From the Delta to the Cataract Studies Dedicated to Mohamed El-Bialy

From the Delta to the Cataract Culture and History of the Ancient Near East

Founding Editor

M.H.E. Weippert

Editor-in-Chief

Jonathan Stökl

Editors

Eckart Frahm W. Randall Garr B. Halpern Theo P.J. van den Hout Leslie Anne Warden Irene J. Winter

VOLUME 76

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/chan

From the Delta to the Cataract

Studies Dedicated to Mohamed el-Bialy

Edited by

Alejandro Jiménez-Serrano and Cornelius von Pilgrim

LEIDEN | BOSTON From the delta to the cataract : studies dedicated to Mohamed el-Bialy / edited by Alejandro Jiménez-Serrano and Cornelius von Pilgrim. pages cm. — (Culture and history of the ancient Near East, ISSN 1566-2055 ; volume 76) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-29344-1 (hardback : acid-free paper) — ISBN 978-90-04-29345-8 (e-book) 1. Egypt— Antiquities. 2. Aswan (Egypt)—Antiquities. 3. Thebes (Egypt : Extinct city) 4. Excavations (Archaeology)— Egypt. 5. Excavations (Archaeology)—Egypt—Aswan. 6. El-Bialy, Mohamed, 1953– 7. Archaeologists— Egypt—Biography. 8. Cultural property—Protection—Egypt. 9. Archaeology—Research—Egypt. I. Jiménez Serrano, Alejandro. II. Pilgrim, Cornelius von. IIi. El-Bialy, Mohamed, 1953–

DT60.F85 2015 932—dc23 2015007584

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This book is printed on acid-free paper. Contents

Editors’ Note ix Preface x Publications xiii

1 A Copy of a Copy of a Copy, or an Imitation Kamares-Ware Vessel from Tell el-Dab‘a 1 David A. Aston

2 Between Thebes and Elephantine: Busy Lives of Egyptian Officials 12 Julia Budka

3 Three Christian Funerary Stelae from Aswan 24 Jitse H.F. Dijkstra

4 Linen Weaved in Year 2 of Amenhotep II 36 José M. Galán

5 Prospections dans le secteur est du Wadi Abu Subeira : Premiers résultats et perspectives 51 Gwenola Graff, Adel Kelany and Maxence Bailly

6 Deux documents épars du temple d’Hathor à Philae 67 Jean-Claude Goyon

7 The Exceptional Case of a Lady’s Tomb in Qubbet el-Hawa at the End of the Old Kingdom 78 Alejandro Jiménez-Serrano

8 Fire-setting in Ancient Quarries; Ancient Sources, New Evidence and Experiments 88 Adel Kelany

9 Surveying Work at Wadi Abu Subeira, Season 2012 98 Adel Kelany, Adel Tohami, Heba Harby, Mahmoud Mokhtar, Sayed Elhomosany, Mostafa Badawy, Hassan Eltaher and Mohamed Abd El- Basset vi contents

10 Die Kirchen von Nag el-Hagar 108 Alexander von Kienlin

11 Greek Pottery from Syene 132 Sabine Ladstätter

12 Wine from Southern Gaul in Syene, the Southernmost Town of the Roman Empire 150 Stefanie Martin-Kilcher

13 Les travaux de la mission archéologique espagnole de l’Institut d’études de l’ancienne Égypte-IEAE à Deir el Bahari (Saisons 2003-2008) 158 Francisco J. Martín Valentín and Teresa Bedman

14 The Repit Temple at Athribis after the Worship of Repit 177 Marcus Müller

15 A Newly Discovered “Soul House” in Assuan 189 Wolfgang Müller and Irene Forstner-Müller

16 Images of Power in Neferhotep’s Tomb: Between Tradition and Renovation 202 María Violeta Pereyra

17 An Authentication Sealing of the “Ruler of Kush” from Elephantine 218 Cornelius von Pilgrim

18 Karakhamun’s Artists 227 Elena Pischikova

19 The Henket-ankh Temple of Thutmosis III in Luxor West Bank: Five Years of Intervention 240 Myriam Seco Álvarez

20 The Quay Walls of Nag el-Tawil Revisited 254 Martin Steskal contents vii

21 An Accumulation of Dirt: Excavations at the Courtyard of the Tomb of Senneferi at Thebes 263 Helen Strudwick

22 The False Door of Senneferi, Theban Tomb 99 272 Nigel Strudwick

General Index 289

Editors’ Note

We would like to acknowledge Nicholas Snow, who kindly improved the style of the English of some papers published in the present volume. We also wish to express our gratitude to Ms. Azhaar Abdel Fatah, who translated the abstracts into Arabic with the support of Ms. Chery Alaa el-Dina and Mr. Tarek Sayed Tawfik. Preface

The unique richness in archaeological sites in Egypt may sometimes be considered both a blessing and a curse, in particular for those who have devoted their lives to saving the cultural heritage of Egypt for future generations. Mohamed el-Bialy is one of those Egyptian scholars who has committed himself entirely to the protection of monuments and sites. During his long career he has worked on almost all the major sites and regions from the Egyptian Nile delta to Nubia. This circumstance has given him extensive knowledge about the ancient Egyptian material culture and society. From this base he has always linked the past with contemporary traditions, shedding light on the blurred lines of the whole of Egyptian history, sometimes understood as unconnected periods. Dr. Mohamed El-Bialy has always understood the essence of Egyptian society as the result of a continuing progression, in which different substrata from all the historical periods have crystallized into what we know today as contemporary Egypt. Mohamed Abd El Aziz El Saied El Bialy was born in the village of Behout (province of El Dakhalia) on the 9th of March 1953. His long-established family was dedicated to the textile industry of Mansura, but he spent his early years in the family house in the countryside. He studied Egyptology in the Faculty of Archaeology of the University of Cairo, where he graduated in May 1978. In the early 1990’s he chose the Université Lumière Lyon 2 for his postgraduate studies under the supervision of Jean-Claude Goyon. After having received an additional degree for guides at the University of Alexandria in 1997, he was awarded a doctorate for his Phd thesis “Les Reines et Princesses de la XVIIIème dynastie à Thèbes Ouest. Enquête d’après les monuments, les sources archéologiques et épigraphiques” with felicitations from the committee on May 15th, 2004 in Lyon. In 1981 he started his successful career on the Supreme Council of Antiquities, at first as Inspector of Antiquities in Saqqara, Dahshur and Lisht. During those years he became acquainted with different techniques of archaeological fieldwork when he attended various missions of distinguished Egyptologists. He worked with Jean Leclant on the mission of the Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, when the pyramid of Pepy I was restored. Then he continued with the French mission recording the texts of Merenre’s pyramid. Between 1982 and 1983 he worked with the mission headed by Peter Munro, who conducted excavations in the cemeteries at the Pyramid of Unas. It was in 1983, while directing excavations in the area to the east of the pyramid of Djedkare Isesi, that he discovered a small village of priests dated to the Late Period. preface xi

In 1984, Mohamed el-Bialy participated in two further outstanding missions, the joint mission of the Egypt Exploration Society and the National Museum of Antiquities in Leiden, directed by G.T. Martin, in the tombs of Horemheb and Tia and Tia, and in Dahshur with Rainer Stadelmann (Deutsches Archäologisches Institut), who continued his research in the red pyramid of Snefru. After his transfer to the West Bank of Luxor in the same year he coincided again with Stadelmann, who directed the works at the temple of Sety I. In subsequent years he joined numerous missions on the West Bank, such as the mission of the University of Heidelberg in TT 68 in Sheikh Abdel Qurna, the excavations in the Valley of the Kings headed by H. Altenmüller (tomb of Tausret and Sethnakhte) and by D. Ryan (KV21, KV27, KV28, KV44, KV45 and KV60), the mission in the Ramesseum, directed by C. Leblanc, and the restoration project of the Getty Foundation and the SCA in the tomb of Nefertari. During those years the Antiquities Department entrusted Mohamed el-Bialy with the direction of its own projects. He directed the excavation of the Roman Baths at Sheikh Amer where he discovered a marble statue, today exhibited in the Museum of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina. Shortly afterwards, in 1989, in Qurnet Murai, he discovered the tomb of Merymes from the first half of the 18th Dynasty, and in 1991, Mohamed el-Bialy directed excavations between the entrance of the Valley of the Queens, Malkata and Medinet Habu. In 1992 Mohamed el-Bialy was promoted to Chief Inspector of the Supreme Council of Antiquities in the East Bank, where he had the opportunity to direct various archaeological projects and to supervise important works carried out in Karnak, Luxor, Medamud and Tod. However, it was after a brief stay in the region of Mansura at the beginning of 1993 when he was appointed to the position in which he has felt happiest: Chief Inspector in Luxor-West. Aside from a short interval between July 1996 and August 1997, when he acted in the same position in the Fayum, Dr. Mohamed held office in West Luxor from 1993 until July 2002. During these years he improved the visiting conditions of many important monuments for the tourists, collaborating at the same time with the archaeological missions such as the mission in the tomb of Djehuty at Dra Abu el-Naga, in which he was co-director (2001–2003) together with José Galán, or the French-Egyptian Mission at Karnak (1992, 2002–2003). In those years Mohamed el-Bialy lived in Howard Carter’s house and later on (1997–2003) in the rest house of the SCA in the Valley of the Monkeys (also known as Theodore Davis’s house), where he ensconced himself without elec- tricity and running water. At that time he had to witness of one of the saddest moments in the history of the West Bank in modern history, the massacre in Deir el-Bahari on November 17th, 1997, three months after his return from Fayum. That horrific xii preface terrorist act encouraged him to recover the prestige of Egypt as a safe destination and to retrieve again the monuments of the West Bank as a major attraction for tourists. After a short interval as General Director of Antiquities for Upper Egypt between July 2002 and March 2003 he was appointed as General Director for Antiquities in Aswan and Nubia in September 2004. He held that position for almost seven years during which he committed himself to making a difference in this widely neglected region. With the conviction that areas of antiquity are best protected if they are part of the touristic landscape, and that salvage excavations are a basic necessity, he encouraged new missions to start work in the region. As a Co-director of the joint Swiss-Egyptian mission at Old-Aswan he revived the project to conduct salvage excavations in each single construction site within the area of the ancient town. Moreover, he supported new projects at many prominent and threatened sites and stimulated his colleagues and staff to participate actively in fieldwork. Most importantly, however, against all odds he resisted leaving wide areas of the West Bank to investors for urban development. For this commitment he has gained all our gratitude. In the aftermath of the revolution Dr Mohamed was promoted to higher positions, at first as State Secretary of the MSA in Upper Egypt (June 2011–June 2012) and later as State Secretary of Egyptian and Greco-Roman Antiquities of Egypt, which was a golden culmination to his career. Even during that time he continued to participate as co-director of the Egyptian-Spanish mission in the funerary temple of Thutmose III at Luxor. On the 9th of March 2013, Mohamed el-Bialy retired on grounds of age, although his young spirit and vitality would have permitted him to continue for many more years.

Alejandro Jiménez-Serrano and Cornelius von Pilgrim Publications

1. M. El-Bialy, “Restoration Notes”, in Places March–April 1989, p. 32. Cairo. 2. M. El-Bialy, “Buried Treasure Found”, in Places, September–October 1989, pp. 24–27. Cairo. 3. M. El-Bialy, “The Valley of the Queens: New Discoveries” in Places November-December 1989, pp. 30–31. Cairo. 4. M. El-Bialy, “Sheikh Amer statue” in Places January–February 1990, pp. 57–58, Cairo. 5. M. El-Bialy, “Une nouvelle tombe de la XVIIIème dynastie découverte à Gourneh Mura’i”, in Les Dossiers d’Archéologie 149–150 (May–June, 1990), pp. 96–98. Dijon 6. M. El-Bialy, “Le Lever du soleil”, in Aujourd’hui L’Egypte n° 13 (1990), pp. 17–24, Cairo. 7. M. El-Bialy, “Mouled à Sidi Aboul Haggag”, Aujourd’hui l’Egypte n° 15 (1991), pp. 76–81. Cairo. 8. M. El-Bialy, “Sports et jeux dans l’Egypte Ancienne”, in Aujourd’hui l’Egypte n° 17 (1991), Cairo, pp. 30–32. 9. M. El-Bialy, “De l’apparition d’une cachette à la présentation de son contenu au Musée de Louxor”, in Aujourd’hui L’Egypte n° 19 (1992), pp. 83–86, Cairo. 10. M. El-Bialy, “Nefertari, la plus belle d’entre ells”, in Aujourd’hui l’Egypte n° 19 (1992), pp. 58–61. Cairo. 11. M. El-Bialy, “La Nourriture dans l’Egypte Ancienne”, in Aujourd’hui l’Egypte n° 21 (1992), pp. 33–37. Cairo. 12. M. El-Bialy, “Découverte d’une nécropole tardive aux environs de Gurnet Murrai”, in Memnonia III (1992), pp. 83–87, pl. XIII–XV. Cairo. 13. M. El-Bialy, “Découverte sur la route de Thébes oust”, in Aujourd’uui I’Egypte n° 23 (1992), pp. 98–104. Cairo. 14. M. El-Bialy, “Les Enseignements du cavalier de déblais Nord du Ramesseum”, in Memnonia VI (1995), pp. 71–77 & pls. IX–XII. Cairo. 15. M. El-Bialy & Jean-Claude Goyon, “La stèle familiale de la chapelle de Tjaouenany”, in Memnonia VI (1995), pp. 123–139, & pls. XXVII–XXVIII. Cairo. 16. M. El-Bialy, “Une sépulture non répertoriée à Thèbes-Ouest”, in Archéologia n° 317 (1995), pp. 14–15. 17. M. El-Bialy, “An unrecorded tomb discovered in Qurnet Murai”, in KMT n° 7 (1996), pp. 69–71. xiv publications

