Download the Blood Telegram: Nixon, Kissinger, and a Forgotten

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Download the Blood Telegram: Nixon, Kissinger, and a Forgotten THE BLOOD TELEGRAM: NIXON, KISSINGER, AND A FORGOTTEN GENOCIDE DOWNLOAD FREE BOOK Gary J Bass | 499 pages | 15 Jul 2014 | Vintage Books | 9780307744623 | English | United States Collateral Damage A meticulously researched and searing indictment of the shameful role the United States played. On the night of March 25,the Pakistan army had begun a relentless crackdown on Bengalis, all across what was then East Pakistan and is today an independent Bangladesh. But and a Forgotten Genocide greatest let down for me started not long after when the author started chipping in with political commentaries and seemed like making ones opinion basing on his own interpretations of events, which may be tilted or biased as they were heavily leaning one side. Nixon and Kissinger, Kissinger by detailed warnings of genocide from American diplomats witnessing the bloodshed, stood behind Pakistan's military rulers. HIs special focus is on Nixon and Kissinger, the American leaders who shaped and guided the United States' response to the unfolding political, humanitarian and finally military crisis in East Pakistan during The relevancy and power of this book stems from the basic moral dilemmas that it addresses on practically every page. When we think of U. Bass waded and a Forgotten Genocide innumerable books and journals to get his facts right and place them in context in addition to transcribing thousands of hours of White House official tapes and extracting relevant stuff out of it then. The forced exodus of ten million Bangladeshis in - ninety percent of whom were Hindu, the genocide of an estimated three million Bangladeshis, and the rape of close to half a million women - were all small prices that Henry Kissinger and Richard Nixon willingly paid in exchange of opening bilateral ties with China, and in the process getting their names enshrined as statesmen. It is a story of immense scope, vividly populated by figures of enduring fascination, and ripe with implications for the ongoing struggle to strike a more honorable balance between wartime realpolitik and our ideals of common humanity. A morally serious book that nevertheless reads like a first-rate novel. Bass, a professor of The Blood Telegram: Nixon at Princeton, has revived the terrible and little-known story The Blood Telegram: Nixon the birth of Bangladesh inand of the sordid and disgraceful White House diplomacy that attended it. One is used to foreign policy being conducted by most nations in a dispassionate manner, Kissinger their own nations' interests being the prime focus. His latest book reads like an urgent dispatch from the frontline of genocide, a lucid and poignant description of a moral collapse in American foreign policy. He is the Kissinger of politics and international affairs at Princeton University. Even though Kissinger himself admits that they would have supported Pakistan whether the 'China opening in ' The Blood Telegram: Nixon there or not, the idea has gained currency that the indebtedness to Md. The book is a powerful indictment of Nixon and Kissinger. Highly recommended. Showing Heavy-handed dealings by the Pakistan government and military when they refused to recognize legitimately elected leaders in East Pakistan served as the catalyst for the aggressive separation advocates. In addition, India found itself supporting the secession of what would become Bangladesh from Pakistan, at the same time it was crushing its own Kashmiri secessionist movement in Kashmir. The crux of the issue was that the United States was supplying the weaponry that the Pakistani government was using to crush any Bengali opposition in East Pakistan. Nixon stands disgraced over Watergate but The Blood Telegram: Nixon wilful role in the genocide in East Pakistan had not till now received the full historical attention it deserved. Central to the narrative, hence the Blood Telegram, is the refusal of Kissinger and Nixon to heed the advice of their diplomats in South And a Forgotten Genocide. The story behind the independence movement in Bangla Desh which created a chain reaction of diplomatic maneuvers as Pakistan tried to suppress Kissinger aspirations. Kissinger I have interviewed Bass and met him socially a couple of times. The White House was actively and knowingly supporting a murderous regime at many of the most crucial moments. The book says that Nixon was inclined to like the Pak military men because he was treated effusively when he visited them whereas Indian leaders were aloof and Kissinger during his meetings with them in and a Forgotten Genocide s. It is a terrible story but uplifting too because of the resistance of State Department officials, led by the US Consul in East Pakistan a heroic figure named Blood, The Blood Telegram: Nixon all things! The author documents the flow of events faithfully and accuratel This book