academic works, popular novels, comic books, even children’s books on his life are so plentiful that it is impossible to give due recognition to them here – they could fill an entire bibliographical monograph and some of them go into rather arcane details.2 While his two main works are well known (at least in China), very little attention has been paid to his other texts. In this article, I try to contribute to a change in that situation by presenting an annotated translation of his Wujing qishu zhaiti, the title of which could be translated as Selected Themes from the Seven Military Classics. The text is interesting for both its military and literary qualities, but has not been translated so far. The lack of interest in the text is astounding, as that synopsis is surely an important source for the study of Qi Jiguang’s
1 Zhu Ze (1984) claims that the influence of the literatus and statesman Wang Daokun was an important factor in Qi Jiguang’s literary work. 2 A good example is perhaps an article in a recent issue of the leading academic journal of military history, Junshi lishi. In his article “Did Qi Jiguang Never Kill a Japanese in the Anti-Japanese War?” military historian and Qi Jiguang specialist Fan Zhongyi painstakingly refutes an essayistic statement claiming that Qi Jiguang did not actually kill Japanese, but killed Chinese. Cf. Fan Zhongyi 2015. Qi Jiguang is not only a figure of interest in military history, but he is also an important figure in nationalist narratives, which are heavily defended. A recent examples of Qi Jiguang fiction would be the novel “The famous general resisting the Japanese, Qi Jiguang” by Zhao Xiangru (2010). Apart from the already mentioned excellent Zhonghua shuju editions of Qi Jiguang’s writings, there is also a comprehensive bibliographical table on Qi Jiguang that deserves notion. Cf. Ling Lihua and Liu Yuxin 1999.
Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 04:03:33AM via free access Qi Jiguang’s 戚繼光 Wujing qishu zhaiti 武經七書摘題 11 military thinking, giving a unique insight into his understanding of the military canon. On the one hand, Qi Jiguang presents his view on the military classics. By offering a selection of the most important parts of the classics, he gives insight into his interpretation of them and into what the essence of their meaning is. On the other hand, the form of the text and the style he chose suggest that Qi Jiguang also makes a discursive statement. By presenting military texts as a legitimate subject of scholarly and literary interest, he elevates them to a level near the established canon of the (civil) classics. In Western language literature, Qi Jiguang features prominently in Ray Huang’s account of the first phase of the Late Ming collapse3 and his role as a military official in an era dominated by civilian officials is the subject of an article by James Millinger.4 It should be mentioned that there is an ongoing debate on the relationship between military and civil officials under the Ming, resulting in a revision of the idea of civil dominance. Military culture was strong at the Ming court and military officials played an important role in the shaping of the Ming until the end, even though the influence of the military arguably became weaker in the second half of the Ming.5 There is a translation of parts of his magnum opus, the military manual Jixiao xinshu, into German6, and a translation by Ng Pak Shun of a passage from the Lianbing shji into English.7 Kang Hyeok Hweon has written an article on the development of Korean firearms, which also deals with the reception of Qi Jiguang in Korea.8 I have also written on Qi Jiguang in Korea.9 This might seem little, but it is much more than what we have for most other pre-modern Chinese military figures in Western languages. More importantly, there seems to be a revived interest in Qi Jiguang and his role in the development Chinese military thought and practise.
3 Huang 1981: 156-188. 4 Millinger 1973. 5 Robinson 2013: 358-368; 119-121. 6 Werhahn-Mees 1980. 7 Ng Pak Shun 2014. 8 Kang Hyeok Hweon 2014. 9 Siegmund 2014, Siegmund 2015.
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Qi Jiguang’s literary work
Qi Jiguang’s literary work consists of two collections, namely the Hengshuogao (consisting of three parts) and the Yuyugao (two parts). The Hengshuogao contains mostly lyrics and prefaces, while the Yuyugao contains mostly prose writings. Among the prose of the Yuyugao section, there are a few short pieces on military matters. One of them is the Wujing qishu zhaiti. The two collections have been published in an edition under the common name of Zhizhitangji as early as 1574.10 This 1574 edition is not identical with later collections of Qi Jiguang’s work, which have recently been collated and published under the title of Zhizhitangji by the prestigious Zhonghua shuju publishing house. Even though these materials have now been widely available for more than a decade in a very accessible edition, little has been done with them. Apart from the excellent glosses by the editors of the Zhonghua shuju edition, there are only a few short articles in Chinese, dealing with Qi Jiguang’s poetry.11 Qi Jiguang considered the military canon of the Seven Military Classics (Wujing qishu) to be of the highest importance for the study of military matters. He did of course know these texts well and quoted the classics in his military writing. It is sometimes hard to say whether this is really done out of a feeling that the classics could truly be useful for contemporary military theory and practice. In his military writings – which do not follow the classics closely at all, even though he quotes them – one could even suspect Qi Jiguang was using the classics solely for the purpose of borrowing their authority. His military writing is not bound to any orthodoxy at all. On the contrary,
10 See the 1574 preface in Zhizhitangji: 7f. 11 Zhou Xiao (2011) has written on Qi Jiguang’s literary achievements in general. Kong Fanxin (1989) offers a patriotic interpretation of Qi Jiguang’s Hengshuo collection. Sun Jianchang (2007) gives some general remarks on patriotism in his poetry. In addition, an edition of Qi Jiguang’s poetry by Qu Shucheng (Qi Jiguang shigao, 1991) must be mentioned. Also see the positive review of that book by Liang Zijie/Shi Kezhen (1994). There also is a highly informative article on poetry by Ming military officials by Liao Zhaoheng (2011), which includes materials on Qi Jiguang.
Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 04:03:33AM via free access Qi Jiguang’s 戚繼光 Wujing qishu zhaiti 武經七書摘題 13 both of his military manuals, the Jixiao xinshu and the Lianbing shiji, are highly innovative works that concentrate on making the best possible use of state-of-the-art technology and tactics. The fact that he wrote a synopsis of the classics nevertheless points to a profound interest in these texts and bears witness to his own attempt at understanding them. Qi Jiguang changes little –in most cases nothing at all– in the wording of the classics he quotes and uses this copy-paste technique to form an extremely abbreviated synopsis of the classics by giving only what he considers the most important parts of the text. By doing so, he produces a unique interpretation of the form and content of these texts and thus a new meaning for the classics.
Annotated translation
My annotation relies heavily on the notes in the excellent Zhizhitangji edition by Gao Yangwen and Tao Qi, and my translation is based on the English language translation of the military classics by Ralph and Mei-chün Sawyer. For ease of comparison, I refer to the translation by the Sawyers (Seven Military Classics) and the 1986 annotated edition of the military classics12 (Wujing qishu zhushi), compiled by a group of military specialists in the People’s Republic of China. An excemption is made for the Sunzi bingfa and its commentaries, for which I cite the late Qing edition Shiyi jia zhu Sunzi. For a better overview of how the text relates to the works it cites, I have spaced each of the different chapters into separate paragraphs. None of the print editions does so, but I find that it makes the text more accessible. I have also numbered the lines (but not the headlines, which indicate the classical book in question), to make reference and comparison easier. In my translation, I tried to follow Qi Jiguang’s text closely, even if that results in slightly awkward English. In a few cases, the translation takes into account the context of the source text
12 The military classics are: Sunzi bingfa, Wuzi, Sima fa, Huangshigong sanlüe, Weiliaozi, Liutao, and Tang Taizong Li Weigong wendui.
