Appropriating South Korean Popular Culture: I-Pop and K-Drama Remakes in Indonesia

Appropriating South Korean popular culture: I-pop and K-drama remakes in Indonesia

S.M.G. Tambunan Department of English, Faculty of Humanities, Universitas Indonesia, Depok, Indonesia

ABSTRACT: The dynamic flow of South Korean popular cultural products has trans- formed the way “East Asia” is perceived in Indonesia. Consumption of these products greatly influences consumers’ imagination, as argued by Appadurai, which becomes an arena of negotiation as well as contestation in the sites of individual and communal agency. On the one hand, consumers in Indonesia perceive these products as a representation of “East Asia,” which is considered a well-known entity that is often used as a strategic defense mechanism (i.e., against Western cultural domination). On the other hand, consumers are seeking for more familiar goods in the form of mimicking products, such as I-pop’s boy/girl band or Indonesian television sinetron copying plots from K-dramas. This paper investigates how cultural borrowing and/or appropriating are strategically used in the meaning-making process of the new global and the modern portrayed by South Korean popular cultural products and their copycat versions. The author argues that, instead of focusing on the authentic and inauthentic cultural products that oversimplify the debate, this phenomenon should be ana- lyzed as a form of pastiche, which reveals the repetitive nature of popular culture flows in Asia as well as of cultural borrowing and/or appropriating.

1 INTRODUCTION

On April 28, 2014, RCTI, one of the biggest television stations in Indonesia, broadcast a local television soap opera, also known as sinetron, entitled “Kau yang Berasal dari Bintang,” which can be literally translated to “You who Came from the Star.” Within the first week of its release, there was a massive outcry accusing the television soap opera as a plagiarized version of a South Korean soap opera, “Man from the Stars” (SBS), which was very popular in 2014. The outcries came from Indonesian fans as well as those from other Asian countries who claimed that the Indonesian version had copied the storyline, the characters, and even the opening scenes. SBS, who had the official intellectual property right of the television show, threatened to take legal actions, which made RCTI decide to withhold the broadcast and finally change the storyline. Indonesia has been accused, even by Indonesians themselves, as a country that plagiarized a large variety of popular cultural products from many countries, especially East Asian countries. This reflects how the flow of East Asian cultural products in Indonesia has not only ignited the rapid rise of Korean/Japanese wave in Indonesia but also the scandalous production of these plagiarizing products. Besides sinetron, the rising popularity of I-pop, which could be seen as the Indonesian version of South Korean idol girl/boy bands, is also an indication of how the popular culture industry in Indonesia constantly reworks and remakes products from South Korea as a ripple effect of K-wave global invasion. Therefore, claims and accusations of Indonesia as a copycat nation have always been the main narration to make meaning out of these recent cultural phenomena. As an end result of the popular culture traffic in Asia, plagiarizing products reflect an ambiguous meaning-making process, as consumers, while longing for the real products, are actually seeking for more familiar goods, such as I-pop’s boy/girl band or Indonesian

291 television sinetron copying plots from K-dramas. In this study, the author argues that the copycat texts could be seen as a pastiche revealing the repetitive nature of popular culture flows in Asia. Furthermore, I-pop and K-drama remakes in Indonesia have strategically used the means of cultural borrowing and/or appropriating. As I-pop, for example, replicates the K-pop industry, the mimicking act is no longer a work of plagiarism, as it becomes a way for the Indonesian music industry to rework the already successful formulae. By analyzing these mimicking cross-cultural products, the study reveals that there is a continuous negotiation between the actors involved in the invasion of K-wave and the process of reinscribing these cultural products.