was given to me by a dear friend and it kept waiting for almost Kissinger years before i finally picked it up! I would have enjoyed the book more if it had been written by a journalist. In the odd years that America and the Soviet Union faced off in the cold war, the people who presumed to run the world started with the knowledge that it was too dangerous, and possibly even suicidal, to attack one another. Yahya Khan, who sent General Tikka to control B'desh was really the tipping point when the refugee crisis seriously started settling in. Add this to their favoritism for Pakistan and their constant obsession over The Blood Telegram: Nixon Cold War, and you have a volatile mix of unhinged emotions dictating U. Jun 14, Michael rated it really liked it. Dominated by Punjabis, the army moved brutally, shooting and detaining Bengali leaders, intellectuals and anyone who opposed them. The diplomats on the scene 28 State Department officers signed the telegram in addition to Archer Blood reported that the systematic destruction of And a Forgotten Genocide society fit the terms of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide all too well. Overall, Pakistan's atrocities were met with a telling silence from the White House. Otherwise he and Kissinger come across terribly probably an easy thing The Blood Telegram: Nixon do. Bass rightly says - millions of innocent Bangladeshis died were just collateral damage for Nixon's ambitious China project. Night after night, Blood heard the gunshots. There was no mention, nor was there any concern for, the thousands and thousands of Bengalis who died. The book has been an important lesson for me on not just the war and the history of the birth of Bangladesh, but also as a learning on world politics, the Cold War context, foreign Kissinger and the hidden motives that define the realms and repercussions of international conflict. The meetings between Gandhi and Nixon in Washington in November, reflected the disdain the two leaders felt for each other. When the Islamabad government backed away from the election results Bengali nationalists and the Awami League began to demonstrate and a Forgotten Genocide it appeared that East Bengal might secede from Pakistan. In the process, many of them jeopardised their careers for good. But the struggle was fierce, and what that meant in practice was that the competition played out in impoverished The Blood Telegram: Nixon like Cuba and Angola, where the great statesmen vied, eyed and subverted one another, and sometimes loosed their local proxies, all in the name of maintaining the slippery but all-important concept known as the balance of power. The book starts with a telegram by Archer Blood, who in the midst of this war, will have to heavily pay for his career all because of Kissinger's and Nixon's ignorance. The contempt for genocide is breathtaking: I guess if you take the thirty thousand foot view you can ignore all those inconvenient people you can't really see anyway. The Blood Telegram: Nixon, Kissinger, and a Forgotten Genocide But throughout it all, from the outbreak of civil war to the Bengali massacres to Pakistan's crushing defeat by the Indian military, Nixon and Kissinger, unfazed by detailed knowledge of the massacres, Kissinger stoutly behind Pakistan. According to Bass, in aiding and abetting Pakistan Nixon and Kissinger come across as a pair of Machiavellian racists. All the sophistication vanished, replaced with a relentless drumbeat against India. The relevancy and power of this book stems from the basic moral dilemmas that it addresses on practically every page. Still, I would have liked to have read about him having the guts to confront if not Nixon, at least Kissinger — who he owed absolutely nothing — over their incendiary and dangerous actions. But you know, I think Biafra stirred people up more than Pakistan, because Pakistan they're just a bunch Kissinger brown goddamn Moslems. Bass shines a much-needed spotlight. Admirable clarity. The Blood Telegram: Nixon writer claimed that the whole book and a Forgotten Genocide result of research on now publicly disclosed US archives, which it certainly shows and builds on. There was no public condemnation—nor even a private threat of it—from the president, the secretary of state, or other senior officials. Pakistani citizens The Blood Telegram: Nixon are unaware of the brutalities that were committed on East Pakistanis back in ' The most fascinating aspect to the crisis as war approached was the dialogue between India and the United States. Quite comprehensive work. Bringing us into the drama of a crisis exploding into war, Bass follows reporters, consuls, and guerrilla warriors on the ground—from the desperate refugee camps to the most secretive conversations in the Kissinger Office. It is a remarkable achievement, and deserves to be on every shelf. However, it is all not negative news on the US front in This included the usual duplicity and the illegal funneling via third parties to supply Pakistan.