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Title: Selected Passages from the Seven Military Classics13
[Part One: Sunzi bingfa14]
1 兵者國之大事 Warfare is a great affair of the state. 2 道者令民與上同意 The dao causes the people to have the same will as their superior. 3 兵家之勝不可先傳 The victories of the strategists cannot be reported about in advance.15 4 智將務食於敵 The wise general makes it his duty to eat from the enemy.16 5 兵貴勝不貴久 In warfare, victory is valued and a long duration is not valued.17
13The zhai ti 摘題 part of the title is not easy to translate. In Chinese, it is best to understand zhai ti as two coordinated nominalized verbs ‘to pick, to select’ (zhai 摘) and ‘o present, to point out, to evaluate (the literary quality of something)’ (ti 題). 14 The Sunzi bingfa is the only text that does not have its a separate headline. 15Lines 1-3 are taken from the first chapter of Sunzi bingfa. 16 What is meant is, that he captures and uses enemy provisions. In the original text, the sentence starts with the conjunction gu 故, which Qi Jiguang omits. He also does omit initial conjunctions and emphatic particles in many other of his citations. 17 Lines 4-5 are taken from the second chapter of Sunzi bingfa. Possibly the ‘expert in warfare’ is meant to be the subject in this line too: “[The expert in warfare] has no famed wisdom and no courageous achievement.”
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6 上兵伐謀 The best warfare is to attack [the enemy’s] plans. 7 將者國之輔 The general is the helper of the state. 8 五者知勝之道 Five [methods] are the methods [dao] to know victory.18 9 善戰者勝於易勝 The expert in warfare is victorious where he can easily be victorious.19 10 無智名無勇功 There is no famed wisdom and no courageous achievement. 11 善用兵者修道保法 The expert in warfare cultivates the dao and protects the law.20 12 善出奇者無窮如天地 The expert at bringing out the unorthodox is as inexhaustible as heaven.21 13 善戰者其勢險，其節短 The expert at warfare’s strategic configuration is alert, his order is close.22 14 善戰者致人而不致於人 The expert at warfare compels others, but is not compelled by others. 15 兵形象水 The form of the army [or: warfare] should be like water.23
18 Lines 6-8 are taken from the third chapter of Sunzi bingfa. 19 As the commentaries tell us, the point is, that he does know to attack where victory is easy to get. See Shiyi jia zhu Sunzi: 74. 20 Lines 9-11 are taken from the fourth chapter of Sunzi bingfa. 21 I follow Sawyer in translating zheng 正 as ‘orthodox’ and qi 奇 as ‘unorthodox.’ There is a lot of dispute about the question of what qi and zheng mean in the commentary literature. The easiest explanation is that the ‘orthodox’ means linear deployment in open battle, while the ‘unorthodox’ describes flanking maneuvers, ambushes and the like. Other commentaries are less straight-forward, describing the ‘orthodox’ as the more direct approach, while the ‘unorthodox’ would be indirect in a more abstract way. For example see the commentaries in Shiyi jia zhu Sunzi: 86f. 22 My interpretation follows that of the Zhang Yu commentary. See Shiyi jia zhu Sunzi: 91. Lines 12-13 are taken from the fifth chapter of Sunzi bingfa. 23 Lines 14-15 are taken from the sixth chapter of Sunzi bingfa.
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16 後發先至 Set out after [the enemy] and arrive before [the enemy.] 17 兵以分合為變 The army [or: warfare] changes through splitting-up and uniting.24 18 黃帝所以勝四帝 What the Yellow Emperor employed to defeat the four emperors:25 19 令文齊武 [Is to] command [through] the civil [wen] and order [through] the martial [wu].26 20 六者將之至任 The six are the greatest responsibility of the general.27 21 善用兵者譬如率然 The expert in warfare is like the shuairan-snake.28
24 In this line, Qi Jiguang adds the subject (bing 兵) to the sentence. In the Sunzi bingfa text, the quoted text is the third sentence in a series of coordinated sentences sharing the subject, which only appears once at the start. Lines 16-17 are taken from the seventh chapter of Sunzi bingfa. 25 Huangdi, the Yellow Emperor, is one of the pre-dynastic mythical hero- emperors. According to legends, he defeated four other leaders, which are here called the ‘four emperors.’ In the Sunzi bingfa, the sentence is referring to four different styles of army deployment, which are suggested for use in different terrain situations. See Seven Military Classics: 172f. 26 The two sentences in line 18 and 19 are not connected in any way in the Sunzi bingfa text. However, Qi Jiguang places them in such a way, that it is nearly impossible to understand them as anything else than a semantic unit. The sentence in line 18 is ungrammatical, as it lacks a predicate. Line 19 can be understood as the predicate of the sentence starting in line 19 and this seems to be the intended reading. Lines 18-19 are taken from the ninth chapter of Sunzi bingfa. Line 19 in the text version of the Sunzi bingfa should be translated as “command through the civil and order through the martial.” Line 19 should be understood accordingly. See Shiyi jia zhu Sunzi bingfa: 203. 27 Again, this is an abbreviation of two different passages of the Sunzi bingfa. There are two lists of six items each, the first one of which explains the usage of terrain and deployment, the second one explains improper leadership and warns against it. See Seven Military Classics: 176f. Shiyi jia zhu Sunzi bingfa: 222. Line 20 is taken from the tenth chapter of Sunzi bingfa. 28 The shuairan (or possibly lüran) is a snake that is known for its ferocious behaviour and its agility in defending its tail as well as its head. See Shiyi jia zhu Sunzi: 250 and Seven Military Classics: 180.
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22 靜以幽正以治 Be calm to be profound, be upright to be orderly.29 23 安國全軍之道 [This is/the following is] the method [dao] for bringing security to the state and to preserve the army.30 24 明君賢將動而勝人 Enlightened rulers and sagacious generals move and conquer others. 25 神紀人君之寶 An ingenious network [of spies] is a treasure to the ruler. 26 明君賢將上智為間 [As for] enlightened rulers and sagacious generals, the most wise will act as spies [for them.]31 27 三軍所恃而動 [This is] what the army relies on to get into action.32
[Part Two:] Discussion of passages from the Wuzi
28 聖人娞之以道 The sage leads them through the dao [or: the right methods.]33 29 四輕二重一信 Four lightnesses, two heavinesses and one trust.34
29 Lines 21-22 are taken from the eleventh chapter of Sunzi bingfa. Again, the ‘expert in warfare’ could be the subject: “[The expert in warfare] is calm to be profound, be upright to be orderly” 30 The sentence does lack a predicate. There are two possible ways to read the sentence in the context it appears in: Either it is a predicate to the sentences before it (summing it up: “this is...”) or it is a preposed predicate (or topic) to the sentences after it (“the following is...”). Line 23 is taken from the twelfth chapter of Sunzi bingfa. 31 Qi Jiguang shortens the passage and thereby distorts the grammar, which is very clear in the Sunzi bingfa. See Seven Military Classics: 186. 32 Lines 24-27 are taken from the thirteenth chapter of Sunzi bingfa. 33 Line 28 is taken from the first chapter of Wuzi. 34 In the context of the Wuzi, this refers to a set of principles laid out later. Lightness refers to setting up advantageous conditions, while the two heavinesses are heavy rewards and heavy punishments. The one trust seems to mean that this must all be implemented in a reliable and unified fashion. ‘One’ is not only used as a
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30 三者人君之所恃 Three [principles] are what the lord of men relies on.35
[Part Three:] Discussion of passages from the Sima fa
31 古者以仁為本 In antiquity, benevolence was considered to be the basic principle. 32 先王之治順天之道 The government of the former kings followed the dao of heaven. 33 聖德之至 [This] is the realization of sagely virtue.36 34 天子取法天地 The son of heaven takes his laws [or: methods] from heaven and earth.37 35 禮為固仁為勝 Through the rites, [the army] is made solid and through benevolence, [the army] is made victorious. 36 賢王明民之德 The worthy king makes the people’s virtue shine.38
numeral in Literary Chinese, but also as an adjective ‘unified’ and even as a transitive verb ‘to unify sth.’ See Seven Military Classics: 214. Line 29 is taken from the third chapter of Wuzi. 35 Qi Jiguang writes ‘lord’ jun 君, while all Wuzi texts I checked write ‘ruler’ zhu 主. I have not consistently translated the terms that way, but intentionally chose the unexpected ‘lord’ here to point out Qi Jiguang’s change to the text. The three principles referred to here mean that the military should be ordered in such a way that the people will accept warfare and will be willing to die in battle. See Seven Military Classics: 223. Line 30 is taken from the sixth chapter of Wuzi. 36 Lines 31-33 are taken from the first chapter of Sima fa. 37 The sentence is shortened and its meaning is arguably changed by the alterations in the grammatical structure. See Seven Military Classics: 129. 38 My translation of this line is based on the context of the text in the Wuzi. See Seven Military Classics: 132. In the context of Qi Jiguang’s text, other interpretations are possible. The sentence could be read as summing up the above as “[This] is [due to] the virtue by which the worthy king enlightens the people.” Lines 34-36 are taken from the second chapter of Sima fa.
