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Bangladesh and Bangladesh-U.S. Relations
Bangladesh and Bangladesh-U.S. Relations Updated October 17, 2017 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44094 Bangladesh and Bangladesh-U.S. Relations Summary Bangladesh (the former East Pakistan) is a Muslim-majority nation in South Asia, bordering India, Burma, and the Bay of Bengal. It is the world’s eighth most populous country with nearly 160 million people living in a land area about the size of Iowa. It is an economically poor nation, and it suffers from high levels of corruption. In recent years, its democratic system has faced an array of challenges, including political violence, weak governance, poverty, demographic and environmental strains, and Islamist militancy. The United States has a long-standing and supportive relationship with Bangladesh, and it views Bangladesh as a moderate voice in the Islamic world. In relations with Dhaka, Bangladesh’s capital, the U.S. government, along with Members of Congress, has focused on a range of issues, especially those relating to economic development, humanitarian concerns, labor rights, human rights, good governance, and counterterrorism. The Awami League (AL) and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) dominate Bangladeshi politics. When in opposition, both parties have at times sought to regain control of the government through demonstrations, labor strikes, and transport blockades, as well as at the ballot box. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has been in office since 2009, and her AL party was reelected in January 2014 with an overwhelming majority in parliament—in part because the BNP, led by Khaleda Zia, boycotted the vote. The BNP has called for new elections, and in recent years, it has organized a series of blockades and strikes. -
The Gordian Knot: Apartheid & the Unmaking of the Liberal World Order, 1960-1970
THE GORDIAN KNOT: APARTHEID & THE UNMAKING OF THE LIBERAL WORLD ORDER, 1960-1970 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Ryan Irwin, B.A., M.A. History ***** The Ohio State University 2010 Dissertation Committee: Professor Peter Hahn Professor Robert McMahon Professor Kevin Boyle Professor Martha van Wyk © 2010 by Ryan Irwin All rights reserved. ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the apartheid debate from an international perspective. Positioned at the methodological intersection of intellectual and diplomatic history, it examines how, where, and why African nationalists, Afrikaner nationalists, and American liberals contested South Africa’s place in the global community in the 1960s. It uses this fight to explore the contradictions of international politics in the decade after second-wave decolonization. The apartheid debate was never at the center of global affairs in this period, but it rallied international opinions in ways that attached particular meanings to concepts of development, order, justice, and freedom. As such, the debate about South Africa provides a microcosm of the larger postcolonial moment, exposing the deep-seated differences between politicians and policymakers in the First and Third Worlds, as well as the paradoxical nature of change in the late twentieth century. This dissertation tells three interlocking stories. First, it charts the rise and fall of African nationalism. For a brief yet important moment in the early and mid-1960s, African nationalists felt genuinely that they could remake global norms in Africa’s image and abolish the ideology of white supremacy through U.N. -
What Is a Science Diplomat?
The Hague Journal of Diplomacy 15 (2020) 409-423 brill.com/hjd What Is a Science Diplomat? Lorenzo Melchor Spanish Foundation for Science and Technology (FECYT), Madrid, Spain; former FECYT Science Adviser in the Spanish Embassy in London, United Kingdom [email protected] Received: 22 May 2020; revised: 4 July 2020; accepted: 21 July 2020 Summary The COVID-19 crisis has shown how countries initially responded to a global chal- lenge on their own, instead of relying on a multilateral science diplomacy — based response. Although, science diplomacy has received great attention for the past de- cade, its meaning and the nature of the diverse practitioners involved remain elusive. Science diplomacy is a transboundary field sitting across national borders, policy frameworks and stakeholders of all natures and professional backgrounds. But what is a science diplomat? What science diplomacy roles formally exist? Who can become a science diplomat? What knowledge and skills are required? This practitioner’s essay proposes a typology of science diplomacy practitioners who bring science, technology, innovation, foreign policy and the international political system altogether closer in either institutionalised or non-institutionalised roles, and it also provides guidance for pursuing a career in science diplomacy. These science diplomats may promote na- tional competitiveness but also facilitate multilateral responses to global challenges. Keywords science diplomacy – science diplomat – science counsellor – science attaché – science adviser – science advice – science-policy interface – knowledge diplomacy – COVID-19 © Lorenzo Melchor, 2020 | doi:10.1163/1871191X-bja10026 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the CC BY 4.0Downloaded license. from Brill.com10/01/2021 11:43:18AM via free access 410 Melchor 1 Introduction1 The COVID-19 outbreak has caused a profound global public health and socio- economic crisis. -
Revolutionary Afghanistan Is No Exception