1.1 Conceptualizing and contextualizing South Korean pop culture in Indonesia It is of utmost importance to see how the flow of South Korean products, or other East Asian countries’ products, such as those from Japan and Taiwan, actually works in the Indo- nesian context. Intra-Asian cultural traffic, which has intensified in the last decade, does not imply that the emerging regional connection between Asian countries is happening because of its geo-cultural connection. The regional dynamics occurs because “Asia” is considered a depository of in-betweenness. There has been a capitalization of Asian cultural affinities in order to create a suppositious network of intra-Asian cultural traffic. Chen Kuan-Hsing argued that historical memories within Asia have shaped the redefinition of Asia in each context. “Inside the region itself, anxiety over the meaning of Asia arises from the politics of representation” (2010, p. 215). The term Intra-Asia, in the case of Indonesia, actually empha- sizes the construction of a bordered imagined space of “Asia” in order to ensure the flow of unthreatening cultural products. It reflects not only the geographical space of the flow itself but also the setting of the boundaries in the distribution and consumption of East Asian cultural products in Indonesia to separate clearly what is considered “Asia” and not “Asia.” During the time when Indonesia’s social and political condition is overpowered by escalating politics of morality and anti-West rhetoric, East Asian television series, for example, is used as a strategic defense mechanism, creating a bordered imagined space of “Asia” to ensure the flows of unthreatening cultural products (Tambunan, 2013). Furthermore, East Asian popular culture should not be seen as an essentialized materialization of Japanese/Taiwanese/ Korean culture. Iwabuchi argued that: “These popular culture are undoubtedly imbricated in U.S. cultural imaginaries, but they dynamically rework the meanings of being modern in Asian contexts at the site of production and consumption. In this sense, they are neither ‘Asian’ in any essentialist meaning nor the second-rate copies of ‘American originals.’ They are inescapably ‘global’ and ‘Asian’ at the same time, lucidly representing the inter- twined composition of global homogenization and heterogenization …” (Iwabuchi, 2002, p. 16) East Asian cultural products are the embodiments of global and Asian, so they could not be simply categorized as an antithesis of Western cultural products. In other words, these products, including the television dramas or idol bands, are already hybridized products. To theorize and make sense of these copycat idol bands or television series remakes are a complicated task. Most research mainly deals with “… a superficial point-by-point, pluses-and-minuses kind of analysis. Often this kind of discussion employs a common strategy: the critic treats the original and its meaning for its contemporary audience as a fixity, against which the remake is measured and evaluated. And, in one sense, the original is a fixed entity” (Horton & McDougal, 1998, p. 15). In previous research, the original text is often considered a fixed authentic text and then the researcher would analyze and evaluate the remake or the copycat text based on the original text. Therefore, even though it is significant to refer to the original text, as argued earlier to say that something is original or not is contestable, it would be more fruitful to analyze the 292 remake/copycat text as an entity in itself. In other words, the analysis needs to go beyond the superficial level of what is original and what is not to see how the new text has reworked the formulae or structure of the original text. Therefore, the research will explore the underlying agency in response to the original text’s overbearing recognition.