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37 教惟豫戰惟節 Exercise [or: instruction] is only preparation, warfare is only [a question of] constraint. 38 人教厚靜乃治 Instructions must be plentiful and quietness is [the method of] order.39 39 本心固新氣勝 [If] the original character traits40 [of men] are well founded, [their] new qi [possibly: energy?] will be victorious.41
[Part Four:] Discussion of passages from the Tang Taizong Li Weigong wendui
40 正兵古人所重 Orthodox troops are what the ancients valued. 41 三者迭相為用 Three [methods] are alternatingly [used for] mutual use.42 42 霍去病暗與孫吳合 [The military thought of] He Qubing is subtly cohering with [that of] Sunzi and Wuzi.43 43 神聖迵出古人 Spiritual sagacity comes from the ancients afar.44
39 Lines 37-38 are taken from the third chapter of Sima fa. 40 Benxin 本心 is hard to translate, literally translating as ‘original heart-mind’. 41 Lines 39 is taken from the fourth chapter of Sima fa. 42 The three methods that this sentence refers to are: controlled use of force, frontal defense and organization of small-scale units. See Seven Military Classics: 322. 43 Sunzi (bingfa) and Wuzi refer to the texts of the same name. He Qubing (140 BCE-177 BCE) was a general of the Western Han who was famed for his refusal of corruption and for his successful military operations against the Xiongnu. At least one modern author also suggests that He Qubing was making use of the Sunzi bingfa. See Huang Zhaohong 2012: 21. 44 Qi Jiguang has changed the sentence by omitting the original subject ‘Your Majesty’ bixia 陛下. In the context of the Tang Taizong Li Weigong wendui, this sentence refers to the sagacious qualities of the ruler in understanding the ancients. See Seven Military Classics: 324.
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44 奇兵將所自出 Unorthodox troops are what the general brings out by himself.45 45 諸葛亮王佐之才 Zhuge Liang was a talented man in supporting his king.46 46 管仲亦王佐 Guan Zhong was also a supporter of his king.47 47 順其時而要之以神 Accord with the seasons and acquire them through the spirits. 48 多方以誤之之術 [As for] the technique of many methods to confuse them,48 49 善用兵者求之於勢 The expert in warfare seeks it in [strategic] power.49 50 奇正相生之法 [As for] the technique of the mutual production of the orthodox and the unorthodox, 51 形兵之極至於無形 The highest [principle] of the formation of the army culminates in the formless.50
45 The context of the Tang Taizong Li Weigong wendui makes clear that this is opposed to orthodox troops, which act on orders directly from the ruler. See Seven Military Classics: 326. 46 Zhuge Liang (181-234) was a statesman and strategist of the Three Kingdoms era. He acted as an adviser to the supposedly legitimate Han heir Liu Bei (161-223) of the Shu state. Even though Liu Bei and his state eventually failed and Cao Cao installed himself as the ruler, Zhuge Liang is considered a military genius and famed as a loyal adviser. 47 Guan Zhong (7th cen. BCE) was a politician and philosopher of the legalist tradition. By tradition he is named as the author of the Guanzi, named after himself. 48 Line 48 lacks a predicate. In the Tang Taizong Li Weigong wendui text, the passage is part of a predicate to a subject in form of the pronoun ‘this’ ci 此, which in the context refers to a method for deceiving the enemy about plans and numbers. See Wujing qishu zhuyi: 545. The sentence does not make any sense in the form Qi Jiguang gives it in the Wujing qishu zhaiti, so it should be linked with the next line to act as the topic of line 49 (“As for the technique of many methods to confuse them, the expert in warfare seeks strategic power in it.”). 49 Line 49 is a quote from the Sunzi bingfa, which is quoted in in the Tang Taizong Li Weigong wendui. See Seven Military Classics: 166 and 334.
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52 奇正相變之術 The techniques of mutually changing the orthodox and the unorthodox.51 53 善用兵者推三義 The expert at warfare extends the three principles [or: righteousness].52 54 善用兵者教正不教奇 The expert at warfare teaches the orthodox, but does not teach the unorthodox.53 55 太公畫地之法 Taigong’s method of delineating terrain,54 56 兵家陰陽之妙 The subtle mysteriousness of yin and yang according to the strategists, 57 孫子之法萬代不刊 Sunzi’s methods[, they all] will not be revised in ten thousand generations [or: ever]. 58 古人如此者多 [With] the ancients, it often is like this.55
50 Lines 50-51 are structurally identical to lines 48-49. Again, line 50 is put out of context and acts as the topic for line 51, which again is a quotation from the Sunzi bingfa. See Seven Military Classics: 168 and 335. Lines 40-51 are from the first book of Tang Taizong Li Weigong wendui. 51 This sentence is taken out of a longer sentence about the curriculum of the education of generals. See Seven Military Classics: 336. The sentence in Qi Jiguang’s text lacks either a topic or predicate. 52 The three principles referred to here are attributed to the Sunzi bingfa. They do stress the need to prepare superior positions and to use favourable circumstances in warfare. See Seven Military Classics: 337. 53 In the Tang Taizong Li Weigong wendui it reads “The ancient experts at warfare...”. See Seven Military Classics: 341. 54 Lü Shang (11th cent. BCE?), known as Taigong, acted as a political and military adviser to the first two kings of the Zhou dynasty (11th cent. BCE-256 BCE), king Wen and king Wu. 55 In the Tang Taizong Li Weigong wendui this sentence sums up an exposition of two examples for logistical problems in defense and attack. See Seven Military Classics: 349. Lines 52-58 are from the second book of Tang Taizong Li Weigong wendui.
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59 用將在乎心一 The [principle of the] usage of the general lies in the unification of the heart-mind.56 60 太公所說兵之至要 What Taigong discussed are the most important [aspects] of warfare. 61 深乎聖人之法 Profound indeed are the sage’s methods! 62 深乎節制之兵 Profound indeed are discipline and organization of the army!57
[Part Five:] Discussion of passages from the Weiliaozi
63 先神先鬼先稽我智 Putting spirits first and putting ghosts first [is not as good as] putting first investigation of my own knowledge.58 64 兵勝於朝廷 The army’s victory [comes] from the court. 65 兵如總水 The army is like a [homogenous] mass of water.59 66 兵制必先定 The military regulations must be established first. 67 獨出獨入 [The army must be able to] leave on its own [will] and enter on its own [will.]60
56 In the Tang Taizong Li Weigong wendui text, this reads differently. Where Qi Jiguang has ‘general’ jiang , the original text has ‘masses’ zhong 眾. This change is supported by the Shandong edition. See Shandong edition Zhizhitangji: 527, Wujing qishu zhuyi: 585, Seven Military Classics: 350. 57 Lines 59-62 are from the third book of Tang Taizong Li Weigong wendui. 58 In the Weiliaozi text, this is supposed to be a quote from Huangdi (the Yellow Emperor.) Line 63 is from the first chapter of Weiliaozi. 59 In the Weiliozi text, it reads ‘trees’ instead of ‘water’. “Water is mentioned in line 75.” See Seven Military Classics: 244. Lines 64-65 are from the second chapter of Weiliaozi. 60 Lines 66-67 are from the third chapter of Weiliaozi.