18. M. El-Bialy, “Récentes recherches effectuées dans la tombe n° 42 de la Vallée des Rois”, in Memnonia X (1999), pp. 161–178 & pl. XLIII–XLVII. Cairo. 19. J. Karkowski & M. El-Bialy, “Gurna: New find of decorated blocks in Gurna”, in Polish archaeology in the Mediterranean 12 (2000), pp. 237–247. 20. M. El-Bialy, “Deir el-Medineh, un village d’artisans au Coeur des nécropoles thébaines”, in La Vallée des Rois, pp. 326–340, 2001. 21. M. El-Bialy, “Introduction”, catalogue of the Exhibition L’Art Egyptien au Temps des pharaons, les collections du Musée du Louvre, Fondation Armando Alvares Penteado, Sao Paulo, Brazil 2001. 22. M. El-Bialy, “Djeser-Djeserou, le Sublime des Sublimes, temple de Millions d’années de Mâatkaré-Hatshepsout”, in Tebas, los Dominios del dios Amón (2), pp. 93–108, Madrid 2002. 23. M. El-Bialy, “Thèbes, domaine de vie, demeures d’éternité”, in Les Dossiers d’archéologie 272 (2002): 2–3. 24. M. El-Bialy, “Egyptologie et mise en valeur des sites de Thèbes Ouest”, in Deir el Medineh et la Vallée des Rois, pp. 21–32, Khéops, Paris 2003. 25. M. El-Bialy, “The preservation of the Theban Necropolis”, p. 1, in The Theban Necropolis, Past, Present and future, edited by N. Strudwick and J.H. Taylor, p. 1, The British Museum Press, London 2003. 26. M. El-Bialy, “Thèbes, Domaine de vie, Demeures d’éternité”, in Boletín de la Asociación española de Egiptologia n° 14 (2004), pp. 137–144, Madrid. 27. J.M. Galán and M. El-Bialy, “An apprentice’s board from Dra Abu el-Naga”, in Egyptian Archeology, n° 25 (2004), pp. 38–40, London. 28. M. El-Bialy, “Tiââ-épouse ou mère de Siptah, n’existe pas”, in Boletín de la Asociación Española de Egiptologia n° 16 (2006), pp. 19–29, Madrid. 29. M. Mackensen & M. El-Bialy, “The last romain fort at Nag el-Hagar near Kom Ombo in the province of Thebais (Upper Egypt), report on the first season of the Egyptian-Swiss joint mission”, in MDAIK 62 (2006), pp. 160–195, pl. 33–35. 30. M. El-Bialy, “Egyptology and the Evaluation of the Sites of Western Thebes”, in Sacred Space and Function in Ancient Thebes, edited by P.F. Dorman & B.M. Bryan, pp. 1–2, Chicago 2007. 31. M. El-Bialy, “Merenptah, le vizier Panehesy et la reine. Une statue méconnue (n° 250) de Deir el-Médineh, in Memmonia XIX (2008), pp. 151–161 & pls. XXII–XXIV. Cairo. 32. M. El-Bialy & M. Mackensen, “Report on the second of the Egyptian- Swiss joint mission at the late roman fort at Nag el-Hagar (Upper Egypt)”, in ASAE 81 (2007), pp. 39–51. Cairo. publications xv

33. M. El-Bialy & M. Mackensen, “Report on the third season of the Egyptian-Swiss joint mission at Nag el-Hagar”, in ASAE 82 (2008), pp. 61–66. Cairo. 34. M. El-Bialy, A la découverte de notre patrimoine, le temple d’Hatshepsout à Deir el-Bahari. Cairo 2012. 35. M. El-Bialy, “Sobek. The divine soul of a reptile”, Al-Ahram Weekly (16–22 Feb. 2012), p. 23. 36. M. El-Bialy, “Le dieu Crocodile: entre crainte et fascination”, Al–Ahram Hebdo (22–28 fev. 2012), p. 27. 37. M. El-Bialy & A. Kelany, “Rock art in Wadi Silwa Bahari, Egypt: Part 1: Occasion of discovery and site content”, in Sahara 23 (2012), pp. 87–98.

CHAPTER 1 A Copy of a Copy of a Copy, or an Imitation Kamares-Ware Vessel from Tell el-Dab‘a

David A. Aston Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna

Abstract ن ف ة ض ة ن ق ت ن أ ن ة ��ش�� ل�ش��ق�� م� ن ت�� ا �ل��ع��، ا ��لت� ��م�ا ت��ك ��د ��ط ت� �ع� ن ��س��خ �م� ن � ا � �م��ن�� ا �ل ��س��ط . ن��د � ر � ل � ب و ي� رب و� ور � � � و ي� ي وي� و ى ر فخ ت � ن � �ذ تق � خ � ن ق ة م� ة ض ف�ة ��ار �مي��و�ي� ا لو��س��طى وك�� ل�ك ��لي��د ه ا ل��م��صر�ي� د ا �ل �م��صر، ج��ع�ل �م�� ا �ل��ط�ع�� ح�ل ا �ل�د را ��س�� إ ��ا �� أ ذ ف� غ ة �ه ة � � � ة � غ ة �ي� �اي�� ال� �مي�� ل�ه�� ه ا ل��م��ج��موع�� ا ل��ص��ي�ر�.

“What about those pots?” For several years Mohamed would always greet me with the same question whenever we met. This goes back to the days when Mohamed el-Bialy was a young inspector at Saqqara, and I was a student working with the Egyptian Exploration Society in the New Kingdom necropolis. The pots in question derived from a Late Period cache, excavated by Mohamed, and are, presumably, still stored in one of the Saqqara magazines. Somewhat disap- pointingly, perhaps, this article will still not deal with “those pots”, but since a small bird told me that, amongst his other pursuits, Mohamed has recently become interested in the Hyksos period, I offer him here a vessel from a Hyksos context at Tell el-Dab‘a, as a small token in appreciation of his friendship, and help, during his time on the West Bank at Thebes. This is not just any pot, but a vessel which seems to show clear Minoan influences. It comes from a large pit complex, L81, situated within a courtyard associated with a large palatial building of the Hyksos period (Bietak and Forstner-Müller, 2006, 2007, 2009; Bietak et al., 2007). Once emptied it could be seen that the pit complex had, at some point, been completely filled with a mass of pots, of which over 1800 complete profiles have since been restored, and a further 33053 diagnostics been recorded. Animal bones, and a host of less frequent objects, such as beads, shell pendants, scarabs, scaraboids, gaming pieces/pot lids, so-called meat or bread models, flints, seals, stone vessel fragments, pieces of pumice, a few bronze items, a net sinker and at least one bone

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ��5 | doi ��.��63/9789004293458_002 2 aston tool. Several pots were found intact, or could be completely restored indicating that they were either whole when placed in this pit complex, or had simply been broken at the time of their deposition, whilst others were clearly broken in antiquity and arrived in L81 in an incomplete and worn state, some of which showed evidence of reuse as scrapers. The ceramic material is entirely homo- geneous—sherds from the lowest levels joined those from the higher ones, and joins could be made across all the pits making up the complex, thus it would appear clear that, even if the pits were originally dug at different periods, they were all filled at roughly the same time. Although the pit was found immediately beneath the modern surface, part of it was sealed by a wall/bench clearly indicating that the pit had been filled in and overbuilt whilst the palace was still in use. Continuous study of the ceramic material over the past six years, suggests to me that this deposit is the result of an ancient landfill project, in which large amounts of rubbish, had been gathered up and tipped into the pit complex with the sole purpose of raising the surface back to the original level of the courtyard. Why the pit(s) should have been dug, and apparently filled in after only a short period of time, is still a mystery, but it may be significant that a large well was constructed just a few metres to the south, and perhaps pit complex L81 was a first attempt to dig a well, which was substituted by the much better constructed model, L1045.1 Moreover, the continued study of the ceramic material has convinced me that all of it can be dated to a very short period of time, equivalent to Phase E/1, or at the latest, the transition from Phases E/1—D/3 in the general Tell el-Dab‘a chronology, or, in, more general terms the early to mid-Hyksos Period.2 During the Second Intermediate Period it is well known that local potters in the Eastern Delta first copied Syro-Palestinian Middle Bronze Age imports, and

1 On this well see M. Bietak and I. Forstner-Müller, Der Hyksos-Palast bei Tell el-Dab‘a. Zweite und Dritte Grabungskampagne (Frühling 2008 und Frühling 2009), ÄuL 19, 2009, 106–108. 2 For the latest published stratigraphic chart (stand 2008), see M. Bietak, Houses, Palaces and Social Structure in Avaris, in M. Bietak, E. Czerny and I. Forstner-Müller eds., Cities and Urbanism in Ancient Egypt, 2010, 33. This dating is diputed by Kopetzky—K. Kopetzky, Tell el-Dab‘a XX, Die Chronologie der Siedlungskeramik der Zweiten Zwischenzeit aus Tell el-Dab‘a, I; 2010, 125 n. 742, who wishes to date the material later in time. However her methodology is suspect in that she assigns small rim or base sherds to complete ‘shapes’ without real proof that such rim or base sherds come from that particular ‘shape’, and then combines a number of clearly different shapes into a single ‘type’. On the particular problems of identifying whole shapes from rim sherds in particular respect to the Tell el-Dab‘a material see B. Bader, Processing and Analysis of Ceramic Finds at the Egyptian Site of Tell el-Dab‘a/ Avaris, (“Eves” and other Strange Animals), in B. Horeijs, R. Jung and P. Pavuk, Analysing Pottery, Processing—Classification—Publication, 2010, 214–217. A Copy of a Copy of a Copy, or an Imitation Kamares-Ware Vessel 3 then, over time, developed them into their own indigenous shapes, which are not found in the contemporary Levant (Aston, 2004; Redmount, 1993, 1995a, 1995b).3 The same, however, may also be true of pottery imported from other areas, and indeed, the sherd published here, L81-02224, figure 1.1,4 may indeed be evidence of a similar phenomenon for Minoan pottery. The piece in question is a fragment of a wheel-made bowl with modelled rim, made from a very fine micaceous Nile B1 clay, the modelled rim, of which approximately 25% is preserved, being formed by pinching with the fingers and thumb.5 It has a smoothed but unburnished surface, and a red slip has been applied over the upper part of the exterior. Vessels made of Nile B1 were somewhat rare within the pit complex L81, where most Nile clay vessels were made of a Nile B2 or, more often, a sandy variant of a Nile B2, which I tend to call a Nile B2/e. L81-02224, therefore stands out from the majority of the material found in the pit complex, not only in terms of its shape, but also in terms of its fabric, and one cannot but have a suspicion that either special care was taken in the manu- facture of this vessel, or that it was imported into Tell el-Dab‘a from elsewhere within Egypt.6 No exact parallel is known to me, but it is, however, reminiscent of a type of vessel which Kemp and Merrillees call a ‘bowl with crinkled brim,’ two examples of which have been found in a Twelfth (to early Thirteenth) Dynasty context, Tomb 326, at Harageh (figure 1.2).7 Originally published by Engelbach as ‘foreign’, these vessels, Oxford Ashmolean 1914.684 (Engelbach, 1923, pls. x.8,

3 The same conclusions can also be drawn from the works of V. Müller, Tell el-Dab‘a XVII, Opferdeponierungen in der Hyksoshauptstadt Auaris (Tell el-Dab‘a) vom späten Mittleren Reich bis zum frühen Neuen Reich, Vienna, 2008, I, 186–201, and K. Kopetzky, Tell el-Dab‘a XX, Die Chronologie der Siedlungskeramik der Zweiten Zwischenzeit aus Tell el-Dab‘a, Vienna, 2010, I, 175–254, where, in most cases, no Levantine parallels can be quoted for the, locally made, so-called ‘Syrisch-Palästinensische’ or ‘Mittelbronzezeitliche Formen’ found in Fifteenth Dynasty contexts. This is in direct contrast to those vessels found in Thirteenth Dynasty contexts, for which many more Levantine parallels can be quoted. Cf. also B. Bader, Traces of Foreign Settlers in the Archaeological Record of Tell el-Dab‘a, in K. Duistermaat and I. Regulski eds., Intercultural Contacts in the Ancient Mediterranean, 2011, 137–158. 4 I am grateful to Manfred Bietak for entrusting me with the publication of the material from L81, and for permission to include this sherd here in advance of the main publication. 5 I am indebted to Bettina Bader who first pointed out that this sherd might show Minoan influence, and to Marian Negrete-Martinez for the illustration of the vessel which appears in this article. 6 On the relative scarcity of Nile B1 at Tell el-Dab‘a in relation to sites to the south, such as the contemporary settlement of Kom Rabi‘a, see B. Bader, Tell el-Dab‘a XIX, Auaris und Memphis im Mittleren Reich und in der Hyksoszeit, Vienna, 2009, 245–340. 7 B.J. Kemp and R.S. Merrillees, Minoan Pottery in Second Millenium Egypt, 1980, 36–38. 4 aston

figure 1.1 L81-0224 xli.98W; Kemp and Merrillees, 1980, 38, fig. 17; Walberg, 1987, 32) and London UCL 18718, (Hankey, 1990, Kemp and Merrillees, 1980, 38, fig. 17) are both made of a ‘fine brown micaceous fabric’, evidently Nile clay, with Engelbach (1923, 10) pointing out that the vessel now in Oxford ‘is of light brownish pottery, smoother than the usual Egyptian types’ and like our example have a red band on the upper part of the vessel. In contrast to our example, however, the Harageh vessels are more squat, and have black decoration within the indents at the rim, and black bands on the shoulder, although it is possible that any black decoration on L81-02224 was lost owing to the damp conditions in which it was found. This type of bowl does not occur in the recently published Handbook of Middle Kingdom Pottery, (Schiestl and Seiler, 2012), since the authors have presumably excluded it as a ‘non-Egyptian shape produced in Egypt’ (Schiestl and Seiler, 2012, I, 26); it is thus difficult to know whether these ‘bowls with crinkled brims’ are restricted to Harageh or have been found elsewhere. A Copy of a Copy of a Copy, or an Imitation Kamares-Ware Vessel 5