1.2 I-pop: Mimicking K-pop cross-bordering characteristics The first case study to be explored in this study is I-pop, which is an amalgamation of the word Indonesia and K-pop. I-pop has become a significant part of the Indonesian music industry, although there is a strong resistance from Indonesian consumers. As reported by Arientha Primanita in a Jakarta Globe article (2012), the Tourism Minister, Mari Elka Pang- estu, speaking at the Indonesia Creative Products Week (PPKI), pointed out that Indonesia’s creative industry would be able to craft I-pop as an innovative commodity. There are two main developments of I-pop to be highlighted in this discussion, which are the earliest wave in 2010–2011 (SM*SH and Cherrybelle) and the latest ones, which would be categorized as the made-in-Korea version of I-pop (S4 and SOS). The four boy/girl bands mentioned are examples from each stage of development. They are considered the most rep- resentative in terms of popularity and recognizability. The first two, SM*SH and Cherrybelle, are the earliest K-pop “look and sound-alike” groups, which receive a lot of resistance from Indonesian consumers. Local media entertainment companies produce these two groups. Meanwhile, S4 and SOS are groups formed, trained, and produced by a local entertainment company in cooperation with a South Korean music agency, emphasizing the made-in-Korea distinctiveness. The discussion will now focus on the characteristics of these two waves of I-pop as they resonate K-pop’s global and cross-bordering characteristics. A palpable characteristic of SM*SH and Cherrybelle, which enunciates a K-pop zest, is the standardized practice of idol fabrication. Soon after they release their debut singles, both groups could be seen in all kinds of media format. They became spokespersons for a number of products. SM*SH members starred in their own television drama (Cinta Cenat Cenut, 2011), and Cherrybelle had a television reality show (Chibi Chibi Burger, 2012). By using all of these media formats as promotion and marketing tools, there is a process of image fabrication. Group members are made into idols through how they look, which highlights the similarities to K-pop idols. The necessity to make them look like K-pop idols is shaped through the aforementioned multiple media formats. Furthermore, the image of a group is kept accentuated as most of these media promotion strategies focus on the group and not on individual members. One of the most identifiable characteristics of K-pop is the “idol-making system and global marketing strategies” (Shim, 2008), as well as the “star manufacturing system” (Shin, 2009). These strategies integrate the production process, such as in the training of talents, as well as the management system. “The recent success of K-pop acts in Japan exempli- fies the typical idol-making strategies of Korean entertainment companies, which is mainly driven by capitalist desires. They do this first by adopting globally popular cultural elements from Japan and the United States, then repackaging and manufacturing culturally hybridized products” (Jung & Hirata, 2012, p. 6). It is through this idol-making system that entertainment companies, driven by capitalist desire, manufacture and repackage K-pop products before circulating them to other parts of the world. In the production process, these entertainment companies train future idols in long training periods, which last from 5 to 7 years. They are not only trained in singing and dancing, but also on how to be multiskilled enter- tainers. Therefore, an analysis on recent development of I-pop must not only scrutinize the aspect of plagiarism because it would only pore over what is considered as authentic and local in I-pop. Seeing that I-pop is a reaction and reproduction of K-pop, what needs to be examined is the elements that constitute I-pop, which could also be identified in K-pop. The latest development of I-pop, S4, and SOS could be considered as made-in-Korea I-pop products, taking the mimicking process into a different level. The boy band, S4, was formed from the winners of Galaxy Superstar, a reality show in one of the local television stations in cooperation with a South Korean music agency. The reality “talent” show was 293 produced by the Indonesian YS Media Entertainment and the winners of the show were sent to Seoul to go through an 8-month training camp run by Rainbow Bridge Artist Agency, one of the K-pop training agencies in Seoul, South Korea. S4 became one of the first Indonesian boy bands trained in South Korea, who underwent an excessive training process like K-pop idol groups but within a shorter period of time than K-pop groups. The members also expe- rienced physical transformation. For instance, one of the members lost 20 kg in the training camp. They dyed their hair and changed their fashion style, which makes them look exactly like K-pop idols, even though they are Indonesians. Besides their appearances, S4 members were trained to sing in Korean and learned basic Korean phrases. As reported by Budi Suwarna in a Kompas article (27 January 2013), the four members would use the Korean greeting style when they met reporters or fans. They would bow down and say “Annyeong Haseyo!” This intensification of Korean-ness in their greetings and how they learned to sing in Korean echo a different form of articulating K-pop elements in this newest I-pop product. Compared with earlier I-pop groups, S4 amalgamates the actuality that they are made in Korea. The idol-making system in which each boy/girl band is fabricated through multiple media activities resonates with the K-pop idol-making system, even though the Indonesian version is done within a shorter time period. It is not only about the music, but, more importantly, about the process of making the members as idols as well. What makes up the complete idol package is their songs and dancing ability, fashion style, and even their manner of greeting people, such as that of S4. It could be concluded that there are two different yet comparable ways in mimicking K-pop highlighting different aspects of the cross-bordering characteristics. Earlier waves of I-pop have reproduced K-pop products by making carbon copies of the songs, dance movements, and the construction of idols. However, for its later predecessors, it is more significant to enhance the Korean-ness of their products. As entertainment companies fabricate different ways of mimicking K-pop, it also reflects the elements that constitute K-pop as a new global product. Frederic Jameson (cited in Dyer, 2007) proposed that, in the postmodern era, the world is starved of new ideas. The most palpable option is to attempt to recreate and reinvent already existing products, especially those coming from the past, even if this past is not our own, which could explain the repetitive phenomenon of replicating products just like I-pop.