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68 率民必先禮信 When leading the people, the rites and trust must be put first.61 69 三者先王之本務 Three were the main tasks of the former kings.62 70 聖人所貴人事 As for what the sage esteems, it is the [meritorious] service of men.63 71 兵少靜勝 When the army is scarce in numbers, it is victorious through quietness64 72 善將者愛與威 To be an expert in generalship, [one needs to understand the principles of] affection and awe.65 73 武議在於一人 Military plans are all with one man. 74 賢士有合大道可明 When there is unity between worthies and [military] officials, the great dao can be illuminated. 75 勝兵似水 The victorious army resembles water.66
61 In the Weiliozi text, the subject of this line is ‘The ancients’. See Seven Military Classics: 248. 62 These three tasks are agriculture, defensive preparation and battle. See Seven Military Classics: 249. 63 Lines 68-70 are from the fourth chapter of Weiliaozi. 64 The Zhizhitangji has this text (兵少靜勝). This seems strange, but again it is supported by the Shandong editin. See: Shandong edition Zhizhitangji: 527. The original text in the Weiliaozi reads “The military is victorious through being quiet.” (兵以靜 勝). See Seven Military Classics: 250, Wujing qishu zhuyi: 166. There is no good reason for the change to the text in the Zhizhitangji and Qi Jiguang does not do anything similar with the other passages he quotes. Thus it seems to me that a copy error mixing up the characters 以 and 少 is the most likely reason for this change. 65 In the Weiliaozi text, the sentence closes with a final particle and should be translated as “...only affection and awe.” Lines 71-72 are from the fifth chapter of Weiliaozi. 66 Possibly a copy error from this line or a slip of memory by Qi Jiguang resulted in replacing ‘trees’ with ‘water’ in line 65.
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76 聖人謹人事 The sage pays heed to the [meritorious] service of men.67 77 四者各有法 As for the four, they all have their own method.68 78 人君有必勝之道 The ruler [must] have a method [or: dao] to always win. 79 興師必審內外之權 When you mobilize the army, you must investigate the [balance of] power in and outside of the borders.69 80 事必有本 An affair [always] has its root. 81 虛實兵之體 [As for] empty and substantial, they are the essential form of warfare.70
[Part Six:] Discussion of passages from the Huangshigong sanlüe
82 主將務攬英雄之心 The commander [should] make it his duty to catch the heart-minds of the valiant. 83 四者制其宜 As for the four, control their appropriateness.71 84 天地神明與物推移 Heaven and earth are spiritual and enlightened. They move [together] with the [physical] things.
67 Lines 73-76 are from the eighth chapter of Weiliaozi. 68 The four are gongs, drums, bells and flags. See Seven Military Classics: 266. Lines 77 is from the eighteenth chapter of Weiliaozi. 69 Lines 78-79 are from the twenty-second chapter of Weiliaozi. 70 Lines 80-81 are from the twenty-third chapter of Weiliaozi. 71 The text is abbreviated and different in meaning from the original in the Huangshigong sanlüe. The ‘four’ are four cases of application of the principles of the concepts of the soft and the hard. The text in the Huangshigong sanlüe is about combining these four principles, a meaning that is lost in Qi Jiguang’s abbreviated version. See Seven Military Classics: 292.
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85 聖人存之以應事機 The sage makes it exist and answers the potentials of the affairs.72 86 為國之道恃賢與民 The method [or: dao] of governing a state relies on the worthies and the people. 87 得其幹收其本 Get hold of the trunk and get the root.73 88 用兵之要在崇禮 The most important factor in warfare lies in holding up the [correct] rites. 89 恕己而治人 Treat [the troops] fairly as [you would treat] yourself and order the troops that way. 90 良將養士不易於身 The good general nurtures the officers [or: soldiers] not different from himself.74 91 三皇無言而化流四海 The Three August Ones left no words, but their [cultural] transformation flowed to the four seas [or: everywhere in the world.]75 92 帝者體天則地 The emperor embodies heaven and emulates earth. 93 王者制人以道 The king orders men [or: the people] by the dao [or: by the right methods.] 94 聖人體天 The sage embodies heaven.76
72 ‘It’ refers to the ‘subtle’ wei 微 in the Huangshigong sanlüe text. See Seven Military Classics: 292. 73 The ‘trunk’ is the valiant men and the ‘root’ is the people. See Seven Military Classics: 294. 74 The term shi 士 can refer to both the soldiers in general or to the officers only. Lines 82-90 are from the first book of Huangshigong sanlüe. 75 The ‘Three August Ones’ sanhuang refers to three pre-dynastic rulers or cultural heroes of Chinese tradition. The composition of the list of the Three August Ones differs according to the different sources. See Chang Kwang-chih 1999: 66-71. 76 Lines 91-94 are from the first book of Huangshigong sanlüe.
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95 正己化人者順 [If] he who rectifies himself and transforms others does act according [to the dao,]77 96 五者一體 [And] the five are one [unified] body,78 97 國安而眾善至 [Then] the state will be in peace and the numerous experts will arrive [in that state.]79 98 君子急於進賢 The ruler should be anxious to promote the worthies.80
[Part Seven:] Discussion of passages from the Liutao
99 大哉賢德之君 Great is the worthy and virtuous ruler!81 100 神明之德正靜其極 Spiritual and enlightened virtue is the climax of uprightness and tranquility.
77 The text in the Huangshigong sanlüe is different, including a subjunctive contruction. In the Huangshigong sanlüe, the text would read: “[He who first] rectifies himself and then transforms others acts according [to the dao]”. See the original text and the proposed translation in Wujing qishu zhuyi: 504. 78 The five are the dao, virtue, benevolence, righteousness and the rites. See Seven Military Classics: 304. 79 Lines 95-97 are not linked in the Huangshigong sanlüe, but Qi Jiguang re- assembles their context in such a way that it seems he intends a causal relationship between the sentences in these lines. Alternatively, Lines 95 and 96 could be read as isolated sentences. Line 97 would then also need to interpreted as an isolated sentence, which only makes sense as a conditional construction: “If the state is in peace, the numerous experts will arrive.” The context in the Huangshigong sanlüe makes it seem unlikely that such a meaning is intended. See Seven Military Classics: 304. 80 Line 98 could also be understood as linked with lines 95-97. Lines 95-98 are from the third book of Huangshigong sanlüe. 81 In the Liutao, this is a quotation attributed to king Wen of the Zhou. King Wen (11th cent. BCE) was the founder of the Zhou dynasty, whose reign laid the foundation for the successful overthrow of the Shang dynasty (16th cent. BCE-11th cent. BCE) by his son, king Wu. See Shaughnessy 1999: 307-310.
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101 人君有六守三寶 The ruler of men has six [principles that mus be] protected and three treasures.82 102 人君必從事於富 The ruler of men must pursue the goal of [achieving] wealth [in the state.] 103 聖人配之以為天地經紀 The sage adjusts to it and thus makes heaven and earth his ideal.83 104 守國與天地同明 [If the ruler] protect the state, [his government] will radiate the same as heaven and earth.84 105 王者之道如龍首 The dao [or: method] of the king is like a dragons head: 106 誠暢於天地 [The kings] sincerity reaches out to heaven and earth.85 107 聖人將動必有愚色 The sage, when about to move, will certainly wear a stupid expression. 108 大明發而萬物皆照 When a great light [or: the sun/moon] appears, all things are illuminated. 109 大哉聖人之德 Great is the virtue of the sage! 110 聖人守此而萬物化 The sage protects this and all things are transformed.86
82 The six principles are: benevolence, righteousness, loyalty, trust, courage and planning. The three treasures are: agriculture, artisanry (Sawyer translates: ‘industry’) and agriculture. See Seven Military Classics: 45f. 83 ‘It’ refers to the dao. See Seven Military Classics: 47f. 84 Some editions of the Liutao have ‘great earth’ dadi 大地 instead of ‘heaven and earth’ tian di 天地. The Liutao text also does have a comparative (“[If] you protect the state like this, [your government] will radiate the same as heaven and earth”), which Qi Jiguang omits. See Wujing qishu zhuyi: 286. 85 Lines 105 and 106 are separate sentences in totally different context in the Liutao. See Seven Military Classics: 50f. Rhetorically, line 105 needs to close with a witty point, which line 106 seems to provide: The dragon is linking the principles of heaven and earth in the same way that the ruler should. Lines 99-106 are from the first chapter of Liutao.
