Diplomacy and Statecraft
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Bangladesh and Bangladesh-U.S. Relations
Bangladesh and Bangladesh-U.S. Relations Updated October 17, 2017 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44094 Bangladesh and Bangladesh-U.S. Relations Summary Bangladesh (the former East Pakistan) is a Muslim-majority nation in South Asia, bordering India, Burma, and the Bay of Bengal. It is the world’s eighth most populous country with nearly 160 million people living in a land area about the size of Iowa. It is an economically poor nation, and it suffers from high levels of corruption. In recent years, its democratic system has faced an array of challenges, including political violence, weak governance, poverty, demographic and environmental strains, and Islamist militancy. The United States has a long-standing and supportive relationship with Bangladesh, and it views Bangladesh as a moderate voice in the Islamic world. In relations with Dhaka, Bangladesh’s capital, the U.S. government, along with Members of Congress, has focused on a range of issues, especially those relating to economic development, humanitarian concerns, labor rights, human rights, good governance, and counterterrorism. The Awami League (AL) and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) dominate Bangladeshi politics. When in opposition, both parties have at times sought to regain control of the government through demonstrations, labor strikes, and transport blockades, as well as at the ballot box. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has been in office since 2009, and her AL party was reelected in January 2014 with an overwhelming majority in parliament—in part because the BNP, led by Khaleda Zia, boycotted the vote. The BNP has called for new elections, and in recent years, it has organized a series of blockades and strikes. -
The Coming Iran Nuclear Talks Openings and Obstacles
The Coming Iran Nuclear Talks Openings and Obstacles DENNIS ROSS January 2021 he Middle East will not be a priority in the Biden administration’s approach to foreign policy. But the T Iranian nuclear program will require a response.* With the Iranian parliament having adopted legislation mandating uranium enrichment to 20 percent and suspension of International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) inspections if sanctions are not lifted by February 2020 in response to the targeted killing of Iranian scientist Mohsen Fakhrizadeh— and with Iran now having accumulated twelve times the low-enriched uranium permitted under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action—the administration will have to deal with the Iranian challenge.1 To be sure, the nuclear program and its potential to make Iran a nuclear weapons state are not the only challenges the Islamic Republic poses: the regime’s ballistic missile program and destabilizing and aggressive behavior in the region threaten conflicts that can escalate both vertically and horizontally. But it is the nuclear program that is most pressing. *The author would like to thank a number of his Washington Institute colleagues—Katherine Bauer, Patrick Clawson, Michael Eisenstadt, Barbara Leaf, Matthew Levitt, David Makovsky, David Pollock, Robert Satloff, and Michael Singh—for the helpful comments they provided as he prepared this paper. He also wants to give special thanks to several people outside the Institute—Robert Einhorn, Richard Nephew, David Petraeus, Norman Roule, and Karim Sadjadpour—for the thoughtful comments -
Peace Between Israel and the Palestinians Appears to Be As Elusive As Ever. Following the Most Recent Collapse of American-Broke
38 REVIVING THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN PEACE PROCESS: HISTORICAL LES- SONS FOR THE MARCH 2015 ISRAELI ELECTIONS Elijah Jatovsky Lessons derived from the successes that led to the signing of the 1993 Declaration of Principles between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization highlight modern criteria by which a debilitated Israeli-Palestinian peace process can be revitalized. Writ- ten in the run-up to the March 2015 Israeli elections, this article examines a scenario for the emergence of a security-credentialed leadership of the Israeli Center-Left. Such leadership did not in fact emerge in this election cycle. However, should this occur in the future, this paper proposes a Plan A, whereby Israel submits a generous two-state deal to the Palestinians based roughly on that of Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert’s offer in 2008. Should Palestinians find this offer unacceptable whether due to reservations on borders, Jerusalem or refugees, this paper proposes a Plan B by which Israel would conduct a staged, unilateral withdrawal from large areas of the West Bank to preserve the viability of a two-state solution. INTRODUCTION Peace between Israel and the Palestinians appears to be as elusive as ever. Following the most recent collapse of American-brokered negotiations in April 2014, Palestinians announced they would revert to pursuing statehood through the United Nations (UN), a move Israel vehemently opposes. A UN Security Council (UNSC) vote on some form of a proposal calling for an end to “Israeli occupation in the West Bank” by 2016 is expected later this month.1 In July 2014, a two-month war between Hamas-controlled Gaza and Israel broke out, claiming the lives of over 2,100 Gazans (this number encompassing both combatants and civilians), 66 Israeli soldiers and seven Israeli civilians—the low number of Israeli civilians credited to Israel’s sophisti- cated anti-missile Iron Dome system. -