Recommended publications
  • Bangladesh and Bangladesh-U.S. Relations
    Bangladesh and Bangladesh-U.S. Relations Updated October 17, 2017 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44094 Bangladesh and Bangladesh-U.S. Relations Summary Bangladesh (the former East Pakistan) is a Muslim-majority nation in South Asia, bordering India, Burma, and the Bay of Bengal. It is the world’s eighth most populous country with nearly 160 million people living in a land area about the size of Iowa. It is an economically poor nation, and it suffers from high levels of corruption. In recent years, its democratic system has faced an array of challenges, including political violence, weak governance, poverty, demographic and environmental strains, and Islamist militancy. The United States has a long-standing and supportive relationship with Bangladesh, and it views Bangladesh as a moderate voice in the Islamic world. In relations with Dhaka, Bangladesh’s capital, the U.S. government, along with Members of Congress, has focused on a range of issues, especially those relating to economic development, humanitarian concerns, labor rights, human rights, good governance, and counterterrorism. The Awami League (AL) and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) dominate Bangladeshi politics. When in opposition, both parties have at times sought to regain control of the government through demonstrations, labor strikes, and transport blockades, as well as at the ballot box. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has been in office since 2009, and her AL party was reelected in January 2014 with an overwhelming majority in parliament—in part because the BNP, led by Khaleda Zia, boycotted the vote. The BNP has called for new elections, and in recent years, it has organized a series of blockades and strikes.
    [Show full text]
  • Revolutionary Afghanistan Is No Exception
    CONTENTS PREFACE 1. In Search of Hafizullah Amin 6 2. Three Revolutionaries 12 3. A House Divided: the PDPA, 1965-1973 25 4. The Making of a Revolution: the PDPA, 1973-1978 39 5. The Inheritance: Afghanistan, 1978 53 6. Strategy for Reform 88 7. The Eid Conspiracy 106 8. A Treaty and a Murder: Closing the American Option 120 9. The Question of Leadership 133 10. The Summer of Discontent 147 11. The End Game 166 12. ‘. And the People Remain’ 186 Select Bibliography 190 PREFACE PREFACE The idea for this book arose from a visit to Kabul in March 1979 when it became immediately obvious that what was happening in Afghanistan bore little relation to reports appearing in the Western media. Further research subsequently reinforced that impression. Much of the material on which the book is based was collected in the course of my 1979 field trip which took me to India, Pakistan and the United Kingdom as well as Afghanistan and during a follow-up trip to India and Pakistan from December 1980 to January 1981. Unfortunately by then times had changed and on this second occasion the Afghan government refused me a visa. Texts of speeches and statements by Afghan leaders and other Afghan government documents have for the most part been taken from the Kabul Times, since these are in effect the official version. I have however taken the liberty where necessary of adjusting the syntax of the Afghan translator. The problem of transliteration is inescapable, and at the risk of offending the purists I have chosen what appears to be the simplest spelling of Afghan names and have tried to be consistent.
    [Show full text]
  • Applying the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court: a Case Study of Henry Kissinger
    Applying the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court: A Case Study of Henry Kissinger Steven Feldsteint TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction .......................................... 1665 I. Background ........... ....... ..................... 1671 A . H enry Kissinger ........................................................................ 1672 B. The Development of International Humanitarian Law ............. 1675 1. Sources of International Law ............................................. 1676 2. Historical Development of International Humanitarian L aw ..................................................................................... 16 7 7 3. Post-World War 11 Efforts to Codify International Hum anitarian Principles ................................................. 1680 a. The 1948 Genocide Convention ......................................... 1680 b. The Geneva Conventions ................................................... 1682 c. United Nations Suite of Human Rights Conventions ......... 1684 C. The Development of International War Crimes Tribunals ....... 1685 1. N urem berg Tribunal ........................................................... 1685 2. IC TY and IC TR .................................................................. 1687 3. The International Criminal Court ....................................... 1688 4. U niversal Jurisdiction ......................................................... 1694 5. A lien Tort Claim s A ct ........................................................ 1695 I1. Individual Accountability
    [Show full text]
  • By Any Other Name: How, When, and Why the US Government Has Made
    By Any Other Name How, When, and Why the US Government Has Made Genocide Determinations By Todd F. Buchwald Adam Keith CONTENTS List of Acronyms ................................................................................. ix Introduction ........................................................................................... 1 Section 1 - Overview of US Practice and Process in Determining Whether Genocide Has Occurred ....................................................... 3 When Have Such Decisions Been Made? .................................. 3 The Nature of the Process ........................................................... 3 Cold War and Historical Cases .................................................... 5 Bosnia, Rwanda, and the 1990s ................................................... 7 Darfur and Thereafter .................................................................... 8 Section 2 - What Does the Word “Genocide” Actually Mean? ....... 10 Public Perceptions of the Word “Genocide” ........................... 10 A Legal Definition of the Word “Genocide” ............................. 10 Complications Presented by the Definition ...............................11 How Clear Must the Evidence Be in Order to Conclude that Genocide has Occurred? ................................................... 14 Section 3 - The Power and Importance of the Word “Genocide” .. 15 Genocide’s Unique Status .......................................................... 15 A Different Perspective ..............................................................