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111 聖人見始知終 [When] the sage sees the beginning, he knows the end.87 112 十二節備乃成武事 Only when the twelve measures are prepared, the military affairs can [then] be successful.88 113 聖人所貴 What the sage values89 114 奇正發於無窮之源 Is [the principle of] the unorthodox and the orthodox coming forth from an inexhaustible source. 115 聖人徵天地之源 The sage looks for omens in the movement of heaven and earth. 116 將者人之司命 The general is the master of fate. 117 萬代不易五行之神 For ten-thousand generations without change are the spirits of the five agencies [or: wuxing.] 118 五行佐勝之徵 The five agencies are [or: give] omens to aid victory.
86 It is not clear, what ‘this’ refers to in this sentence. In the Chinese text, the more specific anaphoric pronoun ci 此 is used for ‘this’, instead of the more general object pronoun zhi 之. The authors of the Wuijng qishu zhuyi translation and the Sawyer translation both suggest that in the context of the Liutao, it refers to “the Tao of actionless action”. See Seven Military Classics: 55. Wujing qishu zhuyi: 303. In the context of the Wujing qishu zhaiti, it might refer to line 108, especially to the ‘great light’, which also is the name of the reigning Ming dynasty. 87 In the Liutao text, there is a possessive pronoun qi 其 ‘their’ before both ‘beginning’ and ‘end.’ which are in embedded in relative constructions with suo 所. It would thus read “[When] the sage sees its beginning, he knows its ending.” See Wujing qishu zhuyi: 305. Qi Jiguang shortened this sentence without any substantial change to the meaning. 88 The twelve measures are a set of strategies for intriguing and plotting against enemies. See Seven Military Classics: 56f. Lines 107-112 are from the second chapter of Liutao. 89 Line 113 is a case similar to line 18. As a relative construction, it is not a complete sentence on its own and needs to be linked to line 114.
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119 六甲微妙之神 The six jia are the spirit of subtlety and the marvellous.90 120 五音聲色之符 The five notes are the symbols of sounds and colors. 121 神明大勝之徵 Spirits and enlightenment are the foretelling of a great victory.91 122 用兵之具盡於人事 The instruments of warfare are all [already prepared] in [the instruments used in] the affairs of men.92 123 善為國者取於人事 The expert at governing a state takes [the instruments of warfare] from the affairs of men.93 124 三軍以戒為固 The army is made solid by strict discipline.94 125 三軍同名而異用 The three [parts of the] army have the same name but have different use.95
Interpretation
As mentioned in the introduction, the Wujing qishu zhaiti should be understood in the context the political climate of its time. Writing on the classics is also a manipulation of tradition and thus of legitimacy.
90 This line is cryptic. Sawyer suggests, that the ‘six jia’ liu jia 六甲 refer to the first six of the sixty combinations of the celestial stems and earthly branches. See. Seven Military Classics: Footnote 58 on page 406. 91 Qi Jiguang’s text differs dramatically from the original in the Liutao. See Wujing qishu zhuyi: 347. Seven Military Classics: 74. The text Qi Jiguang’s gives is a bit cryptic and one could assume an error in the text, but the Shandong edition Zhizhitangji gives the same text. See Shandong edition Zhizhitangji: 529. Apparently, Qi Jiguang shortened the text dramatically and changed the meaning of his quotations by changing the context. 92 This refers to the use of agricultural tools and ressources in warfare. 93 Lines 113-123 are taken from the third chapter of the Liutao. 94 Line 124 is taken from the fourth chapter of Liutao. 95 Line 125 is taken from the sixth chapter of Liutao.
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What has been termed ‘military culture’ in China in general and in Ming China specifically has been an important subject of research in China history in the last decade or so. The volume on Military Culture in Imperial China, edited by Nicola Di Cosmo, has summed up this new field of research in a number of articles by leading researchers in the field. 96 It has been demonstrated, that the military formed an important part of the politics and culture of Chinese states from antiquity to the present – even though the actual forms of this military culture varied. Participation of military men in civil culture was quite normal in the late Ming period; on the other hand, Ming literati took interest in military culture, or at least some aspects thereof. 97 As Kathleen Ryor states: “(...) boundaries as may be perceived in literati culture that appear to segregate wu from wen need not be taken as absolute or universally accepted.”98 It is clear that the military played an important part in the Ming state – for practical reasons too, it should be added.99 But it should also not be forgotten, that all orthodoxy was based on Confucian classics and its interpretation. In comparison, military literature played a minor role in state ideology. And while military men would surely have identified themselves as Confucians, they also had an intimate knowledge of the military classics that was not required of anyone outside the military. While it is important to acknowledge the importance of military culture under the Ming, we should not overlook the fact that the military apparatus and its personnel played a secondary role behind the civil one. On first sight, the Wujing qishu zhaiti could be mistaken for poetry by a modern reader, even though he would soon discover, that in fact the whole text consists of quotes from the military classics and that it does not rhyme or follow other poetical conventions. However, in a pre-modern edition, the disjunct, short and concise sentences would not be reminiscent of poetry to the reader, as poetry was not broken
96 Di Cosmo 2009. 97 Robinson 2013: 360-369. 98 Ryor 2009: 242. 99 Filipiak 2008: 296-304.
Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 04:03:33AM via free access Qi Jiguang’s 戚繼光 Wujing qishu zhaiti 武經七書摘題 31 into lines in pre-modern editions. The broken and spaced text of the Wujing qishu zhaiti in pre-modern editions would look familiar to contemporary readers for another reason: It resembles a bibliographical list; which is a most unusual way of presenting a text. Also the fact that it appears in the literary collection, rather than as a part of Qi Jiguang’s military writings, would place the writing in the realm of literature, hinting at the possibility that it could be poetry. Overall, Qi Jiguang changes only little in the text and most lines are completely unchanged quotations from the original texts. In some cases, minor abbreviations have been made, which delete modal words, pronouns, rhetorical particles and conjunctions. These changes are easily explained by the need to abbreviate the text and by the goal of achieving an aesthetically pleasing form. An example of a major change is found in line 20, where a new sentence is constructed from the topics of two different sentences, deleting the predicate of the first sentence. These are the more extreme cases of change, where Qi Jiguang actually constructs a new text by a collage technique of “dissociation and re-contextualization of quotes and tags from authoritative texts”, as He Yuming describes it in her study of a Ming riddle text.100 For example line 18 and 19 are very likely to be understood as one sentence by the reader. The text in line 18 lacks a predicate, while line 19 works perfectly well as a predicate (or comment) to line 18. In the Sunzi bingfa text, the text from the two lines is not directly connected. Qi Jiguang connects these two de-contextualized quotes to create a new context, which is a summary of the whole chapter: “What the Yellow Emperor employed to defeat the four emperors, [is to] command [through] the civil [wen] and order [through] the martial [wu].” A similar case is found in lines 55-58, where three concepts of military theory “Taigong’s method of delineating terrain, the subtle mysteriousness of yin and yang according to the strategists, Sunzi’s methods[, they all] will not be revised in ten thousand generations [or: ever]” are summed up in the statement that “[With] the ancients, it often is like this.” Qi Jiguang does not simply summarize these concepts, but reconfigures them as a discrete unit.