CONTENTS PREFACE 1. In Search of Hafizullah Amin 6 2. Three Revolutionaries 12 3. A House Divided: the PDPA, 1965-1973 25 4. The Making of a Revolution: the PDPA, 1973-1978 39 5. The Inheritance: Afghanistan, 1978 53 6. Strategy for Reform 88 7. The Eid Conspiracy 106 8. A Treaty and a Murder: Closing the American Option 120 9. The Question of Leadership 133 10. The Summer of Discontent 147 11. The End Game 166 12. ‘. And the People Remain’ 186 Select Bibliography 190 PREFACE PREFACE The idea for this book arose from a visit to Kabul in March 1979 when it became immediately obvious that what was happening in Afghanistan bore little relation to reports appearing in the Western media. Further research subsequently reinforced that impression. Much of the material on which the book is based was collected in the course of my 1979 field trip which took me to India, Pakistan and the United Kingdom as well as Afghanistan and during a follow-up trip to India and Pakistan from December 1980 to January 1981. Unfortunately by then times had changed and on this second occasion the Afghan government refused me a visa. Texts of speeches and statements by Afghan leaders and other Afghan government documents have for the most part been taken from the Kabul Times, since these are in effect the official version. I have however taken the liberty where necessary of adjusting the syntax of the Afghan translator. The problem of transliteration is inescapable, and at the risk of offending the purists I have chosen what appears to be the simplest spelling of Afghan names and have tried to be consistent. -
Applying the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court: a Case Study of Henry Kissinger
Applying the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court: A Case Study of Henry Kissinger Steven Feldsteint TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction .......................................... 1665 I. Background ........... ....... ..................... 1671 A . H enry Kissinger ........................................................................ 1672 B. The Development of International Humanitarian Law ............. 1675 1. Sources of International Law ............................................. 1676 2. Historical Development of International Humanitarian L aw ..................................................................................... 16 7 7 3. Post-World War 11 Efforts to Codify International Hum anitarian Principles ................................................. 1680 a. The 1948 Genocide Convention ......................................... 1680 b. The Geneva Conventions ................................................... 1682 c. United Nations Suite of Human Rights Conventions ......... 1684 C. The Development of International War Crimes Tribunals ....... 1685 1. N urem berg Tribunal ........................................................... 1685 2. IC TY and IC TR .................................................................. 1687 3. The International Criminal Court ....................................... 1688 4. U niversal Jurisdiction ......................................................... 1694 5. A lien Tort Claim s A ct ........................................................ 1695 I1. Individual Accountability -
Full Thesis Draft No Pics
A whole new world: Global revolution and Australian social movements in the long Sixties Jon Piccini BA Honours (1st Class) A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The University of Queensland in 2013 School of History, Philosophy, Religion & Classics Abstract This thesis explores Australian social movements during the long Sixties through a transnational prism, identifying how the flow of people and ideas across borders was central to the growth and development of diverse campaigns for political change. By making use of a variety of sources—from archives and government reports to newspapers, interviews and memoirs—it identifies a broadening of the radical imagination within movements seeking rights for Indigenous Australians, the lifting of censorship, women’s liberation, the ending of the war in Vietnam and many others. It locates early global influences, such as the Chinese Revolution and increasing consciousness of anti-racist struggles in South Africa and the American South, and the ways in which ideas from these and other overseas sources became central to the practice of Australian social movements. This was a process aided by activists’ travel. Accordingly, this study analyses the diverse motives and experiences of Australian activists who visited revolutionary hotspots from China and Vietnam to Czechoslovakia, Algeria, France and the United States: to protest, to experience or to bring back lessons. While these overseas exploits, breathlessly recounted in articles, interviews and books, were transformative for some, they also exposed the limits of what a transnational politics could achieve in a local setting. Australia also became a destination for the period’s radical activists, provoking equally divisive responses. -
Lobbying of Canadian Diplomats (2010) of It,” She Says
Canada’s Strategic Resources: Getting the ‘net benefit’ test right—Pages 11-18 EMBASSYCANADA’S FOREIGN POLICY NEWSWEEKLY OTTAWA, WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 12, 2011 ISSUE 336 • $3.00 A year later, Haiti remains a riddle wrapped HAITI in an enigma FINDING A WAY Anca Gurzu pages 8-9 early three months after a mas- Nsive earthquake left parts of Haiti in complete devastation, Foreign Affairs Minister Lawrence Cannon stood in front of hundreds of interna- tional delegates at the United Nations in New York speaking about a long- term vision. “While today’s conference is a land- mark event in Haiti’s reconstruction, it LOBBYING should by no means be interpreted as GARY DOER TOP TARGET the end of a process,” he said on March 31. “It is one of the first milestones on page 3 a long road upon which we have just embarked, and Canada is ready to stand by Haiti’s side as long as required.” At the time, with the Afghanistan mission set to wrap up in 2011, many IVORY COAST ‘DE-RECOGNITION’ had expected, if not outright encour- PHOTO: SAM GARCIA aged, the government to make Haiti CATCHES AFRICANS Canada’s next top foreign policy pri- UNAWARES ority. There were many reasons to EMBASSY do so, including geographic proxim- A new hand or chairs on the deck of the Titanic? Prime Minister Stephen Harper started the year off with a mini-Cabinet page 5 shuffle that saw Peter Kent become Canada’s new environment minister and Diane Ablonczy take over as minister of state for ity, the large number of Haitians in the Americas. -
Who Murdered Marigold?
WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR SCHOLARS Lee H. Hamilton, Who Murdered “Marigold” Christian Ostermann, Director Director New Evidence on the Mysterious Failure of BOARD OF TRUSTEES: Poland’s Secret Initiative to Start U.S.-North ADVISORY COMMITTEE: Joseph A. Cari, Jr., Vietnamese Peace Talks, 1966 Chairman William Taubman Steven Alan Bennett, (Amherst College) Vice Chairman Chairman PUBLIC MEMBERS by James G. Hershberg Michael Beschloss The Secretary of State (Historian, Author) Colin Powell; George Washington University The Librarian of Congress (with the Assistance of L.W. Gluchowski) James H. Billington James H. Billington; (Librarian of Congress) The Archivist of the United States Working Paper No. 27 John W. Carlin; Warren I. Cohen The Chairman of the (University of Maryland- National Endowment Baltimore) for the Humanities Bruce Cole; John Lewis Gaddis The Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution (Yale University) Lawrence M. Small; The Secretary of Education James Hershberg Roderick R. Paige; (The George Washington The Secretary of Health University) & Human Services Tommy G. Thompson; Washington, D.C. Samuel F. Wells, Jr. PRIVATE MEMBERS (Woodrow Wilson Center) Carol Cartwright, April 2000 John H. Foster, Jean L. Hennessey, Sharon Wolchik Daniel L. Lamaute, (The George Washington Doris O. Mausui, University) Thomas R. Reedy, Nancy M. Zirkin COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT THE COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT WORKING PAPER SERIES CHRISTIAN F. OSTERMANN, Series Editor This paper is one of a series of Working Papers published by the Cold War International History Project of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C. Established in 1991 by a grant from the John D. -
By Any Other Name: How, When, and Why the US Government Has Made
By Any Other Name How, When, and Why the US Government Has Made Genocide Determinations By Todd F. Buchwald Adam Keith CONTENTS List of Acronyms ................................................................................. ix Introduction ........................................................................................... 1 Section 1 - Overview of US Practice and Process in Determining Whether Genocide Has Occurred ....................................................... 3 When Have Such Decisions Been Made? .................................. 3 The Nature of the Process ........................................................... 3 Cold War and Historical Cases .................................................... 5 Bosnia, Rwanda, and the 1990s ................................................... 7 Darfur and Thereafter .................................................................... 8 Section 2 - What Does the Word “Genocide” Actually Mean? ....... 10 Public Perceptions of the Word “Genocide” ........................... 10 A Legal Definition of the Word “Genocide” ............................. 10 Complications Presented by the Definition ...............................11 How Clear Must the Evidence Be in Order to Conclude that Genocide has Occurred? ................................................... 14 Section 3 - The Power and Importance of the Word “Genocide” .. 15 Genocide’s Unique Status .......................................................... 15 A Different Perspective .............................................................. -
BILATERAL DIPLOMACY: a PRACTITIONER PERSPECTIVE Kishan S Rana
Policy Papers and Briefs – 15, 2020 BILATERAL DIPLOMACY: A PRACTITIONER PERSPECTIVE Kishan S Rana Summary • The bilateral process is the oldest form of diplomacy, • The four pillars of bilateral diplomacy are: political, eco- dating to ancient times when kingdoms dealt with one nomic, and public diplomacy, and consular (plus dias- another; often, a search for security and trade were the pora) affairs. Its principal institutions are the foreign drivers. Covering relations between pairs of countries, ministry, embassies and consulates, and the foreign this is the building block of multilateral diplomacy. service. • It has evolved over time, especially after in the fif- • We consider possible taxonomies for bilateral diplo- teenth-century Italian princely states and dukedoms macy. This is a work in progress; it may inspire deeper began the custom in Europe of appointing resident research into diplomacy studies. ambassadors. In the seventeenth century, France cre- ated an office to manage them; that office became the • Today’s diplomatic practices