A perfunctory search through the literature has not, however, revealed any more of these vessels. Kemp and Merrillees (1980, 36–38) have plausibly argued that the Harageh vessels are actually second generation imitations, being themselves copies of Egyptian copies of Minoan vessels. They draw a direct line of descent from genuine Minoan vessels through Egyptian copies such as London BM A562 and London BM A564 both found at Kahun, (Petrie, 1890, pl. xiv.10; 1891, 9, pl. i.8; Kemp and R.S. Merrillees, 1980, 68–69, figs. 27–28) to the Harageh vessels (cf. fig. 1.2). Since our vessel has a more rounded body than either of the Harageh examples, and, if it is not an old vessel, is also somewhat later in time, it is probable that L81-02224 represents a further generation removed from the original Minoan prototype. Egyptian imitations of Middle Minoan vessels are somewhat scarce, with most of the supposed imitations of Middle Minoan or Kamares ware coming from Kahun, (Kemp and Merrillees, 1980, 1–102; Walberg, 1983, 141–143; 1988; Fitton et al., 1998, 116–119; MacGillivray, 1998, 102–105; Maitlin, 2009), Kemp and Merrillees (1980, 57, 70–77), having recognised nine pieces, their numbers Ka.20–28, from a total of twenty-nine Minoan and Minoanising sherds known to come from the site. They suggested that their pieces Ka.1–17 and Ka.29 were true Minoan imports whilst they were unsure of the origin of Ka.18–19. Walberg, (1983, 142; 1988, 635–636), however, objected that the sherds Ka.6, Ka.9, Ka.11–12 and Ka.14–19, should also be added to the list of imitations since the decorative patterns on those pieces were not found on true Middle Minoan pottery. However, neutron activation analysis, (Fitton et al., 1998, 116–119), on 25 of the 28 pieces now kept in the British Museum, has shown that the original visual analysis of Kemp and Merrillees was correct, with the sampled sherds Ka.1–12, 16–19 clearly originating from Crete; sherds Ka.13–15 being too small to sample, and sherd Ka.29, now kept in the Ashmolean Museum not being analysed. Of these, Ka.1–12 and 16 have close affinities to pottery found at Phaistos, Ka.17 to material discovered at Knossos, and Ka.18–19 having close matches to material deriving from Kommos. Of the Egyptian imitations, Ka.21–22, 26–28, were made of Nile clay, Ka.20, Marl clay, and Ka.23–24 could not be identified, although visually they were later identified as being made of Western Desert Oasis clay (Darnell in Fitton et al., 1998, 127). A further pair of Egyptian imitations of Middle Minoan pottery was recognised by Kemp and Merrillees as deriving from Harageh, the cemetery associated with Kahun. Kemp and Merrillees, (1980, 6–14, 38–39), visually identified twelve genuine Minoan sherds, their Ha.1–12, and the two imitations, Ha.13–14, Oxford Ashmolean 1914.684 and London UCL 18718, referred to above. Once again, however, Walberg, (1983, 141–142; 1988, 634), objects that five of the presumed imports must be imitations, though she only singles out 6 aston

figure 1.2

Ha.5, (wrongly called Ha.4 in Walberg 1988, 634), and Ha.8, and it would appear that her five pieces also include the imitations, already identified by Kemp and Merrillees, namely Ha.13–14, and Manchester 6134F. In regard to the latter she states that it ‘is also certainly not Minoan. It is a rim sherd of a hemispherical bowl of a form that Kemp and Merrillees identify as a standard Middle Kingdom type,’ but since Kemp and Merrillees had already recognised it as an A Copy of a Copy of a Copy, or an Imitation Kamares-Ware Vessel 7

Egyptian piece it is hard to know to what Walberg is objecting. She also adds to this list of imitations two other sherds from Lisht, Kemp and Merrillees’ Li.2 and Li.4, both of which were deemed to be true imports by Kemp and Merrillees. However, since Walberg made her comments based solely on stylistic correlations, which, in the case of the NAA study of the Kahun sherds, turned out to be incorrect, her views on whether the Harageh and Lisht sherds are true imports or Egyptian copies will be ignored for the purpose of this article, at least until further scientific analysis is carried out on the sherds in question. Moreover, MacGillivray (1998, 105), is happy to ascribe a Minoan origin to Ha.5 pointing out that it ‘may be the shoulder of a bridge-spouted jar in Stamped and Impressed Ware of the MM IIA period at Knossos.’ A final presumed imitation is a remarkable vessel found at Buhen, (Randall- MacIver and Woolley, 1911, 132–133, pl. 50), which is evidently a typical Middle Kingdom vessel, cream slipped and burnished, and painted with cross-hatched, petal and running spiral decoration. Whilst Kemp and Merrillees (1980, 102– 103), have added this vessel to the Minoan/Minoanising debate since the running spiral motif is not an Egyptian one, the other decorative elements are found on contemporary Egyptian faience pots, and it is probably best to see the decoration on this vessel as possibly Minoan inspired rather than as an imitation. It is a moot point, however, whether the Tell el-Dab‘a sherd is actually an imitation of a Minoan vessel, or a development of a pot type, which had effec- tively entered the Egyptian repertoire, with its Minoan antecedents having been completely lost. If we assume that L81-02224 is contemporary with the context in which it was found, and is not an old vessel, the latter is more likely. Just as with most of the locally produced Syro-Palestinian Middle Bronze inspired Hyksos Period pottery, L81-02224 has developed along its own pecu- liarly Egyptian lines, although its original antecedents, just as with the Syro- Palestinian inspired shapes, can still be traced, although it no longer bears any similarity to contemporary vessels produced in Crete. If we assume that our sherd was an import into Tell el-Dab‘a, then we might suggest that it was originally made in the Lahun-Harageh region, where it had developed out of the earlier first and second generation copies. That L81-02224 was locally made in Tell el-Dab‘a, however, cannot be ruled out. It should not be forgotten, that, although most Kamares ware pottery found in Egypt comes from the area of Lisht, Kahun and Harageh, a considerable number of Middle Minoan sherds have also been found at Tell el-Dab‘a. Outside of the Lisht-Kahun-Harageh area and Tell el-Dab‘a, only single examples of Middle Minoan vessels/sherds are known from Abydos, Karnak North, Qubbet el-Hawa, and the Wadi Gassis, (cf. Kemp and Merrillees, 1980; Jacquet-Gordon, 1991, 29; Maitlin, 2009, 214). The Tell el Dab‘a sherds comprise at least ten fragments, TD 8558N/1–6, 8 aston

8559R-T, 8900Y, of two MM IIA oval mouth amphorae, (Czerny, 1998; Czerny forthcoming),8 four fragments of the same MM IIA–B cup, TD 7255, 7255A–C, (Walberg, 1992,9 1998, MacGillivray, 1995), and two other unpublished pieces, a further cup base, TD 3336I, probably the unstratified MM IIIA/B sherd referred to by Walberg (1992, 117) in her discussion of TD 7255–7255C, and the rim of a cup, TD 7254K found in grave F/I-p/20, assigned to stratum b/3-b/2, (Phase F-E/3), (McGovern, 2000, 155; Merrillees, 2003, 137). How these sherds arrived in Tell el-Dab‘a is not hard to fathom. The large number of Canaanite storage jars found at Tell el-Dab‘a, in late Twelfth and Thirteenth Dynasty contexts,10 indicates that it must have been a port of major importance at that time. Recent excavations have shown that during the late Twelfth and Thirteenth Dynasties the only site with a comparative percentage of true imports to Tell el-Dab‘a is Lisht where 3.4% of the pottery refuse from the houses in Lisht village was of Canaanite origin, and ‘it seems safe to assume that each household in the area of Egypt’s capital at Itj-tawy possessed at least one Canaanite jar and probably more when one takes into account the great strength and durability of these containers,’ (Arnold et al., 1995, 30). There can thus be no doubt that during the late Twelfth and early Thirteenth Dynasties, strong contacts must have existed between the royal capital at Itj- tawy, and Tell el-Dab‘a, which probably acted as Egypt’s main port, (Bietak, 1996, 14–20, 55–60; 1998; Marcus, 2006). True Minoan imports, which probably arrived as diplomatic gifts from the Cretan royal family to the Egyptian royal family, (Wiener, 1991, 325–350; Fitton et al., 1998, 133), would thus, in all likeli- hood have passed through Tell el-Dab‘a, where some of them may have been siphoned off, before being sent on to the capital at Itj-tawy. From there some of them were presumably distributed to high officials at Lisht and Kahun, from whence some ended up in the local cemetery. The vessels which remained in Tell el-Dab‘a may also have been imitated by local potters, and, as with the imitations of imported Middle Bronze Age Syro-Palestinian types, these copies may well have developed into indigenous North-Eastern Delta shapes, as represented by L81-02224.

8 At least two amphorae are concerned since three handle fragments with parts of the rim are preserved. I thank Ernst Czerny for showing me the section of his forthcoming volume “Der Mund der beiden Wege.” Der Siedlung und die Tempelbezirk des Mittleren Reiches von Ezbet Rushdi, in which these pieces will be published. 9 Note her sherd 2 ‘no Inv no.’ is actually 7255A, and her sherd 4 is 7255C. 10 On true imports during the MB IIA Period, see D. Aston, Ceramic Imports at Tell el-Dab‘a during the Middle Bronze IIA, in M. Bietak ed., The Middle Bronze Age in the Levant, Vienna, 2002, 43–87. A Copy of a Copy of a Copy, or an Imitation Kamares-Ware Vessel 9

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in. Z. Hawass and J. Richards eds., The Archaeology and Art of Ancient Egypt. Essays in Honor of David B. O’Connor, Cairo: SCA, pp. 119–125. Czerny, E. 1998, Zur Keramik von ‘Ezbet Rushdi (stand Mai, 1997), ÄuL 8, 41–46. ——— forthcoming, „Der Mund der beiden Wege.“ Der Siedlung und die Tempelbezirk des Mittleren Reiches von Ezbet Rushdi, Vienna: Austrian academy of sciences. Engelbach, R.E. 1923, Harageh, (BSAE 28), London: Bernard Quaritch. Fitton, L., Hughes M. and Quirke S. 1988, Northerners at Lahun, in S. Quirke ed., Lahun Studies, New Malden: SIA Publishing, pp. 112–140. Hankey, V. 1990, Petrie, Mycenae and Egypt. The Aegean Bronze Age and Petrie’s Egyptian Collection, Minerva 1, 12–15. Jacquet-Gordon, H. 1991, Karnak-Nord, 1989, BCEg 15: 27–29. Kemp B.J. and Merrillees, R.S. 1980, Minoan Pottery in Second Millenium Egypt, Mainz am Rhein: von Zabern. Kopetzky, K. 2010, Tell el-Dab‘a XX, Die Chronologie der Siedlungskeramik der Zweiten Zwischenzeit aus Tell el-Dab‘a, Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Denkschriften der Gesamtakademie 62, Vienna: Austrian academy of sciences. MacGillivray, J.A. 1995, A Minoan Cup at Tell el-Dab‘a, ÄuL 5, 81–84. ——— 1998, Knossos: Pottery Groups of the Old Palace Period, (British School at Athens Studies 5), Nottingham: British School at Athens. Maitlin, C.E. 2009, The Perceived Value of Minoan and Minoanising Pottery in Egypt, JMA 22: 211–234. Marcus, E. 2006, Venice on the Nile ? On the Maritime Character of Tell el-Dab‘a, in E. Czerny, I. Hein, H. Hunger, A. Schwab and D. Melman, eds., Timelines. Studies in Honour of Manfred Bietak, II, (OLA 149), Leuven: Peeters, pp. 187–190. McGovern, P.E. 2000, The Foreign Relations of the Hyksos, (BAR International Series 888), Oxford: Oxbow. Merrillees, R.S. 2003, The First Appearance of Kamares Ware in the Levant, ÄuL 13: 127–142. Müller, V. 2008, Tell el-Dab‘a XVII, Opferdeponierungen in der Hyksoshauptstadt Auaris (Tell el-Dab‘a) vom späten Mittleren Reich bis zum frühen Neuen Reich, Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Denkschriften der Gesamtakademie 45, Vienna: Austrian academy of sciences. Petrie, W.M.F. 1890, The Egyptian Bases of Greek History, JHS 11: 271–277. ——— 1891, Illahun, Kahun and Gurob, London: Philip Nutt. Randall-MacIver D. and Woolley, C.L. 1911, Buhen, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania University Museum. Redmount, C.A. 1993, Tell el-Maskhuta. Hyksos Pottery, BCEg 17: 2–17. ——— 1995a, Pots and Peoples in the Egyptian Delta: Tell el-Maskhuta and the Hyksos, JMA 8: 61–89. A Copy of a Copy of a Copy, or an Imitation Kamares-Ware Vessel 11

——— 1995b, Ethnicity, Pottery and the Hyksos at Tell el Maskhuta in the Egyptian Delta, Biblical Archaeologist 58: 182–190. Schiestl R. and Seiler, A. 2012, Handbook of Pottery of the Egyptian Middle Kingdom, Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Denkschriften der Gesamtakademie 72, Vienna: Austrian academy of sciences. Walberg, G. 1983, Provincial Middle Minoan Pottery, Mainz am Rhein: von Zabern. ——— 1987, Kamares. A Study of the Character of Palatial Middle Minoan Pottery2, (SIMA Pocketbook 49), Gothenburg: Aströms Verlag. ——— 1988, Kamares Imitations in Egypt and their Social and Economic Implications, in J. Christiansen and T. Melander eds., Ancient Greek and Related Pottery. Copenhagen, Nationalmuseet, pp. 634–639. ——— 1992, The Finds at Tell el-Dab‘a and Middle Minoan Chronology, ÄuL 2: 115–120. ——— 1998, The Date and Origin of the Kamares Cup from Tell el Dab‘a, ÄuL 8: 107–108. Wiener, M. 1991, The Nature and Control of Minoan Foreign Trade, in N. Gale, ed., Bronze Age Trade in the Mediterranean, (SIMA 90), Jonsered: Aström, pp. 325–350.n, David. CHAPTER 2 Between Thebes and Elephantine: Busy Lives of Egyptian Officials