100 He Yuming 2013: 26.
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Even more extreme are those cases where Qi Jiguang connects sentences that are not even from the same chapter. Line 77 “As for the four, they all have their own method.” is unrelated to lines 73-76, but in the context of the Wujing qishu zhaiti gives the impression that it sums up these four lines which precede it. But this is not necessary and line 77 can also be read as an independent sentence – which it is in the Weiliaozi. It is, however, very cryptic if read without good knowledge of the original text. To understand it, the reader must be assumed to know the Weiliaozi context of that passage by heart. Line 36 can be read as a summation of the lines preceding it, but it can also be read independently. Qi Jiguang requires a lot of interpretative work from his readers to bring out these finer points. It seems unlikely that there is a single one true interpretation either, but rather as if multiple possible readings are a deliberate feature of Qi Jiguang’s construction of the text. The grammatical changes that he subjects the citations to seem to be motivated by the need to shorten the passages and to free them of the traces of their context, i. e. removing conjunctions, pronouns etc. But also by filling in necessary grammatical arguments, in most cases the subject of a sentence. An example would be line 121, where he shortens the quoted text so much that he comes up with a new meaning. The passage “[T]hese are indications of having obtained spiritual, enlightened assistance, foretelling a great victory” 101 is changed to “spirits and enlightenment are the foretelling of a great victory”. ‘Spirits and enlightenment’ are cut out of context and without their modified noun ‘assistance’, they become the topic or subject – and most likely the agent – of the new sentence. Also the focus of attention is shifted to ‘spirits and enlightenment’, which in the original text merely sum up a number of positive signs indicating a strong army.102 Qi Jiguang in his Wujing qishu zhaiti follows the military classics closely and keeps his citations in the original order in which they appear in the text. The only exception is in line 118, which should
101 Seven Military Classics: 74. 102 See Seven Military Classics: 74, Wujing qishu zhuyi: 347.
Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 04:03:33AM via free access Qi Jiguang’s 戚繼光 Wujing qishu zhaiti 武經七書摘題 33 come after line 119, as line 119 appears earlier in the original text. This is the only case of such a nature and probably best explained as an oversight on part of Qi Jiguang. It is also possible that he felt that logically the wuxing needed to be introduced before other cosmological concepts could be mentioned. The strictly linear fashion of the presentation of his citations necessitates a hierarchical progression in the order in which the works appear. By this format, Qi Jiguang can comment on the relative importance of the military classics. Even more indicative, he did not choose to put the texts in chronological order. But it seems he made a conscious decision to make a statement on the relative importance of the texts. The texts appear in the following order: 1 Sunzi bingfa (27 lines) 2 Wuzi (3 lines) 3 Sima fa (9 lines) 4 Tang Taizong Li Weigong wendui (23 lines) 5 Weiliaozi (19 lines) 6 Huangshigong sanlüe (17 lines) 7 Liutao (27 lines) The Sunzi bingfa obviously holds special prominence in the synopsis. It is placed in the honorary first position and is not introduced by a separate headline. The reader is expected to know that the Sunzi bingfa naturally must be the first text in such a collection of ancient military writings. For the Sunzi bingfa, Qi Jiguang gives at least one sentence out of every chapter of the text and sometimes more than one. The only exception is chapter eight, which does not appear at all. Given that chapter eight is one of the shortest chapters in the Sunzi bingfa, it might be pure chance or even oversight – but that is unlikely, given how cunningly other parts of the text are constructed. A possible explanation might be that chapter eight includes a passage about how the commander can choose not to accept all commands from the ruler.103 Qi Jiguang may have thought it
103 See Seven Military Classics: 171. The Cao Cao commentary makes it very clear that this passage is to be understood exactly that way: The general can disobey the
Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 04:03:33AM via free access 34 Felix Siegmund safer to avoid any connection of his person and profession with such a statement, which could easily be used against him in the climate of intrigue under the late Ming. The order of the other texts is interesting in so far as that there is no obvious concept to it. It is not chronological, neither does it seem to be decided by relative importance, as the relative length of the quotations from the other texts shows. Other texts do not receive that much attention and quotations from them are much shorter – even though a quantified comparison is made difficult by the difference in length of the original texts and in the way texts are split into longer or shorter sub-units of books and chapters. Qi Jiguang values the Sunzi bingfa most, which is not astounding, as it is the most famed military text at least since the military leader and emperor of the Wei state Cao Cao (155-220) wrote his commentary, which served as the starting point for a long commentatorial tradition on the Sunzi bingfa text. On the other hand, it is interesting how little attention he shows to the Wuzi, which is generally assumed to be the second most important text in the Chinese tradition of military texts, even though civil officials sentiments have sometimes opposed the text.104 The text is second in order, but is summed up in only three lines, which do not even cover all the chapters in the Wuzi. Qi Jiguang seems to hint that other text might be more important, as he gives them much more room. The Liutao comes last, but it is quoted extensively in 27 lines, while the third text, the Sima fa, only gets 9 lines. There are multiple layers on which Qi Jiguang invents new meaning for the text. He highlights the parts of the text that he chooses to include in his synopsis, thus declaring them to be more important than the parts he omitted. Then he constructs a new text by placing his citations into another context, often in fact de- contextualising these citations, and also by the slight alterations that he subjects his citations to. By reinforcing parts of the text as
ruler’s orders when in the field. Some of the other commentaries try to tone it down, while agreeing with Cao Cao on the overall meaning. See Shiyi jia zhu Sunzi bingfa: 171. 104 See Seven Military Classics: 192 and 453.
Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 04:03:33AM via free access Qi Jiguang’s 戚繼光 Wujing qishu zhaiti 武經七書摘題 35 containing the core meaning, Qi Jiguang comments on which parts of the text are the central passages to its understanding. He does thus suggest a certain reading of the classical military texts, which I will try to elaborate on later. Interestingly, Qi Jiguang has included – consciously or not – yet another layer on which new meaning is constructed. He cites some lines which in turn include citations. But this is not visible from his text anymore, as the context that identifies the text in question as a quotation is not cited. Line 49 and 51 are such a case, where a line is quoted from the Tang Taizong Li Weigong wendui, which, in turn is a quote from the Sunzi bingfa. As the two lines are parts of parallel constructions, both of which have the Sunzi bingfa quotation as a comment to the topic introduced in the line before (lines 48 and 50) this is unlikely to be coincidental. One could say that Qi Jiguang is not citing Tang Taizong Li Weigong wendui here, but is in fact citing more of the Sunzi bingfa. Whether that is a conscious decision or not, it challenges the reader and tests his knowledge of the classical literature and his ability to identify the source of such quotations. In short: It is part of the ‘game’ that Qi Jiguang plays with the reader.105
Qi Jiguang’s reading of the military classics and its meaning
I have argued that the Wujing qishu zhaiti should in fact be understood as a kind of commentary on the military classics, giving an outline of Qi Jiguang’s approach to the military classics and his understanding of them. I will now point out a few features of the understanding of the classics that this interpretation seems to suggest. Ray Huang has suspected that Qi Jiguang was interested in cosmology and that his military thought was influenced by such factors.106 I would suggest that evidence from the Wujing qishu zhaiti tells otherwise. From this text, Qi Jiguang does not seem to have taken much interested in cosmology. An exception are lines 115-121
105 Text games, in which well-known texts were puzzled together into ‘new’ texts were quite popular in Ming China. Cf. He 2013: 17-21. 106 See Huang 1981: 186f.
Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 04:03:33AM via free access 36 Felix Siegmund which obviously deal with cosmological problems and are among the most arcane in the whole text. Further possible exceptions are found in lines 34, 47, 84, 94, and 114. Line 34 refers more generally to the state and does not deal with military problems in-depth. Line 47 should be interpreted as a reference to rituals of ancestor worship.107 These are more in the sphere of social identity than in that of mantic practice, a view which is reinforced by line 68. Line 84 could be understood to refer to geographical and meteorological problems, as is the usual interpretation for the concepts of earth and heaven in the Sunzi bingfa. 108 Line 94, “the sage embodies heaven”, could be understood as a metaphysical concept. But it can equally well be understood as a reference to the correct understanding of natural phenomena and the practical usage of these. 109 The ‘inexhaustible source’ mentioned in line 114 could refer to cosmological concepts, but is probably better understood as a metaphor for the many possibly situations explicable by the concepts of the orthodox and the unorthodox. The military classics contain a wealth of materials on supernatural questions, but Qi Jiguang ignores most of them. This seems to suggest a naturalist understanding of military theory, which is based on empirical evaluation of political and military factors. As line 63 sums up: “Putting spirits first and putting ghosts first [is not as good as] putting first investigation of my own knowledge.” The statement in line 58 has at least two layers of meaning. In the first layer, of course, Qi Jiguang pays homage to the ancients and acknowledges their achievements. He is bound to do so by tradition and habitus, i. e. how he is expected to act as a member of his social class and as participant of literary discourse. The other side of the meaning is about the shortcomings of the classics. “With the ancients, it often is like this” – there often is unclear terminology, many of the concepts are extremely metaphorical and sometimes even obscure. Lines 55-58 could be read as critique of the blind use of tradition without the necessary adjustment to adapt to the change that warfare
107 See Wujing qishu zhuyi: 540. 108 See Shiyi jia zhu Sunzi: 4-7. 109 See Wujing qishu zhuyi: 499.
Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 04:03:33AM via free access Qi Jiguang’s 戚繼光 Wujing qishu zhaiti 武經七書摘題 37 had seen since antiquity. Qi Jiguang was highly critical of any inflexible use of the military methods of antiquity. For example, he wrote in his Lianbing shiji: “The weapons [used] in the military are very diverse. What was used in antiquity is not the same as what is used today. This is because one adjusts to the changes of the enemy.”110 If we can leave the problem of the underlying concept of innovation (“adjusts to the changes of the enemy”) aside, Qi Jiguang understood warfare prone to changes and must be treated accordingly. “With the ancients, it often is like this” can be understood as an expression of frustration with the abstract and arcane teachings found in the old books, which have little connection to the realities of warfare that Qi Jiguang and his colleagues dealt with. Leadership is an important theme in Qi Jiguang’s selection. Line 42 even gives He Qubing as an example. As there is no further context, the focus of that line is not on the ancient texts Sunzi and Wuzi, but on He Qubing as a military man and exemplary commander. He Qubing has not left any military writings and most of what is known about him is anecdotal. However, exactly this anecdotal nature of the image that He Qubing stands for seems to be what attracts Qi Jiguang’s interest. He Qubing symbolizes the mastery of the practical aspects of military work; good leadership and martial success. These are the qualities that Qi Jiguang stresses in his own military writings and the lack of appreciation of which in his own age he lamented. He Qubing is thus a positive role-model that Qi Jiguang recommends for emulation in his own time. In line 59, Qi Jiguang changes the text of Tang Taizong Li Weigong wendui from “The [principle of the] usage of the masses [of soldiers] lies in the unification of the heart-mind.”111 to “The [principle of the] usage of the general lies in the unification of the heart-mind.” From the theoretical works of Qi Jiguang it is clear that he was deeply aware of the problems of organization and leadership, so it seems unlikely that he would consider a statement about the use of generals more important than one about leadership. Qi Jiguang is writing from the
110 Lianbing shiji: 300. 111 See Wujing qishu zhuyi: 585.
Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 04:03:33AM via free access 38 Felix Siegmund perspective of a general and has his own agenda of stressing the importance of military men and their claim to elite status. It would not be appropriate to assume that Qi Jiguang compiled such a synopsis without an intention, nor to assume that it was chosen for publication in his collected writings without purpose. The commentatorial nature of the text has been explained above. But there is another dimension of political and social meaning to the text: There are peculiarities in the text that suggest that Qi Jiguang intended to argue in favour of the military officials as a social layer with this text. Qi Jiguang demonstrates the existence of a rich canonical tradition of military texts, which can be understood as the military counterpart of the civil (Confucian) canon. The texts are ancient, they are written in a refined language and the texts are unified in such a way as to give the impression of an interconnected corpus, held together by a fundamental set of principles. The Wujing qishu zhaiti only hints at the vast possibilities of interpretation and commentary that the military canon holds. But by only hinting at the texts meaning, not giving away too much, by not explaining the more arcane passages, the military canon of the Seven Military Books is made to look all the more awe-inspiring and venerable. The existence of such a textual corpus and of a tradition associated with it places the military officials in a position as a legitimate counterpart of the powerful civil officials. By writing such a piece, Qi Jiguang is able to pose as a scholar, thus getting in a position to enter into a virtual dialogue with civil officials of scholarly habitus. This is also the case in his poetry which besides the obvious poetic occupation of artistic expression does serve the end of reinforcing Qi Jiguang’s habitual credibility as a bona fide scholar in the sinic tradition. It does not matter whether his poems –or the Wujing qishu zhaiti– are any good or not. 112 The important point is that through his text Qi Jiguang is able to assume a role that in Late Imperial China had been monopolized by civil officials.
112 Ray Huang does not think much of Qi Jiguang’s poetry. See Huang 1981: 183.
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Qi Jiguang can challenge the reader of civil official-scholar background on his own ground. Through his usage of the military classics, he implies that the military classics are worthy of attention and should be known by heart, so that the Wujing qishu zhaiti can actually be understood. Such a collage play assumes intimate knowledge of the texts and the subversive catch lies exactly in this: Instead of laying out arguments in favor of the military classics, Qi Jiguang treats that question as already decided and goes right to the next level of the meta- textual manipulation of said text and its usage in social interaction. The target audience would be Confucian scholars, mostly of civil background. A good example for scholarly habitus meant to appeal to such Confucian scholars is found in line 99. It is the very first quotation from the Liutao, a quote that is attributed to king Wen of the Zhou, a king praised in the Confucian tradition as an exemplary ruler. It is also the only quotation by king Wen in the Wujing qishu zhaiti, even though the Liutao is a dialogue between Taigong and the Zhou kings Wen and Wu. Every other quotation from the Liutao is from a part attributed to Taigong. It seems evident that the prominent place in the first line is intentionally reserved for the Confucian figurehead king Wen, who thus gives legitimacy to Qi Jiguang’s discourse of military tradition. In line 64, the statement that “the army’s victory [comes] from the court”, can be read as an acknowledgment of civil superiority similar to the aforementioned omission of chapter 8 of the Sunzi. In the context of Qi Jiguang’s time, line 74 can be understood as a statement in favour of the equality of military and civil officials. Of course, in the Warring States period, when the Weiliaozi text, which he quotes in that line, was written, no such problem existed. It is not even clear who exactly ‘worthies and [military] officials’ refers to. But in the context of the Ming, it is hard to imagine any other interpretation than that of the two classes of civil and military officials. Line 108: “When a great light [or: the sun/moon] appears, all things are illuminated” could well be a tribute to the throne. The ‘great light’ is synonymous with the Ming dynasty and the idea, that the Ming should illuminate all things sounds like a proposal for a solution of the project of cultural dominance. If read that way, ‘this’ in line 110
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“The sage protects this and all things are transformed” could be understood as referring to the Ming dynasty itself, which the emperor – or his generals – need to protect and develop by military means. Having written all this, the argument probably looks too strong. The history of reception of the Wujing qishu zhaiti is unknown, it is even unclear whether there was any actual reception of the text during Qi Jiguang’s lifetime. The text might well have been kept in storage, waiting for an opportunity that was never to arise. And history shows that there was no actual turn towards an elevation of the military canon to a status that could be compared to the civil official’s Confucian canon in any practically relevant way. The civil canon maintained its position as the main corpus of reference for civil and military officials at least until the end of the Imperial era in 1905. In the end, the Wujing qishu zhaiti is a piece of writing that contains a vision of how the history of military classic studies could have developed – but didn’t.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Please note that there are no separate entries for Wuzi, Sima fa, Tang Taizong Li Weigong wendui, Weiliaozi, Huangshigong sanlüe and Liutao. These texts are cited from the Wujing qishu zhuyi or in the translation from Seven Military Classics. The only exception is the Sunzi bingfa, which is cited after the Shiyi jia zhu Sunzi bingfa.