    [Show full text]
  • A" Time When Principles Make Best Politics"? the Western Response To
    A “Time When Principles Make Best Politics”? The Western Response to “Genocide” in East Pakistan by Richard David Pilkington A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of PhD-History Department of History University of Toronto © Copyright by Richard David Pilkington 2016 A “Time When Principles Make Best Politics”? The Western Response to “Genocide” in East Pakistan Richard David Pilkington PhD-History Department of History University of Toronto 2016 Abstract This study examines the formulation of and interplay between the US, Canadian, and British policies generated in response to the mass atrocities perpetrated by Islamabad authorities in East Pakistan during 1971. It focuses on the reactions of these three closely-connected North Atlantic powers to the gross human rights abuses, analyzing the decision-making processes in Washington, Ottawa, and London during the crucial first few months of the crisis, identifying the forces at play in determining policy, and investigating the nature, development, and resolution of debates over national interests and ethical concerns. The analysis is built primarily upon documentary evidence from the US National Archives, the Nixon Presidential Materials Project, Library and Archives Canada, and the National Archives of the United Kingdom. In Washington, President Richard Nixon and his national security advisor, Henry Kissinger, exerted great personal influence over the determination of policy and favored a strategy of appeasement. Importantly, their secret initiative to secure rapprochement with China, which only sprang into life at the end of April, did not drive their thinking during the vital first month after the clampdown began as Kissinger has previously claimed.
    [Show full text]
  • Journal of Arts & Humanities
    Journal of Arts & Humanities Volume 08, Issue 05, 2019: 19-31 Article Received: 17-04-2019 Accepted: 26-04-2019 Available Online: 19-05-2019 ISSN: 2167-9045 (Print), 2167-9053 (Online) DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.18533/journal.v8i5.1640 The U.S. Misunderstanding of India during the 1971 South Asia Crisis Adhitya Mahesh1 ABSTRACT During the 1971 South Asia Crisis, the United States (U.S.) ultimately sided with Pakistan due to President Yahya Khan’s creation of a backchannel between the U.S. and China. The objective of the research in this article is to explore the Nixon–Kissinger style diplomacy’s framework for analyzing intelligence during this crisis, its effects on the formulation of foreign policy and on Indo–American relations. The cognitive psychological paradigms of Fundamental Attribution Error and Self-Fulfilling Prophecy will be used to underscore the Nixon administration’s framework for selecting facts and processing information, enforcing a Pygmalion Effect; the beliefs of the U.S. and India influenced their actions towards each other, reinforcing a cycle of preconceived ideas and contributing to an escalation of tensions during the crisis. Thus, the findings of this article are as follows: A humanitarian crisis required India’s intervention in the Pakistani Civil War for regional stability. Due to Pakistan’s role in aiding the Nixon administration’s opening of relations with China, there was a U.S. tilt towards Pakistan that was based not only off self-interest but also an incorrect assessment of India’s intentions which ultimately created a discrepancy between desired policy outcome and result.
    [Show full text]
  • Indo-U.S Relations
    W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 1988 Indo-U.S Relations Rahul N. Bhagat College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Bhagat, Rahul N., "Indo-U.S Relations" (1988). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539625468. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-r2yc-g771 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INDO-U.S. RELATIONS 1947 - 1972 A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of Government The College of William and Mary in Virginia In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts by Rahul N. Bhagat 1988 APPROVAL SHEET This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Author Approved, May 1988 Donald J./Baxter Alan J. /ward Clayton Clemens 1 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.................................... iv ABSTRACT ............................................. v INTRODUCTION ......................................... 2 CHAPTER I. 1942-1947 13 CHAPTER II. 1947-1954 ............................... 22 CHAPTER III. 1961-1965 54 CHAPTER IV. 1969-1972 ............................... 84 CONCLUSION............................................. Ill BIBLIOGRAPHY ......................................... 118 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author wishes to express his appreciation to Professor Donald J. Baxter, the advisor under whom this analysis was conducted, for his patient guidance, criticism, and support. The author would also like to thank Professors Alan J.