Julia Budka Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna

Abstract أ ف ف ة ُ أ أ ف �ت�ن��ق� ا �ل��م��س�ئ� �ل�� ن ��م �م�ع � � �م��ص ا �ل��ق��د ��م�� ع�ت��ق��د �ن��ه اح�د �م� ن ��ه�� ا �ل�ع ا�م� ا ��لت� ��س�ا �ه�م� ت � ل وي� ر رو� ي� � ر ي وي و � م و ل ي� � ي� ة ن ن آ ق ش خ ة ف �ت��ا د ا �ل�ع��ا د ا ت� ا �ل��م��ح��ل �� ق� ا �ل��م�ع�� د ا ت� �م� ن � �م�ك�ا � ل � خ� . ��ت� ض�� م� ن ا ��لن�� ا �ل��ص�� ب ل ب ي و ل بو � �إى ر وي �ح � و � � ري ي� أ أ أ أ ن أ �ق ن ن �ش��خ ت ن ش ة ة ذ ش ف� ن �ع ت� �إ ��ل�ي�� م� ��سوا�، �� ال� ��ا �ص ا �ل��مر��ب��ط�ي�� ب��ال� ��ط�� ا �ل��م�ع��م�ار�ي�� و�ك�� ل�ك ا �ل��م��ر�ي�� ع��لى � �م�ا ل ا �ل��ح��ج�ي��ر أ ن أ ن ت نت ظ � تف �قة ن � ا تق �قة �ث ة � ض ت ك�ا� �ي�� م�إر��س�ا ��ل�ه��م ب��إ��ا �م ل� ح�ا ء �م��ر �� م�� ا �لب�ل د. و��د �م ا �لور �� ا �ل�ب��ح��ي�� ع��ا د ا � �ب�وا ب� أ ن ق ق � نق �ش� ة� ن � � ف نت ن�ش ا� � �ش�� ة � ا � ئ � ن ا � ن ن ت � � � � ت � �ةا � � م��و �� م�� إ ل��ي�� ك��و ه�د م�ب��ا ر ع��لى � ل��م��س��ول�ي�� ل��م��صر�ي��ي �ك�ا�� ل�ه�� مإ ��ا م�ا � ��صي��ر ل��م�د ى أ ثن ة � ثة ��ا ء �ع��ص را �ل�د و�ل�� ا ل�ح�د �ي� ��. ت ة ة ةأت ة ن أ ف ق ة ��س��م�� د ا ��س�� ح�ا �ل�� ل��م��س�ئ� �م� ن �ع��ص ا �ل ع�ا �م��س�� م� ن ط�� ك�ا �ل�ه �� ض��ا � نم��زلا � � �ل��ف��ن��ت�� ن ��م�ن��ا ��ش�� و ح ر ول � � ر ر ى � ي ب و � ي� � ي�إ ي� ب ذ ض ظ � تنق � ظ ف ن ن � ف تق � ة �تنق � ز �ت �ق ب��ع�� م��ا ه ر��ل ا ل��مو��ي�� الإ� د ار�ي��ي� و�كي�� ب��لوا ح�ي��ا � ا ل��ل �ه�� ه. حور�ي� و�و ج ��ه ��د �م�ا أ ف ق ف ن ة ة � ن��س��ه�� م�ا ك�ز ط�� م�ك� ث ��ع ض�� ا �ل �� ت � � �ل��ف��ن��ت�� ن ك�ان��ا ��ت��م�ن��ا ا �ل�ع د � � ل �م ط�ن��ه��م�ا � ل ح�م�ا �� ي� �و ج� يبي� � ب � و � ي� إ ي� و ي ي � و إى و � وإى ي ت ة ض أ ة ن ظ ئ ف ق أ �م�ع�� د ا ��ه��م�ا ا �ل��ط�� . �ع��ا د ا ت� ال� � ا �ك�ا �لخ��ا ص�� ح � � ��د ��له�ا ��ا � � �م ا �� خ� � �م� ن بو � يبي ِ � بو ب � ب ور ي� يو ج � ر ي� و ع رى � ت ُ ة أ أ ت ة �م��ص ��ع�ك�� -�م�ث�� ا ��لن��ص � ا ��لت� ت��م��د ط�� ع�� تس�� اك�ا � � د � � ��ا ه �ع��ص ا �ل ع�ا �م��س�� ر و س ل �و ص ي� ج ي ب لى و ر و بر ي� – إ ج � ر ر أ ق ذ ل �عط�ا ء � �ل �ة � ص � �ل�� م ط� ن ا �ل��ف� د �م�ع�� د اته ا �ل��م��ح��ل ��ة �م� ن ا �ل�� م��ق�ت� ؤ �ة �ه�� ا ا ��لت�ف� ض�� إ� �� وو��ي ��وى �و � �ر و بو �� ي . و � � رح ر��ي� �� يل ة ف ة ة نت ة ة ة ذ ا �ل��تم��ز ا��د �ل��ط�� ح��ق�� ا �ل ع�ا �م��س� � �ك�� م��ا �ش�� ل�ن��م��ط ا �ل�ح��ا � ا �ل��مز د�ح�� ل��لم��س�ئ� �ل�� ن ا �ل�� ن � �� ي ي ب ي� ب ر ي ج ب ر ي � م � وي� و ي� يرجح أ ن ت أ ث ن أ ن ن ن ً ة ذ � �ت�ن��ق� ا ��ه�� ك�ان�� ت ��ك�� م��م�ا ��س�ت��ط�� ز �م ��ه �ظ�� ا �ل��م��ح�د د �� م��ص�ا د ن��ا. �ح � � �ل� ا �ل��م��س�ئ� � ل � م � ر يع � ج � ب ر و ي � ر ور ي� ك ول ق ة ف ف غ ً ن ظ ا �ل��ط�� خ��د �م�ت��ه ��ص�� ا �ل��م�د � � � �ل��ن��ت�� ن �ل��س� ت �م�ث�� ا ن��ا د ا �ل��كن��ه�ا �ا ��ل��ا � � ��ع�ك�ا �� ل��م��ه ع�ا �م يبي� و �ير ى ي� إ ي� ي � ل ر � ب إ س �ر َ � � ة ف� � ة �ل� ثة خ � ن �ن �� ل�لإ د ار� �ي� ع��ص را �ل�د و�ل�� ا ح�د �ي� �� ب��ره ع �دد �كب�ي��ر �م�� ا �ل��ا س.

My first encounter with Mohamed el-Bialy was in 2002, during his time as the Director General of the West Bank, on the occasion of my initial campaign working on material from Austrian excavations in the Asasif. Later, we regularly met in Aswan where I was studying the ceramics from the New Kingdom settlement of Elephantine. Most recently, our paths crossed again at Thebes: Mohamed helped a lot with the organisation of the conference “Thebes in the First Millennium BC”, held 2012 in Luxor. It is my personal pleasure and a great honour to participate in a Festschrift for Mohamed. Given our encounters, it seemed logical to present him a small account referring both to Thebes and Aswan, highlighting the strong links between these sites and aiming to illustrate some aspects of the complex Pharaonic administration and the busy lives of its protagonists.

Mobility of High Officials in the New Kingdom

Various monuments illustrate that mobility of administrative staff and officials is not a modern phenomenon, but was also common in Pharaonic Egypt. There are cases where we know some details about families and their origins and the data allows reconstructing their careers for several generations, often with changing residences.1 Titles and references to specific deities are in general good indications to separate between long-time residents and newcomers of Egyptian sites. Gods addressed on stelae and other objects are primarily local deities, but also gods associated with other places than the find spot of the monument are attested, possibly hinting at the donor’s hometown or short- term residence.2 Mobility of people is therefore thought to be one of the major factors for the exchange of local cults in Egypt—for example, references to the god Khnum at Thebes or to the goddess Meretseger at Elephantine seem to be related to either the origins or to temporary stopovers of the donators.3

1 E.g. Labib Habachi, “A Family from Armant in Aswân and in Thebes,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 51 (1965): 123–136. 2 Julia Budka, Der König an der Haustür, Die Rolle des ägyptischen Herrschers an dekorierten Türgewänden von Beamten im Neuen Reich (Vienna: Afro-Pub, 2001), 62; Ingrid Nebe, “V. Die Stelen des Heiligtums Y,” in Werner Kaiser et al., “Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine, 17./18. Grabungsbericht,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 46 (1990): 231; Wilhelm Spiegelberg, “Ein Heiligtum des Gottes Chnum von Elephantine in der thebanischen Totenstadt,” Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 54 (1918): 65–67; Dominique Valbelle, Satis et Anoukis (Mainz am Rhein: Philipp von Zabern, 1981), 126. 3 Martin Bommas, “Ramessidische Graffiti aus Elephantine,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 51 (1995): 3–5. 14 budka

Based on the rich written record coming from Deir el-Medine it is reasonable to assume that the inhabitants of this New Kingdom workmen village were also sent to other sites in Egypt, possibly connected with their skills in art work.4 A comparable mobility of other professions from less well attested towns cannot be excluded. This is evident for people involved in expeditions and in the organisation of transporting goods or materials. For example, the large corpus of names and titles attested by the rock inscriptions of the First Cataract area and especially on Sehel Island comprises most of the Theban high officials of the New Kingdom, but also some Memphite officials. These officials were engaged in building activities and primarily the supervision of stone work in the Aswan region.5 Furthermore, there is evidence from settlement sites that officials had temporary living quarters in different parts of Egypt during the New Kingdom.6 Similarly, officials were sent into regions outside of Egypt proper, but under Egyptian administration,7 especially in the then newly founded towns in Nubia (e.g. Aniba, Amara West and Sai Island among others). It is particularly the New Kingdom with its wealth of available material when it is possibly to trace officials at more than one site thanks to textual records. Famous examples are various King’s Sons of Kush like Nehi (Thutmose III)8 and Setau (Ramesses II).9 As the highest officials of the Egyptian administration in Nubia, they have left marks at Thebes, in the region of Aswan and also in Lower and Upper Nubia. The most common monuments are—besides a tomb ideally situated at Thebes—rock inscriptions, rock shrines, stelae and

4 See Valbelle, Satis et Anoukis, 126. Cf. also Nebe, “V. Stelen,” 231. 5 Cf. Bommas, “Ramessidische Graffiti,” 5; Labib Habachi, “Two Graffiti from the Reign of Queen Hatshepsut,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 16 (1957): 89–92; Thomas Hikade, Das Expeditionswesen im ägyptischen Neuen Reich (Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag, 2001), 235–238. 6 See e.g. Budka, König Haustür, 107. 7 Cf. Carola Vogel, “Pharaos verlängerter Arm: ägyptische Beamte im Auslandseinsatz,” in Die Männer hinter dem König: 6. Symposium zur ägyptischen Königsideologie/6th Symposium on Egyptian Royal Ideology Iphofen, 16.–18. Juli 2010, ed. Horst Beinlich, Königtum, Staat und Gesellschaft früher Hochkulturen 4,3 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2012), 151–166. 8 See most recently Christian Leblanc, “Nehy, prince et premiere rapporteur du roi,” in Verba manent, Recueil d’etudes dédiées à Dimitri Meeks par ses collègues et amis, ed. Isabelle Regén and Frédéric Servajan (Montpellier: Inst. d’Égyptologie François Daumas, 2009), 241–251. 9 Cf. Christine Raedler, “Zur Repräsentation und Verwirklichung pharaonischer Macht in Nubien: Der Vizekönig Setau,” in Das Königtum der Ramessidenzeit. Voraussetzungen— Verwirklichung—Vermächtnis. Akten des 3. Symposiums zur Ägyptischen Königsideologie in Bonn 7.–9. 6. 2001, ed. Rolf Gundlach and Ursula Rössler-Köhler, Beiträge zur altägyptischen Königsideologie 3, Ägypten und Altes Testament 36,3 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2003), 129–137. Between Thebes and Elephantine 15 statues.10 Such monuments have already been taken into account by scholars to establish prosopographies, to reconstruct administrative systems and to trace economic aspects of New Kingdom Egypt.11 In the following, I will focus on less well-known monuments which are first- hand testimonies for a life on the move and originate from the period in which the respective officials actively held their office: inscribed door lintels and door jambs of houses which functioned as dwellings and in most cases just as short- term homes. The settlement of Elephantine has yielded a number of interesting stone blocks which testify the presence of officials who are also known from other sites, thus were sent for a certain period to Elephantine.

Theban Officials as Temporary Residents of Elephantine

The importance of Elephantine as site with strategic value due to its location just north of the First Nile Cataract is well known.12 For a long period Elephantine functioned as base for expeditions to Sudan and as important trading point at Egypt’s southern border.13 With the Egyptian expansion towards the South during the New Kingdom, coinciding with an increased demand for the transport of goods, materials and people to and from Upper and Lower Nubia, Elephantine flourished and gained importance. The Theban priesthood was undeniably interested in the local temples at Elephantine, as

10 The “Besucherinschriften” or visitors’ graffiti, very common in the New Kingdom, fall into another category, see Hana Navrátilova, The Visitors’ Graffiti of Dynasties XVIII and XIX in Abusir and Northern Saqqara (Prague: Set Out, 2007), passim. 11 See e.g. Pierre-Marie Chevereau, Prosopographie des cadres militaires égyptiens du Nouvel Empire (Antony: Chevereau, 1994); Ingeborg Müller, Die Verwaltung Nubiens im Neuen Reich (PhD diss., Humboldt University Berlin, 1979) and Ingeborg Müller, Die Verwaltung Nubiens im Neuen Reich, Meroitica 18 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2013). Cf. also Raedler, “Repräsentation,” 129–137 for a reconstruction of the “network” of one single person, in this case the King’s Son of Kush Setau. 12 Cf. Detlef Franke, “Elephantine,” in The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, ed. Donald B. Redford, Vol. 1 (Oxford: University Press, 2001), 465; Werner Kaiser, “Elephantine,” in Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt, ed. Kathryn A. Bard (London and New York: Routledge, 1999), 335–342. 13 Cf. Hikade, Expeditionswesen, passim; Cornelius von Pilgrim, “Elephantine—(Festungs-) Stadt am Ersten Katarakt,” in Cities and Urbanism in Ancient Egypt, eds. Manfred Bietak, Ernst Cerny and Irene Forstner-Müller (Vienna: Austrian Academy of Sciences Press, 2010), 257–265. 16 budka can be shown by a number of rock graffiti14 and assumed by material remains like ceramic vessels.15 Egyptian officials who participated in expedition and/or military campaigns towards the South had to pass through Aswan and Elephantine. Obviously they spent some time there before their departure to Nubia as hundreds of rock inscriptions attest.16 References on door jambs testify the existence of temporary dwellings for King’s Sons of Kush like Nehi on the island of Elephantine.17 Also priests of gods at other sites had short-term houses on Elephantine, as can be shown by the lintel of Huj, superior of the priests of all gods at Elkab during the reign of Ramesses III.18