are a consequence of the foreign ministry. Customary diplomatic practices, such globalisation of diplomacy, including the revolution in as procedures, precedence, and reciprocal privileges, information and communication technology (ICT). Yet evolved over time, and were codified in the 1961 Vienna the core tasks are unchanged: the application of intelli- Convention on Diplomatic Relations (VCDR).1 gence to managing relationships with foreign countries across a very broad front in pursuit of the home coun- • The VCDR defines the tasks of bilateral diplomacy as: try’s interests. We are in an age of complexified bilateral representation, protection, negotiation, reporting, and diplomacy as a result of new actors, issues, and inter- promotion. -
Download the Blood Telegram: Nixon, Kissinger, and a Forgotten
THE BLOOD TELEGRAM: NIXON, KISSINGER, AND A FORGOTTEN GENOCIDE DOWNLOAD FREE BOOK Gary J Bass | 499 pages | 15 Jul 2014 | Vintage Books | 9780307744623 | English | United States Collateral Damage A meticulously researched and searing indictment of the shameful role the United States played. On the night of March 25,the Pakistan army had begun a relentless crackdown on Bengalis, all across what was then East Pakistan and is today an independent Bangladesh. But and a Forgotten Genocide greatest let down for me started not long after when the author started chipping in with political commentaries and seemed like making ones opinion basing on his own interpretations of events, which may be tilted or biased as they were heavily leaning one side. Nixon and Kissinger, Kissinger by detailed warnings of genocide from American diplomats witnessing the bloodshed, stood behind Pakistan's military rulers. HIs special focus is on Nixon and Kissinger, the American leaders who shaped and guided the United States' response to the unfolding political, humanitarian and finally military crisis in East Pakistan during The relevancy and power of this book stems from the basic moral dilemmas that it addresses on practically every page. When we think of U. Bass waded and a Forgotten Genocide innumerable books and journals to get his facts right and place them in context in addition to transcribing thousands of hours of White House official tapes and extracting relevant stuff out of it then. The forced exodus of ten million Bangladeshis in - ninety percent of whom were Hindu, the genocide of an estimated three million Bangladeshis, and the rape of close to half a million women - were all small prices that Henry Kissinger and Richard Nixon willingly paid in exchange of opening bilateral ties with China, and in the process getting their names enshrined as statesmen. -
Diplomacy, Globalization and Heteropolarity: the Challenge of Adaptation
Diplomacy, Globalization and Heteropolarity: The Challenge of Adaptation by Daryl Copeland A POLICYAugust PAPER, 2013 POLICY PAPER Diplomacy, Globalization and Heteropolarity: The Challenge of Adaptation* by Daryl Copeland CDFAI Senior Fellow August, 2013 Prepared for the Canadian Defence & Foreign Affairs Institute 1600, 530 – 8th Avenue S.W., Calgary, AB T2P 3S8 www.cdfai.org ©2013 Canadian Defence & Foreign Affairs Institute ISBN: 978-1-927573-18-1 Executive Summary Globalization is the defining historical process of our times, conditioning, if not determining, outcomes across vast swathes of human activity. At the same time, a heteropolar world is emerging, one in which various and competing sources of power and influence are based more on difference than on similarity. In the face of these transformative forces, diplomacy is struggling to evolve. To date, none of the key elements of the diplomatic ecosystem – the foreign ministry, the Foreign Service, or the diplomatic business model – have adapted well, or quickly enough. If diplomacy is to achieve its full potential as a non-violent approach to the management of international relations and global issues through political communications, then radical reform will be required. These observations are particularly apt in Canada, where diplomatic performance has in recent years been troubled. The foreign ministry (formerly DFAIT), still struggling to absorb the deep cuts contained in the federal budget of March 2012, finds itself in the midst of a complicated merger with the aid agency (formerly CIDA). This unanticipated amalgamation has resulted in significant uncertainty and dislocation in both organizations, and is reminiscent of the disastrous split, and then re-integration, of the foreign and trade ministries 2004-06.