CHANG, Kwang-chih, “China on the eve of the historical period”, Michael Loewe, and Edward Shaughnessy (eds.), The Cambridge History of Ancient China. From the Origins of Civilization to 221 B.C., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999: 37-73. DI COSMO, Nicola (ed.), Military Culture in Imperial China, Cambridge, London: Harvard University Press, 2009. FAN Zhongyi 范中义, “Qi Jiguang zai kangri zhanzheng zhong mei sha guo yi ge Ribenren ma? 戚继光在倭战争中没杀过一个日本人吗?”, Junshi lishi 军事历史 1/2015, 2015:49-52. FILIPIAK, Kai, Krieg, Staat und Militär in der Ming-Zeit (1368-1644), Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2008.
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HE, Yuming, Home and the World. Editing the “Glorious Ming” in Woodblock- Printed Books of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, Cambridge, London: Harvard University Press, 2013. HUANG, Ray, 1587. A Year of No Significance. The Ming Dynasty in Decline, New Haven, London: Yale University Press, 1981. HUANG Zhaohong 黄兆宏, “He Qubing Yuanshou er nian Hexi zhi zhan de zhanshu ji xiangguan wenti 霍去病元狩二年河西之战的战术及相 关问题”, Shanxi datong daxue xuebao shehui kexue ban 山西大同大学学报 社会科学版, 26/5, 2012: 19-21; 29. KANG Hyeok Hweon, “Big Heads and Buddhist Demons: The Korean Musketry Revolution and the Northern Expeditions of 1654 and 1658”, Journal of Chinese Military History , 2/2, 2014: 127-189. KONG Fanxin 孔繁信, “Minzu yingxiong Qi Jiguang de ‘Hengshuogao’ shi 民族英雄戚继光的《横槊稿》诗”, Yantai shifan xueyuan xuebao zhexueban 烟台师范学院学报哲社版 4/1989, 1989: 62-67. LIANBING SHIJI = Qi Jiguang 戚繼光, Lianbing shiji 練兵實紀, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2001. LIANG Zijie 梁自洁 and SHI Kezhen 史克振, “Pijing gouchen. Xian jiangshuaishi bense. Du Qu Shuscheng zhushiben Qi Jiguang shigao. 辟 径钩沉. 显将帅诗本色. 读曲树程注释本戚继光诗稿”, Shandong shehui kexue 山东社会科学 6/1994, 1994: 88-89. LIAO Zhaoheng 廖肇亨, “Shifa ji qi bingfa. Mingdai zhonghouqi wujiang shixue yiyun tanquan 詩法即其兵法. 明代中後期武將詩學義蘊探 詮”, Mingdai yanjiu 明代研究 16, 2011: 29-56. LING Lihua 凌丽华 and Liu Yuxin 刘聿鑫 (eds.), Qi Jiguang nianpu 戚继光 年谱. Ji’nan: Shandong daxue chubanshe, 1999. MILLINGER, James, “Ch’i Chi-kuang. A Military Official as viewed by his contemporary Civil Officials”, Oriens Extremus 20, 1973: 103-117. NG Pak Shun, “Qi Jiguang’s ‘Oral Instructions from the Podium’”, Journal of Chinese Military History 3/2, 2014: 140-190. QU Shucheng 曲树程 (ed.), Qi Jiguang shigao 戚继光诗稿, Yinchuan 银川: Huanghe chubanshe, 1991. ROBINSON, David M., Martial Spectacles of the Ming Court, Cambridge, London: Harvard University Press, 2013. RYOR, Kathleen, “Wen and Wu in Elite Cultural Practices during the Late Ming”, Di Cosmo, Nicola (ed.), Military Culture in Imperial China. Cambridge, London: Harvard University Press, 2009: 219-242.
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Seven Military Classics = Lee-Sawyer, Mei-chün and Ralph Sawyer, The Seven Military Classics of Ancient China, New York: Basic Books, 1993 [reprint 2007]. Shandong edition Zhizhitangji = Qi Jiguang 戚繼光, “Zhizhitangji 止止堂 集”, Shandong wenxian jicheng biancuan weiyuanhui 山東文獻集成編 篡委員會: Shandong wenxian jicheng 山東文獻集成 1/34. n.p.: Shandong daxue chubanshe, n.d.: 427-544. SHAUGHNESSY, Edward L., “Western Zhou History”, Michael Loewe and Edward Shaughnessy (ed.), The Cambridge History of Ancient China. From the Origins of Civilization to 221 B.C., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999: 292-351. SHIYI JIA ZHU SUNZI = Yang Bing’an 楊丙安 (ed.) Shiyi jia zhu Sunzi jiaoli 十一家注孫子校理, Beijing 北京: Zhonghua shuju 中華書局, 1999. SIEGMUND, Felix, “The Circulation of Military Knowledge and its Localization. Some Notes on the Case of Military Techniques in Late Chosŏn Korea”, Eggert, Siegmund and Würthner (eds.), Space and Location in the Circulation of Knowledge (1400-1800). Korea and Beyond. Frankfurt a. M.: Peter Lang, 2014: 39-66. —— “The adaption of Chinese military techniques to Chosŏn Korea, their validation, and the social dynamics thereof”, Kai Filipiak (ed.), Civil- Military Relations in Chinese History. From ancient China to the Communist takeover, London, New York: Routledge, 2015: 172-190. SUN Jianchang 孙建昌, “Danxin zhao hanqing. Jiantan Qi Jiguang junlüshi de aiguo qingcao. 丹心照汗青. 浅谈戚继光军旅诗的爱国情操”, Shandong renda gongzuo 山东人大工作 2/2007, 2007: 50. WERHAHN-MEES, Kai (transl.), Ch’i Chi-kuang. Praxis der chinesischen Kriegsführung, München: Bernard & Graefe, 1980. Wujing qishu zhuyi = ‘Zhongguo junshi shi’ bianxiezu 《中国军事史》编写 组 (eds.), Wujing qishu zhuyi 武 经 七 书 注 译 , Beijing: Jiefangjun chubanshe, 1986. ZHAO Xiangru 赵相如, Kang wo mingjiang Qi Jiguang 抗倭名将戚继光. Hangzhou: Xiling yinshe chubanshe 西冷印社出版社, 2010. Zhizhitangji = Qi Jiguang 戚繼光, Zhizhitangji 止止堂集, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2001. ZHOU Xiao 周潇, “Qi Jiguang wenxue chengjiu pingshu 戚继光文学成就 评述”, Dongfang luntan 东方论坛 1/2011, 2011: 88-92. ZHU Ze 朱泽, “Shi jian zhi jiao. Ji Wang Daokun, Qi Jiguang de youyi pianduan. 诗剑之交. 记汪道昆, 戚继光的友谊片断”, Anhui shixue 安 徽史学 5/1984: 32-38.
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Glossary
Cao Cao 曹操 (155-220) Guan Zhong (7th cent. BCE) 管仲 Guanzi 管子 Han 漢 He Qubing 霍去病 (140 BCE-177 BCE) Hengshuogao 横槊稿 Huangshigong sanlüe 黃石公三略 Liu Bei (161-223) 劉備 Liutao 六韜 Lü Shang (12th-11th cent. BCE) 吕尚 sanhuang 三皇 Shang 商 Shu 蜀 Sima fa 司馬法 Sunzi bingfa 孫子兵法 Taigong 太公 (see Lü Shang) Tang Taizong Li Weigong wendui 唐太宗李衛公問對 Wang Daokun 汪道昆 (1525-1593) Weiliaozi 尉繚子 Wen (king) 文王 (r. 11th cent. BCE) Wu (king) 武王 (r. 11th cent. BCE) Wuzi 吳子 Xiongnu 匈奴 Yuyugao 愚愚稿 Zhuge Liang 諸葛亮 (181-234)
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