The Case of Hori, Overseer of the Seal and Superior of the Scribes of the Offering Tables

During the 32nd season of the joint mission of the German Archaeological Institute Cairo and the Swiss Institute Cairo at Elephantine, a left door jamb was discovered in situ in a secondary position in house X in area B II.19 The door jamb was reused as a step tread in a later building phase and was broken for this purpose into two pieces (Fig. 2.1).20

14 Stephan J. Seidlmayer, “New Rock Inscriptions on Elephantine Island,” in Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-first Century, Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress of Egyptologists Cairo 2000, ed. Zahi Hawass, Vol. 1 (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2003), 441–442. 15 Julia Budka, “Weihgefäße und Festkeramik des Neuen Reiches von Elephantine,” in Günter Dreyer et al., “Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. 33./34./35. Grabungsbericht,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 64 (2008): 119. 16 See especially Labib Habachi, “The Graffiti and Work of the Viceroys of Kush in the Region of Aswan,” Kush 5 (1957): 13–36; Alexander J. Peden, The Graffiti of Pharaonic Egypt. Scope and Roles of Informal Writings (c. 3100–332 BC) (Leiden/Boston/Köln: Brill, 2001), 83 with note 132; Annie Gasse and Vincent Rondot, Les inscriptions de Séhel (Cairo: Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, 2007); Seidlmayer, “Rock Inscriptions,” 440–447. 17 Budka, König Haustür, 69; 107, cat. 1. 18 Budka, König Haustür, 168–169, cat. 111, fig. 3, pl. 1. 19 My sincere thanks go to Cornelius von Pilgrim as the director of the Swiss Institute and to Beatrice von Pilgrim as the excavator of house X for their support and for the permission to publish the door jamb of Hori. 20 Julia Budka and Beatrice von Pilgrim, “V. Bauteile des Wohnsitzes einer thebanischen Beamtenfamilie in Elephantine,” in Günter Dreyer et al., “Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. 33./34./35. Grabungsbericht,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 64 (2008): 89. Between Thebes and Elephantine 17

figure 2.1 The two blocks of Hori’s door jamb (36605A/e-1, 36605A/a-1) in their secondary in situ position in house X (area B II).

The text of the door jamb (Fig. 2.2) reads as follows:21

→ ḥtp dj nswt Jmn Mw.t Ḫnsw nṯr.w nb.w WꜢs.t dj=sn rn=j mnw m-bꜢḥ=sn jb=j ḫntš n mꜢꜢ ḥꜢ.wt=sn n kꜢ n jmj-rꜢ ḫtm ḥrj sš.w wdḥw m ḥw.t-nswt Ḥrj mꜢꜤ ḫrw n WꜢs.t

The offering which the king gives to Amun, Mut and Khons, to all gods of Thebes, may they grant that my name will last in their presence, that my heart rejoices because of seeing their faces; for the ka of the overseer of the seal, superior of the scribes of the offering table in the king’s temple (ḥw.t-nswt) of Thebes, Hori, the justified.

The owner of the house to which this door jamb originally belonged is named as a certain Hori. Luckily, thanks to his titles, we can identify him with the possessor of another monument: the seated double statue of Hori and his

21 Budka and von Pilgrim, “V. Bauteile,” 90–92. 18 budka

figure 2.2 Hieroglyphic inscription on Hori’s door jamb. Between Thebes and Elephantine 19 wife made of Aswan red granite and now kept in the Louvre, Paris (A 68).22 On this statue, Hori holds the following titles: overseer of the seal23 and superior of the scribes of the offering tables in the House of Millions of years of king BꜢ-n-RꜤ mry-Jmn in the realm of Amun in Western Thebes. The text on the Louvre statue allows therefore to interpret the somehow diffuse term ḥw.t-nswt on the Elephantine door jamb: it is nothing else than the abbreviation for ḥw.t-nswt n.t ḥḥ.w n rnp.wt + (King’s name), in this case for ḥw.t n.t ḥḥ.w rnp.wt nswt-bjt (BꜢ-n-RꜤ mry-Jmn) m pr Jmn ḥr jmnt.t WꜢs.t,24 the House of Millions of years of king Merenptah in Western Thebes.25 Hori’s door jamb therefore supports Ullmann’s modern translation of Houses of Millions of years as “Königstempel ”,26 as buildings with a strong functional connection to the Royal ka and to the king as legitimate ruler for eternity.27 As Hori is connected with the cult of a temple founded by Merenptah, it is reasonable to date his lifetime to the 19th Dynasty. The House of Millions of years of Merenptah was completed after year 5 of the king, but there is evidence for a long period of changes and modification within the complex.28

22 Wilfried Seipel, Gott-Mensch-Pharao. Viertausend Jahre Menschenbild in der Skulptur des Alten Ägypten, Ausstellungskatalog des Kunsthistorischen Museums im Künstlerhaus (Vienna: Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien, 1992), 350–351, cat. 139; Martina Ullmann, König für die Ewigkeit—Die Häuser von Millionen von Jahren, Ägypten und Altes Testament 51 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2002), 399–400, 2.1.1. 23 This title was translated in various ways (see Budka and von Pilgrim, “V. Bauteile,” 92); I follow K.A. Kitchen’s superintendent of the seal (Kenneth A. Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions. Volume IV. Translated and Annotated Translations: Merenptah and the Late Nineteenth Dynasty (Oxford et al.: Wiley-Blackwell, 2003), 103); see also Abdul R. Al-Ayedi, Index of Egyptian Administrative, Religious and Military Titles of the New Kingdom (Ismailia: Obelisk Publ., 2006), 109, no. 359; Seipel, Gott-Mensch-Pharao, 350, cat. 139. 24 See Ullmann, König Ewigkeit, 399. 25 For this temple see Horst Jaritz, “The Mortuary Temple of Merenptah at Qurna and its building phases,” in Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-first Century, Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress of Egyptologists Cairo 2000, ed. Zahi Hawass, Vol. 1 (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2003), 234–241; Stephanie Schröder, Millionenjahrhaus. Zur Konzeption des Raumes der Ewigkeit im konstellativen Königtum in Sprache, Architektur und Theologie (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2010), 107; Ullmann, König Ewigkeit, 399–408. 26 Ullmann, König Ewigkeit, 672. For further relevance of this mentioning of ḥwt-nswt see Budka and von Pilgrim, “V. Bauteile,” 96–97. 27 For a functional interpretation of the Theban Houses of Millions of years see most recently Schröder, Millionenjahrhaus, 217–229 and passim. 28 Jaritz, “Mortuary Temple Merenptah,” 234. 20 budka

A dating to the 19th Dynasty corresponds to both the epigraphic features of the door jamb and to the iconography of the Louvre statue. Thanks to the Louvre statue, which was most likely cut in Aswan although its find spot is unrecorded, we have also some information about Hori’s family. His father Amuneminet ( Jmn-m-jn.t) was sab and scribe of the town/nome; his wife, the šmꜤj.t n Jmn Nofret-irj (Nfr.t-jrj), is also attested at Elephantine.29 In the 16th German-Swiss excavation campaign the lower part of a door jamb with the name of Nofret-irj was recovered in a secondary position, reused as a threshold in house 40 of level 7. Because of the shape and measurements of this block, it is definitely not the counterpart to Hori’s jamb, but rather a fragment of another door frame within the house of Hori. It is tempting to reconstruct an area within the house which was primarily used by women and framed by such a door mentioning the mistress of the house.30 Of course the real presence of Nofret-irj at Elephantine cannot be verified, but it seems very likely that she accompanied her husband towards the South. It is worth mentioning that together with this fragment of Nfr.t-jrj, another stone from a door jamb was found.31 Similar as the one of Hori, this upper part of a jamb refers to a specific Theban deity in the offering formula: Khons at Thebes-Neferhotep-Thoth within the southern Heliopolis.32 Although it cannot be proven this fragment is likely to have once been part of Hori’s villa, being another example of Ramesside references to Theban deities on door jambs at Elephantine.

“Longing for One’s Hometown”, Praising Thebes and Its Deities

Hori and his wife Nofret-irj were represented by the texts of their door frames as a Theban couple which spent some time in Elephantine and was wishing to return to their hometown, praising the Theban triad. References to Theban deities are in general common in the area of the First Cataract and in particular

29 Budka, König Haustür, cat. 121, Ele/NR/Pf.7/IIc (I?), fig. 47 and pl. 3c. 30 Cf. door jambs with the name of princess Meritaton in the North Palace at Amarna, see Budka, König Haustür, 74 with references in note 369. For the common, but not necessary separation of parts of houses into male and female compartments in more recent Nubian and Sudanese architecture see Dieter Eigner, “Kirbekan—ein Dorf der Manasir am 4. Nilkatarakt,” Mitteilungen der Sudanarchäologischen Gesellschaft 16 (2005): 116 with references. A division of houses according to the gender of the inhabitants might have been a possible choice in ancient Egypt as well. 31 Budka, König Haustür, 172, cat. 116, fig. 43, pl. 2c. 32 See Budka, König Haustür, 172; Budka and von Pilgrim, “V. Bauteile,” 93. Between Thebes and Elephantine 21 well attested for rock inscriptions33 and stelae,34 but also on other door jambs.35 All in all, on Ramesside door jambs from various sites in Egypt, Theban gods are frequently named.36 However, as we know more about Hori’s family thanks to the Louvre statue, it is clear that the Elephantine door jamb relates directly to his hometown and not just to Thebes as important town. It remains open how long Hori was away from Thebes and stationed at Elephantine. Given his titles, this business stay might have been connected with stone work,37 but also with organising expeditions to Nubia or with administrative tasks relating to various Nubian resources and raw materials.38 A certain Khnumemheb, employed in the domain of Amun and like Hori superior of the seal, has left a rock graffito at Sehel and was probably for similar reasons as Hori in the area of the First Cataract to do business.39 Living at the border site of Egypt, it was of importance for Hori to demonstrate his Theban background and his affection to Amun on representative parts of his dwelling.40 The phrases used on the newly discovered door jamb at Elephantine fit into the theme of the “Sehnsucht nach der Heimatstadt”41 which can be found in various New Kingdom contexts, primarily in upper class findings.42 A good example is O. Petrie 39 where one reads in the translation of Kitchen: “. . . Whenever I go forth, to travel (around), (then) bring me back to your City, o Amun! For I love it, (my) love (?) is in your City,—more than ( for) (mere)

33 Seidlmayer, “Rock Inscriptions,” 440–447. 34 Nebe, “V. Stelen,” 224–231. 35 Budka, König Haustür, 63–64. 36 Budka, König Haustür, 61–68. Amun-Re appears frequently on stelae of Ramesside officials in all parts of the country, see Karen Exell, Soldiers, Sailors and Sandalmakers. A Social Reading of Ramesside Period Votive Stelae (London: Golden House Publications, 2009), 108. 37 Cf. Hikade, Expeditionswesen, 49–53. 38 For such tasks of a scribe of the offering table see Selke Eichler, Die Verwaltung des “Hauses des Amun” in der 18. Dynastie (Hamburg: Buske, 2000), 167–168. 39 See Annie Gasse and Vincent Rondot, “The Egyptian Conquest and Administration of Nubia during the New Kingdom: the testimony of the Sehel rock-inscriptions,” Sudan & Nubia 7 (2003): 44, fig. 5. 40 Cf. Budka, König Haustür, 62. 41 See Jan Assmann, Ägypten. Theologie und Frömmigkeit einer frühen Hochkultur (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1984), 30–35; Martin Bommas, “Heimweh nach Theben vor dem Hintergrund kultureller Lebensform,” Göttinger Miszellen 193 (2003): 41–44; Heike Guksch, “ ‘Sehnsucht nach der Heimatstadt’: ein ramessidisches Thema?,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 50 (1994): 101–106. 42 See an early example from Aniba (Lower Nubia): Bommas, “Heimweh,” 42. 22 budka bread, more than ( for mere) beer, o Amun, the (very) soil of your town do I love— ( far) more than the (precious) ointments of another land!”43 This love for Thebes is also attested on a Ramesside ostracon from Elephantine.44 It was therefore not only important to get a representative burial and a tomb chapel at Thebes, but also to demonstrate loyalty to Thebes and its deities during one’s lifetime.45 Hori’s wish “that my name will last in their presence” is frequently used in connection with one’s hometown. According to Assmann a “good name” in the hometown is essential for a lasting memory and considered to provide existence in the hereafter.46 The door jamb of Hori illustrates therefore the “Sitz im Leben” of Egyptian homesickness like we encounter it in literary sources and wisdom-texts.47 Given the still very limited state of research about settlement sites, we have to assume that there were a large number of temporary residences for the busy officials of the New Kingdom. Thus, the increase in textual references to the hometown and its importance during Ramesside times might not be accidental— maybe the international period of the 19th and 20th Dynasties resulted in a complex lifetime for a lot of officials who were on the move during their office, not only to follow the court and king, but also traveling to supervise various expeditions and doing business in regions beyond the core of Egypt.48 To spend one’s remaining years in the beloved hometown would have been indeed desirable for various reasons—it became one aspect of the self-representation of a high Ramesside official. Home sweet home is a slogan which was of high significance in the elite society of the New Kingdom where the prosperousness of future generations depended on the funerary cult carried out by the family at

43 Kenneth A. Kitchen, “Festivity in Ramesside Thebes and Devotion to Amun and his City,” in Egyptian Stories. A British Egyptoloical Tribute to Alan B. Lloyd on the Occasion of His Retirement, eds. Thomas Schneider and Kasia Szapakowska (Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, 2007), 150. 44 Hans-Werner Fischer-Elfert, “X. Hieratische Schriftzeugnisse,” in Günter Dreyer et al., “Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. 28./29./30. Bericht,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 58 (2002): 217, Ω 1881. 45 Jan Assmann, “Gottesbeherzigung. ‘Persönliche Frömmigkeit’ als religiöse Strömung der Ramessidenzeit,” in L’Impero Ramesside, Convegno internazionale in onore di Sergio Donadoni, Vicino Oriente, Quaderno 1 (Rome: Università degli Studi di Roma “La Sapienza”, 1997), 23. 46 Assmann, Ägypten, 33–34. 47 Cf. Kitchen, “Festivity,” 149–153. See also Bommas, “Heimweh,” 41–44. 48 Cf. Kenneth A. Kitchen, “High society and lower ranks in Ramesside Egypt at home and abroad,” British Museum Studies in Ancient Egypt and Sudan 6 (2006): 31–36, accessed June 2, 2014, http://www.thebritishmuseum.ac.uk/bmsaes/issue6/kitchen.html. Between Thebes and Elephantine 23 home. sꜤnḫ rn, to revive one’s name, is the main task of an official’s son in order to incorporate the deceased into the group of the living—carried out at its best within the family at home. Hori and his short-term house on Elephantine in which he demonstrated a personal preference and priority for Theban gods correspond to this setting. The case study discussed in this paper should not be seen as exceptional, but rather as a small glimpse into a regularly busy life style of Egyptian officials during the 2nd millennium BC, an era which may be characterized as “a cos- mopolitan age”.49 Like Hori, a number of officials probably experienced short- term contracts outside their hometown on which they could also bring their wives and families. The common attitude to these stays was to view them as just temporary, wishing to return home sooner than later. Scholars living in the fast moving 21st century AD will perhaps have little difficulties sympathizing with Hori and his fellow Egyptians of the Ramesside era, no matter how different the cultural settings are.