    [Show full text]
  • U.S. and USSR Bilateral Relations
    US AND USSR RELATIONS TABLE OF CONTENTS Afghanistan William W. Lehfeldt 1952-1955 Administrative Assistant, Technical Cooperation Administrative, Kabul Armin H. Meyer 1955-1957 Deputy Chief of Mission, Kabul Bruce A. Flatin 1957-1959 Political/Economic/Consular officer, Kabul William D. Brewer 1962-1965 Deputy Chief of Mission, Kabul William Piez 1963-1966 Ecnomic/Political Officer, Kabul Archer K. Blood 1965-1968 Deputy Chief of Mission, Kabul Victor Skiles 1969-1972 Deputy Director, USAID, Kabul Arnold Schifferdecker 1970-1972 Political Officer, Kabul Bruce A. Flatin 1977-1979 Political Counselor, Kabul James E. Taylor 1977-1980 Political Officer, Kabul Rudolf V. Perina 1979-1981 Political Officer, Moscow, Soviet Union Ernestine S. Heck 1980-1983 State Department; Afghanistan Desk Officer, Washington, DC Jon David Glassman 1987-1989 Chargé, Kabul Azerbaijan John P. Harrod 1975-1978 Exhibit Officer, USIS, Moscow Michael W. Cotter 1995-1998 Ambassador, Turkmenistan China 1960-1964 Economic Officer, Hong Kong Edwin Webb Martin 1945-1948 Chinese Language Training, Yale University (New Haven, Connecticut) and Beijing 1948-1949 Consular Officer, Hankow 1949-1950 Economic Officer, Taipei, Taiwan 1951-1955 Political Officer, Office of Chinese Affairs, Washington, DC 1953-1954 Political Advisor to Talks with Chinese, Panmunjom, Korea 1955 Talks with Chinese, Geneva, Switzerland 1958-1961 Office of Chinese Affairs, Washington, DC 1961-1964 Political Advisor, Commander in Chief, Pacific 1967-1970 Consul General, Hong Kong Marshall Green 1956-1960
    [Show full text]
  • Blood, Archer K
    The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project ARCHER K. BLOOD Interviewed by: Henry Precht Initial interview date: June 27, 1989 Copyright 1998 ADST TABLE OF CONTENTS Background Decision to enter the Foreign Service Succession of posts Foreign service class 1947) Thessaloniki, Greece 1947-1949 Political situation ).S. aid to Greece George Polk murder case Principal duties Munich 1949-19,1 Displaced Persons Program Considered leaving Foreign Service .outine work Algiers 19,0 Mid-career course Consular officer 1isenhower cut2acks Transfer to Bonn Bonn 19,0-19,, Chief of Official .eception Briefing officer Army liaison officer .elationship with German military 3ristoni4ation McCarthy period and allegations Inspector6s rating 3ashington 19,7-1972 1 19ecutive Secretariat 1ditor of top-secret staff summary Impressions of Secretary Dulles Mr. Herter Cyprus Desk Officer 19,8) ).S. policy toward Cyprus Greek vs. Turkish position Greek domestic pressure Dacca, Pakistan 1972-1974 Political officer and Deputy Principal Officer Political work Bengali grievances .elationship with 1m2assy AID vs. Foreign Service Opportunity to travel 3ashington 1974-197, Army 3ar College Head of N1A personnel branch DCM in Ka2ul 197,-1978 Open access to foreigners in Afghanistan .elationship with Soviets ).S. policy in Afghanistan Political Counselor in Athens 1978-1970 Pro2lems in Athens Post divided over support of ruling junta CIA support for junta Lack of am2assador Discussion of junta Consul General in Dacca, Pakistan 1970-1971 Change in Pakistan Cyclone of Novem2er of 1970 The Awami league De2ate over separation of Pakistan Pakistani politics Military crackdown ).S. policy during crackdown Political murders Question of evacuation Har2oring of Bengalis 1vacuation of Consulate General personnel and Americans 2 ).S.