Revolutionary Afghanistan Is No Exception
CONTENTS PREFACE 1. In Search of Hafizullah Amin 6 2. Three Revolutionaries 12 3. A House Divided: the PDPA, 1965-1973 25 4. The Making of a Revolution: the PDPA, 1973-1978 39 5. The Inheritance: Afghanistan, 1978 53 6. Strategy for Reform 88 7. The Eid Conspiracy 106 8. A Treaty and a Murder: Closing the American Option 120 9. The Question of Leadership 133 10. The Summer of Discontent 147 11. The End Game 166 12. ‘. And the People Remain’ 186 Select Bibliography 190 PREFACE PREFACE The idea for this book arose from a visit to Kabul in March 1979 when it became immediately obvious that what was happening in Afghanistan bore little relation to reports appearing in the Western media. Further research subsequently reinforced that impression. Much of the material on which the book is based was collected in the course of my 1979 field trip which took me to India, Pakistan and the United Kingdom as well as Afghanistan and during a follow-up trip to India and Pakistan from December 1980 to January 1981. Unfortunately by then times had changed and on this second occasion the Afghan government refused me a visa. Texts of speeches and statements by Afghan leaders and other Afghan government documents have for the most part been taken from the Kabul Times, since these are in effect the official version. I have however taken the liberty where necessary of adjusting the syntax of the Afghan translator. The problem of transliteration is inescapable, and at the risk of offending the purists I have chosen what appears to be the simplest spelling of Afghan names and have tried to be consistent. -
Applying the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court: a Case Study of Henry Kissinger
Applying the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court: A Case Study of Henry Kissinger Steven Feldsteint TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction .......................................... 1665 I. Background ........... ....... ..................... 1671 A . H enry Kissinger ........................................................................ 1672 B. The Development of International Humanitarian Law ............. 1675 1. Sources of International Law ............................................. 1676 2. Historical Development of International Humanitarian L aw ..................................................................................... 16 7 7 3. Post-World War 11 Efforts to Codify International Hum anitarian Principles ................................................. 1680 a. The 1948 Genocide Convention ......................................... 1680 b. The Geneva Conventions ................................................... 1682 c. United Nations Suite of Human Rights Conventions ......... 1684 C. The Development of International War Crimes Tribunals ....... 1685 1. N urem berg Tribunal ........................................................... 1685 2. IC TY and IC TR .................................................................. 1687 3. The International Criminal Court ....................................... 1688 4. U niversal Jurisdiction ......................................................... 1694 5. A lien Tort Claim s A ct ........................................................ 1695 I1. Individual Accountability -
The Arab-Israeli Peace Process: Past, Present, and Future by Dennis Ross
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 312 The Arab-Israeli Peace Process: Past, Present, and Future by Dennis Ross Mar 20, 2001 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Dennis Ross Dennis Ross, a former special assistant to President Barack Obama, is the counselor and William Davidson Distinguished Fellow at The Washington Institute. Brief Analysis ver the past twelve years a revolution has taken place in the landscape of peacemaking in the Middle East. O Twelve years ago, direct negotiations were non-existent and there was no peace process. While negotiations themselves do not ensure an agreement, their total absence ensures that there can be no resolution. The United States has borne the burden of trying to create dialogue. Before the 1990s, Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) rejected and denied one another. Although it conducted covert conversations with Jordan, Israel could only communicate in the open with one Arab country Egypt. Israel also lacked diplomatic relations with a large part of the world, including the Soviet Union, China, and India. The Madrid peace conference in 1991 broke the taboos of holding any meeting at all, and enabled discussion to occur. While there has been a change in the landscape of peacemaking, there has not been a comparable revolution in attitudes. A First Lesson: No Alternative But PeaceAmong the series of lessons to be learned from the past twelve years, the first lesson is that, notwithstanding today's dilemmas, for the Israelis and the Palestinians there is no alternative to the pursuit of peace. This is not only because the two sides crossed the threshold of mutual recognition in 1993, making it very unlikely they could revert to mutual rejection and denial. -