49 Kitchen, “High society,” 33. CHAPTER 3 Three Christian Funerary Stelae from Aswan

Jitse H.F. Dijkstra University of Ottawa

Abstract

Introduction

In its ninth excavation season (2008–2009), the Swiss-Egyptian archaeological mission at Aswan conducted emergency excavations in Area 45 (see Fig. 3.1).1 This is one of the several sites that have now been investigated and that provide evidence for the extensive cemeteries which stretched out to the north of the Graeco-Roman and Late Antique town of Syene.2 In the western sector of Area 45, excavated in the Summer of 2008 by Egyptian members of the mission, a series of tombs was unearthed consisting of a subterranean vaulted chamber

1 I would like to thank Cornelius von Pilgrim, director of the Swiss Institute for Archaeological and Architectural Research on Ancient Egypt and the excavations at Aswan, for asking me to work on the three stelae published in this article, which were first shown to me shortly after their discovery in the form of photographs (published here as Figs 3.4–3.6) at a conference at Cairo in November 2008. The originals were studied during fieldwork by the author in Aswan in October/November 2010, when additional photographs of the stelae for study purposes were also taken. The archaeological context was discussed in 2010 and again during a fieldwork campaign in March 2013 with Wolfgang Müller, the archaeologist in charge in the field, who also kindly provided me with photographs of the stela found in situ (no. 2), two of which are reproduced here (Figs 3.2–3.3). Further thanks go to Jacques van der Vliet for his help in deciphering and dating the stelae, to Van der Vliet and Alain Delattre for comments on an earlier draft of this article, and to Geoffrey Greatrex for some improvements to my English. 2 Examples of sites that have been discussed in preliminary reports include: Areas 21, 24 and 25 (C. von Pilgrim et al., “Report on the 5th and 6th Season in Aswan,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 64 (2008), 338, 340–344) and Areas 30, 33 and 34 (C. von Pilgrim et al., “Report on the 7th Season in Aswan,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 66 (2010), 181, 196, 198).

figure 3.1 Archaeological map of Aswan.

and a rectangular superstructure with a rectangular entrance shaft to the west (Fig. 3.2).3 In the superstructure of one of these tombs, a Christian funerary

3 The excavations were carried out under the supervision of Mustafa Hassan Khalil and Fahmi Mahmud el-Amin between 1 May and 29 August 2008. 26 dijkstra

figure 3.2 Overview of chambered tombs in the western sector of Area 45 (photograph Swiss Institute Cairo/W. Müller). stela of an earlier date was found incorporated in an addition to its west (stela no. 2 published here, as visible on Fig. 3.3). Two other tombstones from the same area were no longer in situ but were no doubt also reused in the super- structures of these tombs and are contemporary with no. 2. While a refined dating of the different phases of the cemetery must await a detailed analysis of the pottery, it is clear that the slab was reused in one of the later tombs of the cemetery. In an excavation of the eastern sector of Area 45 in the Fall of 2008, a Swiss team found more tombs of this later phase of chambered tombs, though they were much less well preserved than in the western sector.4 They also found tombs of an earlier Christian phase, consisting of simple pit graves with single burials, but oriented in an east-west direction, just like the tombs of later date. Probably the tombstones published here date to this earlier, Christian phase, for which the find of a coin provides a terminus post quem of the reign of Constantius II (337–361).5

4 The excavations took place between 10 October and 10 December 2008 under supervision of Wolfgang Müller. 5 A preliminary report of the ninth season has not yet been published but its results can be viewed online at http://www.swissinst.ch/html/forschung_neu.html (C. von Pilgrim, W. Müller, Three Christian Funerary Stelae From Aswan 27

figure 3.3 Tomb with a Christian funerary stela (no. 2) reused in its superstructure (photograph Swiss Institute Cairo/W. Müller).

The three stelae published here are all of sandstone. They have been written in Greek, though no. 1 contains a Copticising name. The use of the letter ϥ in this stela points to a date to not before the sixth century.6 The handwriting of the stelae, especially of no. 2, fits in with this observation and suggests a date in the sixth/seventh century. Despite the fact that these stelae are not particularly noteworthy in themselves, making them available to the scholarly community is still significant, as it seldom happens that tombstones from Egypt can be studied within their archaeological context,7 even if, as in this case, that context is only one of secondary reuse.

“Report on the Ninth Season of the Joint Swiss-Egyptian Mission in Syene/Old Aswan (2008/2009),” pp. 4–6). The coin was identified by H.C. Noeske. 6 For the late and slow development of Coptic in inscriptions, see J. van der Vliet, “ ‘What Is a Man?’ The Nubian Tradition of Coptic Funerary Inscriptions,” in Nubian Voices. Studies in Christian Nubian Culture, ed. A. Łajtar and J. van der Vliet (Warsaw, 2011), 177, who for Egypt refers to J. Bingen, “L’épigraphie grecque de l’Égypte post-constantinienne,” in Pages d’épigraphie grecque, II: Égypte (1983–2002) (Brussels, 2005), 86. 7 B. Tudor, Christian Funerary Stelae of the Byzantine and Arab Periods from Egypt (Marburg, 2011), 132–133, with some photographs of tombstones found in situ at pp. 133–134. 28 dijkstra

1 Tombstone of Taiam (inv. no. 9-45-299-1/1; Fig. 3.4)

figure 3.4 Stela no. 1 (inv. no. 9-45-299-1/1; photograph Swiss Institute Cairo/A. Krause).

This tombstone measures 25.2 × 32.7 cm. The stone is worn on all sides and small pieces have broken off, especially at the top, though this does not affect the main part of the stela. The stela is decorated with a triangular pediment with conch supported by two columns.8 In between the columns is a cross with flared endings (cross ‘pattée’) under which there is a Greek text consisting of

8 For architectural elements as decoration of Christian funerary stelae, see A. Badawy, “La stèle funéraire copte à motif architectural,” Bulletin de la Société d’archéologie copte 11 (1947), 1–25, and id., Coptic Art and Archaeology. The Art of the Christian Egyptians from the Late Antique to the Middle Ages (Cambridge, MA, 1978), 101–102, 210–221, who discusses many variants, and, briefly, Tudor, Christian Funerary Stelae, 132. Three Christian Funerary Stelae From Aswan 29 three lines.9 Text and decoration were painted over with red paint, which is still visible on the columns and pediment, and on the letters of the text. A box in red was drawn around the text on three sides. Above, pediment and columns also seem to have been framed by a box, which is only visible on the right-hand side. Both text and decoration have been hastily manufactured (cf. e.g. the columns).

1. Ταε̣ι̣ὰ̣μ 2. Τανοῦϥε 3. οὐδὶς ἀθάν̣α̣ . . .

3. οὐδὶς: read οὐδεὶς

Taiam, (the daughter of ) Tanoufe. No one is immortal.

1. The letters of the name of the deceased are ligatured and the middle four letters in particular have been written quickly in a cursive hand, which makes the reading not entirely certain. The name Taeiam is attested as a female personal name on three Christian tombstones from Egypt: a Greek stela from Esna or Armant (dated to the sixth/seventh century), a Greek/Coptic stela possibly from Esna (before the seventh century) and a Greek stela from Aswan (undated).10 The similar dates compared with our stela, which is also Christian, and the fact that one of the parallels is from Aswan, support our reading. 2. The name Tanoufe is not attested in Coptic texts, but is no doubt a Copti cising variant of Tanoube, which is known from Greek papyri (hence the name is rendered here in Greek font, with the addition of the ϥ).11

9 For the cross ‘pattée’, which is type 4 in the typology established for the crosses in the temple of Isis at Aswan, see J.H.F. Dijkstra, Syene I. The Figural and Textual Graffiti from the Temple of Isis at Aswan (Darmstadt/Mainz, 2012), 81, 83 (Fig. 20). 10 Esna/Armant: S. Sauneron, R.-G. Coquin, “Catalogue provisoire des stèles funéraires coptes d’Esna,” in Livre de centénaire, 1880–1980, ed. J. Vercoutter (Cairo, 1980), 268–269 (no. 76.4) = SEG XX 693. Esna (?): R.-G. Coquin, M.-H. Rutschowskaya, “Les stèles coptes du Département des antiquités égyptiennes du Louvre,” Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 94 (1994), 119–120 (no. 11.1) = SB Kopt. II 1101. Aswan: G. Lefebvre, Recueil des inscriptions grecques-chrétiennes d’Égypte (Cairo, 1907), 103 (no. 568.3). 11 For this name, see e.g. F. Preisigke, Namenbuch (Heidelberg, 1922) s.v. Τανοῦβε. An example can be found in a sixth-century papyrus from Aphrodite, SB XVIII 13297.8 (547 CE). For the interchange of ⲃ and ϥ, see W.E. Crum, A Coptic Dictionary (Oxford, 1939), 619a; P.E. Kahle, Bala’izah: Coptic Texts from Deir el-Bala’izah in Upper Egypt, vol. 1 (Oxford, 1954), 30 dijkstra

3. The third line is written in smaller characters, which are less deeply incised and more scratchy than the previous two lines, and the end of the line is so poorly written that these letters are not readable. However, what is meant is clearly οὐδεὶς ἀθάνατος ‘no one is immortal’. This phrase is usually preceded by μὴ λυπηθῇς ‘do not grieve’ (with variants).12 See for this formula a stela from Aswan that was found among the stone blocks dumped from the surrounding area in the temple of Isis, as well as five other stelae more generally assigned to Aswan.13

2 Tombstone of ? (inv. no. 9-45-299-1/2; Fig. 3.5)

The second epitaph (17 × 33 cm) is the one that was discovered in situ (see introduction). It was found on its side, turned 90°, with only the left-hand side of the original stela intact (see Fig. 3.3). This tombstone is more symmetrically arranged than the preceding one and more effort seems to have been spent on decoration and text. As in no. 1, red paint has been applied. The decoration is also similar, in this case consisting of a column with arch.14 Below the arch, a small part of a cross with flared endings in the same position as in no. 1 is still visible; there is also a slightly smaller cross ‘pattée’ below the text. Unlike the previous epitaph, the decoration and text have been incised in a deepened surface in the stone, which results in the creation of a frame around decoration and text. Unfortunately, the name of the deceased (line 2) is lost.

93–94 (§ 66). The examples given in the latter work mostly come from Middle Egypt, but the present case indicates that the interchange also occurred in southern Egypt. 12 For the formula ‘Do not grieve, no one is immortal’, see in general Tudor, Christian Funerary Stelae, 149–150. 13 E. Bresciani, S. Pernigotti, Assuan (Pisa, 1978), 303–304 (no. 11), with Pl. LVIII (also note the similar architectural elements in nos 11–12 as in our stela) = SEG XXVIII 1490 = IThSy 238; Lefebvre, Recueil des inscriptions grecques-chrétiennes, 104 (no. 566), 105 (no. 573), 106 (nos 575–576), 107 (no. 578), cf. 105 (no. 570). In the first instance, οὐδεὶς ἀθάνατος is followed by ἐν τῷ βίῳ τούτῳ ‘in this life’, in the others by the more common phrase ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ τούτῳ ‘in this world’ (in various spellings). However, the ‘bare’ formula, with only οὐδεὶς ἀθάνατος, is well attested elsewhere, e.g. Lefebvre, Recueil des inscriptions grecques-chrétiennes, 39 (no. 202.4–5), 47 (no. 244.5), 90 (no. 490.5–6), etc. The spelling οὐδίς instead of οὐδείς is also fairly common in this formula; a search in the database of Greek inscriptions (available online at http://epigraphy.packhum.org/inscriptions/) yields 24 cases from Egypt, all in the same formula on tombstones. 14 See above n. 8. Three Christian Funerary Stelae From Aswan 31

figure 3.5 Stela no. 2 (inv. no. 9-45-299-1/2; photograph Swiss Institute Cairo/A. Krause).

1. Ꝑ Μν[ημ- 2. ῖον Τ.[. . 3. μ´ Πα�υν�̣[ὶ 4. : β : τῆ͞ [ς͞ 5. ε ἰν[δ/

1–2. Μν[ημῖον: read Μν[ημεῖον 3. μ´: μ(ηνὶ) 5. ἰν[δ/: ἰν[δ(ικτιῶνος) 32 dijkstra

+ Memorial of T.[ . . ]. (Deceased) in the month Pauni 2, of the 5th indiction.

1–2. For the formula μνημεῖον + name, two other stelae with Aswan as a provenance can be adduced.15 The iotacistic spelling μνημῖον is encountered in this formula in five tombstones from elsewhere in Egypt.16 2. On the basis of the little that is missing in the other lines, the name of the deceased, which starts with a T-, should be a short one consisting of only four letters, but on account of the multiple options it cannot be reconstructed. 3–5. The formula ‘in the month N, X, of the Xth indiction’ also occurs in several other stelae purported to be from Aswan.17 3. Μηνί is more commonly abbreviated as μη(νί) but some parallels for μ(ηνί) can be found, such as on two Christian tombstones from Antinoopolis.18 3–4. The strokes, which are normally drawn above the numbers (in this case, β and ε in lines 4–5), are strangely placed here over the name of the month (Πα�υν̣�[ὶ) and the article before the indiction (τῆ[ς).