    [Show full text]
  • Interview with Grant Smith
    Library of Congress Interview with Grant Smith The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project AMBASSADOR GRANT SMITH Interviewed by: Charles Stuart Kennedy Initial interview date: March 5, 1999 Copyright 2003 ADST [Note: This interview has not been edited by Ambassador Smith] Q: Today is March 5, 1999, and this is an interview with R. Grant Smith, and this is to be done on behalf of the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training, and I'm Charles Stuart Kennedy. Grant, let's start kind of at the beginning. Can you tell me when and where you were born and something about your family? SMITH: I was born on Long Island in 1938. My father was then a professor out there, but he later came to Washington during the war, to the War Production Board, and then joined the State Department and was Wristonized in 1956. Q: Wristonized meaning he was - SMITH: He became an FSO. Q: Yes, a Foreign Service officer. SMITH: He went from Civil Service to FSO in 1956, and then he backed up a bit. He had already served as a reserve officer in Bangkok and in Karachi, and in 1956 he became a regular Foreign Service officer and subsequently went off to Sri Lanka and New Delhi. I Interview with Grant Smith http://www.loc.gov/item/mfdipbib001081 Library of Congress did not accompany him to Sri Lanka and New Delhi, but I did in Bangkok and Karachi. I actually went to school in India, and then I did visit him in Sri Lanka.
    [Show full text]
  • The Intervention in Afghanistan and the Fall of Detente a Chronology *
    •• The Intervention in Afghanistan and the Fall of Detente A Chronology * August 31, 1926- The USSR and Afghanistan sign a Treaty ofNeutrality and Mutual Non-Intervention. Spring 1929 - Soviet military expedition, directed by Vitaly Primakov, the Soviet Military Attache in Kabul, penetrates into Afghanistan and becomes involved in power struggle there. October 1941 - The USSR issues a memorandum calling for Afghanistan's neutrality in the war. November 1941 - Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov sends a letter to the Soviet embassy in Kabul noting that "to fight in Afghanistan with the basmachi [armed Muslim guerrillas who fled from Soviet Central Asia] and the White Guard would mean provoking a war in Central Asia, which would be to the advantage of Germany and Japan. It would undercut our prestige in the East and destabilize the territories behind the Red Army's frontlines. Therefore, neutralization of Afghanistan and cooperation with Iraq and Saudi Arabia, along with strengthening relations with Yemen are the main tasks of our • policy in this region." (Lyakhovsky, p. 15) 1955-56- Soviet military equipment, armaments and specialists begin to appear in Afghanistan. 1963 - Nur Mohammad Taraki, Babrak Karma!, and others organize the United National Front of Afghanistan. 1965 - The People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDP A) is formed. Taraki becomes its general secretary, and Babrak Karma! secretary of the Central Committee. (Lyakhovsky, p. 17) Fall of 1966 - The PDP A is split into two factions, "Khalq" of Taraki and "Parcham" of Karma!. * This chronology was compiled by Malcolm Byrne and Vladislav Zubok with assistance from the staff of The National Security Archive.
    [Show full text]
  • Conflict in Afghanistan
    Downloaded by [University of Defence] at 20:15 09 May 2016 Conflict in Afghanistan Conflict in Afghanistan provides a timely discussion of the concept of asymmetric warfare which has become one of the main issues of the day in the wake of the attacks of 9/11 and the ensuing invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. Broadly speaking this describes a means of fighting where comparatively weak belligerents have been able to exploit successfully the vulnerabilities of their more powerful and sophisticated opponents. Two recent examples have been the Vietnam and the Soviet–Afghan wars, but the historical roots of the concept lie deeper, particularly in Afghanistan. Conflict in Afghanistan, laying emphasis on contemporary documents and drawing on material from Soviet archives, centres on wars conducted in Afghanistan which have been of the asymmetric variety. Subjects examined include: • five wars conducted in Afghanistan by an external invader over the past two centuries; • the decisions and actions of politicians and the military involved in the wars in question; • the successes and failures of diplomatic endeavours during the wars. This book is essential reading for those who have research interests in Asian studies, military studies and current affairs. Martin Ewans is a retired diplomat with considerable experience of South Asia, including three years as Head of Chancery in Kabul. He is author of Afghanistan: A New History and Afghanistan: A Short History of its People and Politics. Downloaded by [University of Defence] at 20:15 09 May 2016 Downloaded by [University of Defence] at 20:15 09 May 2016 Conflict in Afghanistan Studies in asymmetric warfare Martin Ewans Downloaded by [University of Defence] at 20:15 09 May 2016 LONDON AND NEW YORK First published 2005 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 270 Madison Ave, New York, NY 10016 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2005.
    [Show full text]