By Any Other Name: How, When, and Why the US Government Has Made
By Any Other Name How, When, and Why the US Government Has Made Genocide Determinations By Todd F. Buchwald Adam Keith CONTENTS List of Acronyms ................................................................................. ix Introduction ........................................................................................... 1 Section 1 - Overview of US Practice and Process in Determining Whether Genocide Has Occurred ....................................................... 3 When Have Such Decisions Been Made? .................................. 3 The Nature of the Process ........................................................... 3 Cold War and Historical Cases .................................................... 5 Bosnia, Rwanda, and the 1990s ................................................... 7 Darfur and Thereafter .................................................................... 8 Section 2 - What Does the Word “Genocide” Actually Mean? ....... 10 Public Perceptions of the Word “Genocide” ........................... 10 A Legal Definition of the Word “Genocide” ............................. 10 Complications Presented by the Definition ...............................11 How Clear Must the Evidence Be in Order to Conclude that Genocide has Occurred? ................................................... 14 Section 3 - The Power and Importance of the Word “Genocide” .. 15 Genocide’s Unique Status .......................................................... 15 A Different Perspective .............................................................. -
The Flaw in Trump's Maximum Pressure Campaign Toward Iran
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds The Flaw in Trump’s Maximum Pressure Campaign Toward Iran by Dennis Ross, Dana Stroul Aug 29, 2019 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Dennis Ross Dennis Ross, a former special assistant to President Barack Obama, is the counselor and William Davidson Distinguished Fellow at The Washington Institute. Dana Stroul Dana Stroul was the Shelly and Michael Kassen Fellow in The Washington Institute's Beth and David Geduld Program on Arab Politics. Articles & Testimony Tehran won’t change its behavior without the prospect of real economic relief, coupled with the threat of meaningful consequences for bringing the region to the brink of war. he Trump administration says its maximum-pressure campaign on Iran is working. If only that were true. The T administration has consistently made the argument that economic sanctions would deprive the Iranian regime of money and that less money would mean less bad behavior and more concessions at the negotiating table. Bargaining with Iran is not the same as a closing a real estate deal, however. The inescapable conclusion, after surveying the region’s conflicts, is that a U.S. strategy based exclusively on starving Tehran of money cannot by itself compel changes in Iran’s regional behavior... Read the full article on the Washington Post website. Washington Post View/Print Page as PDF SHARE EMAIL ALERTS Sign Up TO TOP RECOMMENDED BRIEF ANALYSIS Cairo Acts on its Fears of Radicalization after Afghanistan Sep 24, 2021 ◆ Haisam Hassanein ARTICLES & TESTIMONY Transatlantic Cooperation on Countering Global Violent Extremism Sep 22, 2021 ◆ Matthew Levitt BRIEF ANALYSIS Fearing the Aftermath of the Elections: Will the Power Keg in Iraq Ignite? Sep 22, 2021 ◆ Munqith Dagher TOPICS Energy and Economics Terrorism U.S. -
Download the Blood Telegram: Nixon, Kissinger, and a Forgotten
THE BLOOD TELEGRAM: NIXON, KISSINGER, AND A FORGOTTEN GENOCIDE DOWNLOAD FREE BOOK Gary J Bass | 499 pages | 15 Jul 2014 | Vintage Books | 9780307744623 | English | United States Collateral Damage A meticulously researched and searing indictment of the shameful role the United States played. On the night of March 25,the Pakistan army had begun a relentless crackdown on Bengalis, all across what was then East Pakistan and is today an independent Bangladesh. But and a Forgotten Genocide greatest let down for me started not long after when the author started chipping in with political commentaries and seemed like making ones opinion basing on his own interpretations of events, which may be tilted or biased as they were heavily leaning one side. Nixon and Kissinger, Kissinger by detailed warnings of genocide from American diplomats witnessing the bloodshed, stood behind Pakistan's military rulers. HIs special focus is on Nixon and Kissinger, the American leaders who shaped and guided the United States' response to the unfolding political, humanitarian and finally military crisis in East Pakistan during The relevancy and power of this book stems from the basic moral dilemmas that it addresses on practically every page. When we think of U. Bass waded and a Forgotten Genocide innumerable books and journals to get his facts right and place them in context in addition to transcribing thousands of hours of White House official tapes and extracting relevant stuff out of it then. The forced exodus of ten million Bangladeshis in - ninety percent of whom were Hindu, the genocide of an estimated three million Bangladeshis, and the rape of close to half a million women - were all small prices that Henry Kissinger and Richard Nixon willingly paid in exchange of opening bilateral ties with China, and in the process getting their names enshrined as statesmen. -