3 Tombstone of Daniel (9-45-299-1/3; Fig. 3.6)

This much worn stone (9 × 9 cm) is the least well preserved of the three stelae published here. Only the right-hand margin of five lines of text is extant, while parts of the stone at the bottom and on the left-hand side, and possibly at the top, are missing. No decoration is extant. Moreover, the preserved text

15 Lefebvre, Recueil des inscriptions grecques-chrétiennes, 105 (no. 573.1–2), 107 (no. 581.1–2). See, generally, on this formula Tudor, Christian Funerary Stelae, 147–148. 16 As appears from a search in the database of Greek inscriptions (see n. 13 above). Among these, one stela, SEG XXX 1748.1 from Oxyrhynchus, is dated to the fifth/sixth century. In addition, an inscription from the cemetery at Bagawat in the Kharga Oasis, dated to the third/fourth century, Lefebvre, Recueil des inscriptions grecques-chrétiennes, 67 (no. 356.2), improved by G. Wagner, Les oasis d’Égypte à l’époque grecque, romaine et byzantine d’après les documents grecs (Cairo, 1987), 64 (no. 4.2) = SEG XXXVIII 1700, mentions a μνημῖον ‘memorial’, in the sense of a tomb, in this spelling. 17 E.g. Lefebvre, Recueil des inscriptions grecques-chrétiennes, 104 (nos 566.2–3, 567.2–4, 568.4–5), 105 (no. 573.3–4), 106 (nos 575.3–6, 576.2–4, 577.4–5, 11), 107 (nos 578.1, 579.4–7, 581.3–4, 582.4–5) in various (sometimes rather wild, e.g. no. 566.2–3) spellings and variations (e.g. adding ἐν or ἐν τῷ before μηνί or leaving it out altogether). Note that one of these stelae (no. 573) also contains the formula μνημεῖον + name. 18 SB I 3912.5 and III 6199.4. Three Christian Funerary Stelae From Aswan 33

figure 3.6 Stela no. 3 (inv. no. 9-45-299-1/3; photograph Swiss Institute Cairo/A. Krause). does not give any hint of the stereotypical formulae usually found in Christian tombstones and it seems likely that we are dealing here with a rare instance of a more individualised text. For these reasons, any reconstruction of the text must remain largely conjectural and suggestions for filling in the lacunae will be left to the discussion in the commentary.

1. ]. Δανιὴλ ἐ- 2. ]η ἐν σε- 3. ] ἑβ̣δόμα̣ς̣ 4. ]. πατρὶ δα- 5. ]αζε̣ι̣ με 34 dijkstra

1. The name of the deceased, Daniel, is the only recognizably Christian element in this stela.19 Before the name was written a horizontal line was slightly incised to help in writing the letters straight, which is still visible underneath the name. 1–2. The name is probably followed by a verb on -η. Among the possibilities, ἐ[κοιμήθ]η ‘he went to his rest’ is the most likely, though nothing of the context survives to support this reconstruction. 2. If our reconstruction with the name + ἐκοιμήθη in ll. 1–2 is correct, this formula should be followed by the date of death. We can indeed read ἐν, which would introduce the month and day, and then the letters σε- of the next word. If this is the beginning of the dating formula, the only solution seems to be to read some form of the Roman month name ‘September’, e.g. Σε[πτεμβρίῳ], though normally one would expect the construction ἐν μηνὶ Σεπτεμβρίου or Σεπτεμβρίῳ (without ἐν). Moreover, the use of such month names is highly exceptional in Christian funerary inscriptions.20 3. In this line ἑβ̣δομ- can clearly be read, which probably belongs to the indiction date (‘of the seventh indiction’).21 However, the following letter looks rather like a δ. It is possible that this letter was intended to be an α, as in the α in

19 For the name Daniel (and variants), see Trismegistos People (available online at http:// www.trismegistos.org/ref/index.php; Nam_Id 2691), which yields 241 hits in Greek and Coptic documents from the fourth century onwards. 20 A bilingual (Greek-Coptic) commemorative inscription from Deir Abu Hennes, Lefebvre, Recueil des inscriptions grecques-chrétiennes, 43 (no. 222), reedited by M. de Fenoyl, “Une inscription funéraire bilingue,” Bulletin de la Société d’archéologie copte 17 (1964), 57–61, has in the Greek part [ἐν] μ̣ενὶ �̣ (read μηνὶ) Μα[ρ]τίου (I owe the correct reading of the month date to A. Delattre, who is preparing a new edition of this inscription). Cf. also a Coptic epitaph from Deir el-Medina, C. Heurtel, Les inscriptions coptes et grecques du temple d’Hathor à Deir al-Médîna (Cairo, 2004), 40–41 (no. 43.6–7: ⲫⲉⲃⲣⲟⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ, adding the equivalent Egyptian month name, Mecheir), which supersedes SB Kopt. I 471. On the basis of Heurtel’s considerations at pp. 83–84, a date for this text in the seventh or eighth century seems likely. 21 The phrase ‘of the seventh indiction’ is found in two Christian tombstones in Greek from Armant, Lefebvre, Recueil des inscriptions grecques-chrétiennes, 77 (no. 413.6–7: τῆς ἑβδόμης ἰνδ(ικτιῶνος)) and SEG XLI 1622.6 (ἰνδ(ικτιῶνος) ἑβδόμης). For an occurence in a Coptic tombstone, see e.g. J.H.F. Dijkstra, J. Van der Vliet, “Une stèle funéraire copte au Musée des Beaux-Arts de Montréal,” Chronique d’Égypte 87 (2012), 191–192 (lines 12–14: ϩⲉⲃⲧ̣ⲟⲙⲏⲥ {ⲓⲛ} ⲓⲛⲇ̣(ⲓⲕⲧⲓⲱⲛⲟⲥ); and top side, ll. 1–2: ϩⲉⲃⲇⲟⲙⲏⲥ, sc. ⲓⲛⲇⲓⲕⲧⲓⲱⲛⲟⲥ; probably from Antinoopolis and dated to the seventh century?). Note that it is customary for the dating formula of Coptic stelae from Middle Egypt to write the indiction year in Greek, see Dijkstra and Van der Vliet, “Une stèle funéraire copte,” 193 (commentary on ll. 8–14), with several examples. Three Christian Funerary Stelae From Aswan 35

δα- in the line below, which also seems to have a (shallower) horizontal at the bottom, and that the α is followed by an almost completely faded ς. If this were the case, we can read ἑβδόμας for ἑβδόμης, which would be an understandable scribal error,22 though one not attested in inscriptions or papyri from Egypt. 4. The letters πατριδα seem clearly readable here. One could think of the accusative πατρίδα ‘fatherland’ but it is otherwise unattested in funerary inscriptions. A sequence πατρὶ δα- is thus more likely, though a search for this combination in the database of Greek inscriptions does not produce any results for Egypt.23 The combination is found in a Christian epitaph from Dion in Macedonia (fifth century), which reads κατέλιπόν . . . τῷ π[ατρὶ δά]κρυα πολ[λά ‘I left behind many tears for my father’.24 A reconstruction τ]ῷ̣ πατρὶ δά[κρυα would be a meaningful solution both for the trace of the letter before πατρὶ, which could well be the right-most part of an ω, and following δα-, but must remain speculative in view of the rather distant parallel and the lack of context. 5. The first two letters, αζ, seem to be fairly clear and a search for this combination in the database of Greek inscriptions yields a parallel of a Christian stela with the verb στενάζω, so that the reconstruction στεν]άζε̣ί �̣ με ‘he/she bewails me’ could be proposed.25 Once more, however, too little of the context survives to provide any certainty.

22 For α instead of η, see F.T. Gignac, A Grammar of the Greek Papyri of the Roman and Byzantine Periods, vol. 1 (Milan, 1976), 286. 23 For the database, see above n. 13. 24 SEG LXVIII 790.1.7, 10–11. 25 SB III 6133.7, a seventh- or eighth-century tombstone from Armant, which uses, however, the imperative στέναζε and is here not combined with με. For the combination of the related verb στεναχίζω (also in the imperative) with με, but in an inscription from the second/first century BCE, see É. Bernand, Inscriptions métriques de l’Égypte gréco-romaine (Paris, 1969), 393–397 (no. 102.3). CHAPTER 4 Linen Weaved in Year 2 of Amenhotep II

José M. Galán CSIC, Madrid

Abstract ُث ق ة ة ث ت ن ت ن أ ن ق ع�� ع��ل ��ط�ع� � �ك�� م� ن � � �ك�ا � � �� ل��ل�ع�ا ا ��لث��ا � �م� ن كح� � �م�ن��ح�ت�� ا ��لث��ا � ��ا �ل�� م� ن ر ى ب ير � و ب ي� ر جع م ي� � م ب ي� ب ر ب � ة ت ف أ ت ت ة ق ة ذ �م��ق�� ح � � د ا � � ا �ل�ن��ا. �� نه��ا �ح��ل � ا �ل��ق��ط�ع�� نم��ا ��ش�� ا ��لن�� ا �ل�� ؤ خ��ه�ا ��ا �ل�ع�ا بر ج وي� )tt 11( ي� رع بو ج ويم يل و ص ي�ي�ر � ب م ن أ ن ة نق ش ت ةآ ن أ ن ن ا ��لث��ا � ل� �م�ن��ح�ت�� ا ��لث��ا � ا �ل��م��ق�ا ن�� م ع� ا �م�ا ت� �� ع�� ث��ا � �ك�ا ن�� خ� � ك ��س�ت��ط�� ح�د د ي� ب� ي� و ر ع ل و و � لى ي ب ي رى ي� يع � أ أ ت أ ق ة ف� ض �ه ة ذ ش �ف ض �ً ت� ف �ق ب��طر�ي�� ل � �مي�� ه�� ا الإ� ك��ا � ا �ل��م�عرو�� ح�ا �لي��ا ب��م��ح�� ال� ��صر.

On the 22nd of November of the year 2000, Mohamed el-Bialy, at that time head of the SCA on the West Bank of Luxor, accompanied me to visit some early Eighteenth Dynasty tomb-chapels that I thought could deserve further investigation. Our survey ended at Dra Abu el-Naga, and he guided me to the tomb-chapel of Djehuty (TT 11), overseer of the Treasury and overseer of works under the joint reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III. He was well acquainted with the monument, as he was then working on his PhD dissertation dealing with the queens of the early Eighteenth Dynasty, which he defended at the university of Lyon five years later. In memory of that very day, I express my deepest gratitude to Mohamed el-Bialy, and I dedicate to him this contribution concerning the excavation that followed soon after, at the entrance of Djehuty’s funerary monument.

Archaeological Context

The earliest record on the tomb-chapel of Djehuty goes back to Richard Lepsius’ epigraphic campaign. Through his diary,1 now part of the collection of the Berlin Egyptian Museum but kept at the Berlin Academy of Science,

1 Karl R. Lepsius, Notebook (1844, kept at the Berlin Museum–Academy of Sciences, Berlin), III, 82; VII, 421–22.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ��5 | doi ��.��63/9789004293458_005 Linen Weaved In Year 2 Of Amenhotep Ii 37 we know that he spotted the monument on the 23rd of November 1844, and copied then part of the façade’s inscription, which he continued a bit more on the 5th of December. At the beginning of November 1898, Wilhelm Spiegelberg and Percy Newberry commenced an archaeological season at Dra Abu el-Naga, financed by the Fifth Marquis of Northampton. The report, published nine years later,2 consists of a superficial description of some of the works undertaken, a mere list of monuments unearthed and an uneven selection of the objects found. While a few inscriptions and inscribed objects are discussed at some length (partly by Kurt Sethe), others are barely mentioned. For that reason, Spiegelberg’s Fundjournal 1898–99, kept at the Griffith Institute archive, turns to be a relevant source of information.3 The campaign lasted about three months, and they spent almost one third of the time in and around TT 11. They cleared an area of six meters away from the façade, and entered inside the monument. The inscriptions on the façade, on both sides of the entrance, and on the south/west side-wall of the courtyard, became soon after an easy target for the thieves operating on the West Bank at the turn of the century. Hence, in 1909 the Antiquities Service decided to build in front of it a stone-wall and a wooden roof. The work was supervised by Charles G. Jelf, assistant of Robert Mond. Jelf registered in his Notebook: “Front court cleared, an excavation of 7 meters by 5, and 3 meters deep,” between September 27th and 29th; “Two walls in an L, to enclose the sculptures,” between October 2nd and 7th; and “Roofed, and a 1 m retaining wall built above,” between October 10th and 11th.4 He took three photographs “with the large camera,” which are now kept at the Griffith Institute archive.5 The photograph recording the final building stage of the protection is particularly interesting for the present report, since it shows that the area that was cleared by Jelf was the minimum necessary to safeguard the reliefs and inscriptions, and it coincided with the area cleared by Spiegelberg a decade before. It indirectly shows also that the rest of the courtyard was not excavated at the end of the XIXth century, and was not disturbed at the beginning of the XXth

2 The Marquis of Northampton, Wilhelm Spiegelberg and Percy E. Newberry, Report on some Excavations in the Theban Necropolis during the Winter of 1898–99 (London: Archibald Constable, 1908). 3 Wilhelm Spiegelberg, Fundjournal 1898–99 (1899, kept at the Griffith Institute archive). 4 Charles G. Jelf, Notebook 1909–10 (1910, kept at the Griffith Institute archive), 1. 5 Jelf, Notebook, 7; photos 1731; 1685 = AHG/28 652; AHG/28 651; 1684; see José M. Galán, “Early investigations in the tomb-chapel of Djehuty (TT 11),” in Sitting beside Lepsius. Studies in Honour of Jaromir Malek at the Griffith Institute, Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 185, edited by Diana Magee, Jeannine Boruriau and Stephen Quirke (Leuven: Peeters, 2009), figs. 8–10. 38 galán

figure 4.1 Stage of the excavation outside Djehuty’s tomb-chapel (TT 11) when the linen was found. century. This circumstance was confirmed when a systematic excavation was conducted recently on Djehuty’s open courtyard. A Spanish-Egyptian mission has been working in Dra Abu el-Naga, in and around the tomb-chapels of Djehuty and Hery (TT 11–12) since January 2002. During the second field-work season, on the 30th of January 2003, an untouched Twenty-first Dynasty wooden coffin was found on Djehuty’s courtyard, about 30 cm above the floor, near the north/east side-wall and only 5.5 m away from the modern closing stone-wall (i.e., 9 m away from the façade). The coffin was resting on the ground and without any kind of protection.6 Ten days before, at about the same distance from the modern wall, but this time above the north/east side-wall of Djehuty’s courtyard, at a height of

6 Galán, “Early investigations,” 161; idem, “Dra Abu el-Naga (Luxor) y el ‘Proyecto Djehuty’,” and objects nos. 45–62 of the catalogue 120 Años de arqueología española en Egipto, edited by María del Carmen Pérez Die (Madrid: Sociedad Estatal de Conmemoraciones Culturales, 2009), 254–55 no. 62; idem, “Excavations at the Courtyard of the tomb of Djehuty (TT 11),” in Xth International Congress of Egyptologists, Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta, edited by P. Kousoulis (Leuven: Peeters, in press). Linen Weaved In Year 2 Of Amenhotep Ii 39

2.50 m above court’s floor, a small dump area of ancient rubbish was excavated. Next to a dismembered mummy, the head of an anthropomorphic coffin lid was found.7 From its size (27 × 17 × 15 cm) and wig, it seems that it belonged to a girl. It was left only with the whitewash coating previous to the polychrome decoration, having only the eyes and eyebrows outlined in black, and the eyes’ interior painted in white. It probably dates also to the Twenty-first Dynasty. It was in this same context that thirteen fragments of the so-called “Apprentize’s board” were found.8 This school-board can be dated to the corregency of Hatshepsut-Thutmose III, and it most probably comes from a contemporary nearby tomb-chapel that was ravaged in antiquity, possibly TT 11.