1.3 Remaking/appropriating Korean trendy drama narrative elements Besides I-pop, Indonesian sinetron or soap operas, which are remaking K-dramas, are another way to mimic Korean popular cultural products in Indonesia. Indonesian sinetron through- out its development since the early 1990s has always been considered a product of plagiarism, even though it has been one of Indonesian television prime time shows. These sinetrons, copying either Korean, Japanese, Indian, or, recently, Turkish television soap operas, are very successful and widely accepted, while, at the same time, they are also receiving criticism as plagiarizing products. One of the reasons why these sinetrons are copying the storylines from other countries’ television dramas is: “Only high demanded sinetron will be prolonged by the TV station. This situa- tion made producers of production houses seek proven saleable drama series from abroad. The successful TV series from Japan, Taiwan, India, Hong Kong, and now- adays Korea becomes their target. It is not because those countries have a similar cultural background as Asian, but also because those series have proved themselves as a money maker in their own country and even abroad.” (Gunawan, 2011, p. 4). These sinetrons produce a lot of money for the production house and the television station. The different ways in which television drama production is done in Korea and Indonesia have greatly influenced the process of remaking/appropriating. For example, the original usually consists of 25 episodes, while the remakes could have more than 50 episodes or could even reach 100–200 episodes if the sinetron is successful. To see how these remakes actually work on the narrative structure and elements from the original television dramas, the author looked at one sample of data, which has already 294 been mentioned at the beginning of this article. The Indonesian sinetron entitled “Kau yang Berasal dari Bintang” (KYBDB) is a remake of a K-drama, “You who Came from the Stars” (YWCFTS). The remaking elements can be seen even from the opening scenes. The title itself is a direct translation from the Korean version. Watching the first few episodes of KYBDB, one would directly notice that there are a lot of similarities between the Indonesian and Korean versions. For example, in the first episode, almost all of the scenes are similar in both the narrative sequence and the cinematography (e.g., the choice of setting). Every scene looks and sounds similar; however, KYDDB actually made some significant changes. As mentioned earlier, Indonesian sinetron has specific characteristics in the narrative elements that have become a formula even in remaking K-dramas. In KYDDB, the core of the story is the male protagonist’s romantic journey to get his “wings” back by finding the one girl who can teach him how to love. He was depicted as an angel who fell from the sky 364 years ago and lost his wings. This is entirely different from the male protagonist’s back-story in YWCFTS, who was an alien whose space ship landed on Earth 400 years ago during the Joseon Dynasty. His job is to wait until a meteor hits or arrives on Earth at a particular time in the future. The completely dissimilar way of representing the male protagonists as an alien and an angel could be seen as how the Indonesian sinetron industry appropriated the narrative elements in the Korean version to fit its own formulae. Research findings reveal that these sinetrons, as they remake K-dramas, are appropriating their narrative elements in order to fit into the Indonesian sinetron structure and, in doing so, reconstructing the K-dramas’ formulae. The narrative structure of sinetron usually revolves around the representation of black and white characters. The protagonist is usually portrayed as the good character experiencing bad things in his or her life. The antagonist is bad, manipulative, and causes many difficulties for the protagonist. Rarely are there characters outside these two categories. Most of the sinetron films focus and evolve around this kind of story … The message mostly explained in such sinetron story is that “patience and goodness will get one to happiness” (Udasworo, 2013, p. 159–160). In KYDBD, the female protagonist is represented as a snobbish actress just like the protagonist in YWCFTS. However, in the Indonesian version, there are some scenes portraying her as someone with morals. As she was introduced as a snobbish actress, she was also depicted as a woman with compassion. In one scene, she stepped off her car unexpectedly when she saw an old lady eating leftover food from the trashcan. This scene does not exist in the Korean version. She then gave her money and went back to her car. The story then moves on to other similar scenes that could be found in YWCFTS. The addition of that short scene to portray a protagonist, who, in spite of being snobbish, actually has a sense of compassion, in fact shows there is a conscious effort to emphasize the sinetron formula that the protagonist is a nice person. This actually encourages K-drama enthusiasts to reflect upon this deliberate wandering from the original version. The sharp characterization of the snobbish actress as the protagonist was temporarily disturbed when she did that particular act of kindness. The different core stories of the alien and the angel are also a form of appropriation, as the idea of an angel seems to fit the cultural framework of the Indonesian sinetron. The storyline of an angel trying to find his wings back by finding his one true love is parallel with most Indonesian sinetron romantic storylines. Meanwhile, the back-story for the protagonist in the Korean version is completely different, even though a romantic storyline is still the main narrative pattern, just like any other Korean trendy dramas. Looking at the remaking process as a form of cultural borrowing as in borrowing the narrative structure and cinematographic elements as well as appropriating some of these elements to fit the sinetron formulae, we can see that there is more to this moment of pastiche. The remakes offer a way of enjoying, understanding, and accessing these foreign texts, K-dramas, while conforming to a specifically sinetron language. “…the act of pastiching can also affirm the position of the pasticheur and may consequently form part of a politics of undermining and overthrowing the original” (Dyer, 2006: 157). On the surface, it looks like any other acts of pastiche, while at the same time producing a commercially successful sinetron hit while de-authenticating and deconstructing K-dramas in the process. 295 2 CONCLUSION: “COPYCAT” PRODUCTS AS THE GLOBAL PASTICHE

Copycat products are viewed by some as a symptom of creativity collapse of the Indonesian popular culture industry, especially in the wake of globalization, creating multiple opportu- nities for cross-cultural amalgamation. I-pop and sinetron that remake K-dramas are appropriating Korean cultural products in such a way that this cross-cultural appropriation allows the translation of East Asian cultural flow into the Indonesian context. The remake texts, especially in music and television, alter the original version to better suit the Indonesian consumers. It is clear that the Indonesian remakes offer the consumers a unique pleasure that could not be produced by the original.

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