A" Time When Principles Make Best Politics"? the Western Response To
A “Time When Principles Make Best Politics”? The Western Response to “Genocide” in East Pakistan by Richard David Pilkington A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of PhD-History Department of History University of Toronto © Copyright by Richard David Pilkington 2016 A “Time When Principles Make Best Politics”? The Western Response to “Genocide” in East Pakistan Richard David Pilkington PhD-History Department of History University of Toronto 2016 Abstract This study examines the formulation of and interplay between the US, Canadian, and British policies generated in response to the mass atrocities perpetrated by Islamabad authorities in East Pakistan during 1971. It focuses on the reactions of these three closely-connected North Atlantic powers to the gross human rights abuses, analyzing the decision-making processes in Washington, Ottawa, and London during the crucial first few months of the crisis, identifying the forces at play in determining policy, and investigating the nature, development, and resolution of debates over national interests and ethical concerns. The analysis is built primarily upon documentary evidence from the US National Archives, the Nixon Presidential Materials Project, Library and Archives Canada, and the National Archives of the United Kingdom. In Washington, President Richard Nixon and his national security advisor, Henry Kissinger, exerted great personal influence over the determination of policy and favored a strategy of appeasement. Importantly, their secret initiative to secure rapprochement with China, which only sprang into life at the end of April, did not drive their thinking during the vital first month after the clampdown began as Kissinger has previously claimed. -
The President's Syria Conundrum | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds The President's Syria Conundrum by Dennis Ross Mar 15, 2017 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Dennis Ross Dennis Ross, a former special assistant to President Barack Obama, is the counselor and William Davidson Distinguished Fellow at The Washington Institute. Articles & Testimony In deciding whether to cooperate with Russia militarily, the U.S. administration must consider the Kremlin's ties to Iran and its Shiite proxies, and the associated risks of fueling future Sunni jihadist movements. orging a coherent policy on Syria would tax any administration. One critical priority is defeating ISIS in a way F that neither leaves a vacuum nor fosters deeper sectarian differences after liberating Raqqa. Another is managing Turkey's opposition to our arming and use of the Kurdish People's Protection Forces in fighting ISIS -- and making sure that Turkey does not confront the Kurds instead of the so-called Islamic State. And, of course, this says nothing about the efforts to bring to an end the war that the Assad regime has largely inflicted on the Syrian people. In this connection, Russia with the help of Turkey has worked out a tenuous ceasefire in Syria; the odds of its holding and turning into a real political process are poor. Assad has killed too many Syrians for any significant part of the opposition to accept his long-term presence. And yet the Russians remain wedded to the Assad regime and inclined to believe they can bludgeon Syrian rebel forces into submission. Perhaps that will change. It should. -
Journal of Arts & Humanities
Journal of Arts & Humanities Volume 08, Issue 05, 2019: 19-31 Article Received: 17-04-2019 Accepted: 26-04-2019 Available Online: 19-05-2019 ISSN: 2167-9045 (Print), 2167-9053 (Online) DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.18533/journal.v8i5.1640 The U.S. Misunderstanding of India during the 1971 South Asia Crisis Adhitya Mahesh1 ABSTRACT During the 1971 South Asia Crisis, the United States (U.S.) ultimately sided with Pakistan due to President Yahya Khan’s creation of a backchannel between the U.S. and China. The objective of the research in this article is to explore the Nixon–Kissinger style diplomacy’s framework for analyzing intelligence during this crisis, its effects on the formulation of foreign policy and on Indo–American relations. The cognitive psychological paradigms of Fundamental Attribution Error and Self-Fulfilling Prophecy will be used to underscore the Nixon administration’s framework for selecting facts and processing information, enforcing a Pygmalion Effect; the beliefs of the U.S. and India influenced their actions towards each other, reinforcing a cycle of preconceived ideas and contributing to an escalation of tensions during the crisis. Thus, the findings of this article are as follows: A humanitarian crisis required India’s intervention in the Pakistani Civil War for regional stability. Due to Pakistan’s role in aiding the Nixon administration’s opening of relations with China, there was a U.S. tilt towards Pakistan that was based not only off self-interest but also an incorrect assessment of India’s intentions which ultimately created a discrepancy between desired policy outcome and result.