The Linen

Among the wide variety of objects found in this mixed up context (see fig. 4.1), there is an outstanding piece that deserves special attention: an inscribed rectangular linen cloth, 47 × 16 cm (plus a fringe of 7 cm). The original length and width of the sheet is uncertain, since two tangential sides are ripped. The weave is made by tabby 1/1, compacted and uniform, although the thickness and twisting of the yarn varies. In general, the warp has a thinner and more twisted yarn. The compactness of the yarns is of 66 for the warp count, and 61 for the weft count per 2 cm. The finishing border of the warp has a reinforce- ment of five picks with groups of four threads each, and it has a fringe made of groups of eight warp threads, with a knot at the edge of the sheet to avoid fraying. The right selvedge of the weft has a seam.9 The inscription follows the weft. It takes up an area of 15.5 × 1.5 cm, near the corner formed by the two topped off borders. It was written in red ink, which is an unusual feature, and in carefully traced cursive hieroglyphs, nicely spaced vertically along the fringed border. The ink’s ferruginous component has pierced and torn the linen in several spots. Nevertheless, the cloth and the inscription can be considered in good condition.

7 Galán, “Dra Abu el-Naga (Luxor) y el ‘Proyecto Djehuty’,” 252–53 no. 61. 8 José M. Galán and Mohamed el-Bialy, “An Apprentice’s Board from Dra Abu el-Naga,” Egyptian Archaeology 25 (2004): 38; José M. Galán, “An Apprentice’s Board from Dra Abu el- Naga,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 93 (2007): 95–116, pl. 2–3. 9 Examination and report by Pía Rodríguez Frade. For an introduction to the terminology used in the description of a linen cloth and weaving techniques, see Barry Kemp and Gillian Vogelsang-Eastwood, The Ancient Textile Industry at Amarna, Sixty-eight Excavation Memoir (London: Egypt Exploration Society 2001), 57–146. 40 galán

figure 4.2 Linen cloth as found and after being flattened.

Marks on Linen

The inscription opens with two superimposed and crossed signs, probably deriving from cursive hieroglyphs: the horizontal one could be equated to the house-sign (O1), !, pr, and the vertical one may be considered a simplified rendering of the twisted-flax-sign (V28), H, ḥ, although the vertical straight line of the latter is usually written with a series of small diagonal brush strokes instead. The ḥ could be a contraction and stand for the generic word for “cloth” ḥbs, Hb_–, but it could also indicate a measurement.10 The signs are probably

10 Jana Jones, “Some Observations on the Dimensions of Textiles in the Old Kingdom Linen Lists,” in Egyptian Culture and Society. Studies in Honour of Naguib Kanawati, Suppléments aux Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte 38, edited by Alexandra Woods, Ann Linen Weaved In Year 2 Of Amenhotep Ii 41

figure 4.3 Detail showing the inscription in red ink (drawing by Ana de Diego). not to be pronounced, but to be taken as some kind of mark or indication.11 While weaver’s marks were usually inlaid, brief ink inscriptions informed of the fabric’s quality, type of garment, its source, owner, or were just laundry marks.12 Identity marks of this kind where also used by potters, stonemasons, gangs of workmen, soldiers, etc.13

McFarlane and Susanne Binder (Cairo: Publications du Conseil Suprême des Antiquités de l’Égypte, 2010), 251, 254; idem, “The ‘linen list’ in Early Dynastic and Old Kingdom Egypt: Text and textile reconciled,” in Textile Terminologies in the Ancient Near East and Mediterranean from the Third to the First Millennia BC, Ancient Textiles Series 8, edited by Cécile Michel and Marie-Louise Nosch (Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2010), 101. 11 Andrea McDowell, Village Life in Ancient Egypt. Laundry Lists and Love Songs (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 59–61. 12 William C. Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt: a Background for the Study of the Egyptian Antiquities in The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Part I: from the Earliest Times to the End of the Middle Kingdom (New York: Harper & Brothers–The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1953), 259–60. 13 Ben Haring and Olaf Kaper, eds., Pictograms or Pseudo Script? Non-textual identity marks in practical use in ancient Egypt and elsewhere (Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, 2009); Petra Andrássy, Julia Budka and Frank Kammerzell, eds., Non-Textual 42 galán

figure 4.4 Details of the inscription.

The opening composite sign resembles the mark drawn on twenty-nine linen sheets found by Winlock associated to the so-called “slain soldiers” of King Montuhotep Nebhepetra, in tomb 512 at Deri el-Bahari.14 This same mark is attested on other cloths, such as the wrappings of princesses Mayet, Ashyt and

Marking Systems, Writing and Pseudo Script from Prehistory to Modern Times, Lingua Aegyptia–Studia Monographica 8 (Göttingen: Seminar für Ägyptologie und Koptologie, 2009). 14 Herbert E. Winlock, Excavations at Deir el Bahri 1911–1931 (New York: The Macmillan Company 1942), 123, pl. 21; idem, The Slain Soldiers of Neb-hepet-Re Mentu-hotpe (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1945), 25–28, pl. 14–15. Linen Weaved In Year 2 Of Amenhotep Ii 43

figure 4.5 Detail showing the linen pierced due to the ink’s composition.

Henhenet, but also on a stone-cutter’s cooper chisel. A notable collection of linen sheets bearing marks traced on one corner was found in 1935–36 inside a wooden chest of the funerary equipment of Senenmut’s parents, Ramose and Hatnofer.15 During that same Metropolitan Museum of Art archaeological

15 Catharine Roehrig, Life along the Nile. Three Egyptians of Ancient Thebes (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2002), 31, fig. 39; MMA neg. M16C.281–283, 295. I am grateful 44 galán season, inside a nearby anonymous tomb also of the early Eighteenth Dynasty, the mummy wrappings were inscribed with “embalmer’s labels.”16

Inscriptions on Linen

Inscribed linen cloths are documented since the Old Kingdom. George Reisner found inside the burial chamber of the Giza mastaba G 2220 B, dating to the reign of Menkaura, a linen pad used to fill out the contours of a woman’s body with a label in black ink, written in hieratic, indicating “fine šmꜤt-(linen).”17 Fourty-three pieces of linen were found covering the mummy resting inside the burial chamber of a princess called Khentkaues, seven of them bearing a hieratic inscription in black ink.18 The Czech archaeological excavations at King Djedkare’s family cemetery in Abusir yield several pieces of “royal” linen, with private names and titles written in black ink (king’s subordinates and their assistants, an overseer of weavers, an overseer of provisions, and others), found inside the plundered burial chamber of the princess Khekeretnebty’s mastaba.19 Finally, in the burial chamber of Pepy I’s pyramid, Maspero found in 1880 a linen cloth bearing a vertical black ink inscription in cursive hieroglyphs: “Noble linen (mnḫt špst, 00˛) made for the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Pepy, may he live forever.”20 At the end of the Eleventh Dynasty, out of the sixty-two inscribed linen sheets found associated to the slain soldiers (see above), twenty-six have a private name written in hieratic near one of the corners.21 Sixty inscribed linen sheets were found inside the coffin of Wah,22 who must have died early in the reign of the first king of the Twelfth Dynasty, Amenemhat I, and was

to Dorothea Arnold and the Metropolitan Museum of Art staff for letting me consult the photo archive in 2008. 16 MMA neg. M16C. 356, 358. 17 Yvonne J. Markowitz, Joyce L. Haynes and Rita E. Freed, eds., Egypt in the Age of the Pyramids. Highlights from the Harvard University- Museum of Fine Arts, Boston Expedition (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 2002), 68 no. 16. 18 Zaky Y. Saad, Royal Excavations at Saqqara and Helwan (1941–1945), Suppléments aux Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte 3 (Cairo: Imprimerie de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, 1947), 65, pl. 31b. 19 Miroslav Verner, Forgotten Pharaohs. Lost Pyramids. Abusir (Prague: Czech Institute of Egyptology, 1994), 84; Miroslav Verner and Vivienne G. Callender, Djedkare’s Family Cemetery, Abusir VI (Prague: Czech Institute of Egyptology, 2002), 21, 46–48 no. 169, pl. 10. 20 Jones, “Dimensions of Textiles,” 255–56; idem, “The ‘linen list’,” 102–03. 21 Winlock, Excavations at Deir el Bahri, 123, pl. 21; idem, The Slain Soldiers, 28–31, pl. 16–20. 22 Winlock, Excavations at Deir el Bahri, 29–30, 223–28; Roehrig, Life along the Nile, 6–23. Linen Weaved In Year 2 Of Amenhotep Ii 45 buried below the terrace in front of the tomb-chapel of his master, the trea- surer Meketra. The linen found amounted to 845 square meters, and many of them include an indication of its quality in one corner, and the owner’s name and titles on the opposite one, written in black ink hieroglyphic signs. Eight of them include a year reference, but without a royal name, although the date must have referred to the reign of the last (or second last) Montuhotep. Half a dozen give other people’s names. Queen Neferu, buried in TT 319 (Winlock’s tomb 101) at Deir el-Bahari, had linen cloths bearing private names, maybe those in charge of their weaving or delivery, among them the chancellor Khety,23 and others bearing a label running parallel to the selvedge with weft fringe and near the finishing border with warp fringe, written in black ink and in cursive hieroglyphs: “The sole ornament of the king, priestess of Hathor, Neferu.”24 A similar linen label, bearing the royal name “The King of Upper and Lower Egypt, sa-Ra Montuhotep,” was found among the grave cloths of Queen Ashyt,25 and in tomb 512.26 In the Eighteenth Dynasty as well, linen with a royal name ended up as part of the funerary equipment of high officials, as it is the case of Maikhepri, who owned a garment with the cartouche of Maatkara written in black ink.27

Royal Linen in the Hands of Private Individuals

Indeed, linen was drawn from the royal storehouses and handed to the high officials as reward for their services to the crown,28 or to distinguished ladies of the court as presents, since it was regarded as one of the most valuable com- modities, as well as a status indicator. Thus, Ineni mentions in his autobiography referring to Hatshepsut: “. . . she enriched me, she filled my tent with silver, ™Ò nP gold and good quality linen (šsr nfr) of the palace” (•Y y ).29 Amenemhab called Mahu, reports in his autobiography, in TT 85: “My lord rewarded me with

23 Winlock, Excavations at Deir el Bahri, 101. 24 MMA neg. MBC 249. 25 Winlock, Excavations at Deir el Bahri, 44. 26 MMA neg. MBC 254. 27 CCG 24099; George Daressy, Fouilles de la Vallée des Rois (1898–1899). Catalogue Général des Antiquités Égyptiennes du Musée du Caire, nos 24001–24990 (Cairo: Imprimerie de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Oriental, 1902), 58, pl. 12. 28 Kirsten Butterweck-Abdelrahim, Untersuchungen zur Ehrung verdienter Beamter, Aegyp tiaca Monasteriensia 3 (Aachen: Shaker Verlag, 2002). 29 Urk. IV 60, 16–17; Eberhard Dziobek, Das Grab des Ineni. Theben Nr. 81. Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Abteilung Kairo. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 68 (Mainz am Rhein: Philipp von Zabern, 1992), 44, pl. 34c. 46 galán N gold, [. . .] and five sheets of linen” (ḥbsw; Hb_l–¬ Ò¬∫),30 after saving Thutmose III from an elephant’s lunge by cutting his trunk, during a campaign in Syria-Palestine. Among the booty captured after Thutmose III’s victory over Meggido, the Annals recorded “plenty of cloths (ḥbsw; Hb_Ò–ÒÒ) of that enemy.”31 Later on, many of the foreign captives that were brought to Thebes and assigned to the temple of Amun in Karnak were involved in the production of garments of various kinds.32 Those garments were then collected by the vizier Rekhmira, who includes in his tomb-chapel (TT 100) a tableau showing the “Reception of nø garments (mnḫwt; åt0“) in the temple of Amun in Karnak from the weavers/ servants of the foundation, whom his majesty brought from his victories in the South and North, as the booty’s choice of the Good God, the lord of the Two Lands Menkheperra—given life, stability and dominion—.”33 The temple workshops and magazines, as shown in these passages, also produced and distributed large quantities of linen. The linen here under study was probably part of the funerary equipment of a high official who was rewarded with it by Amenhotep II early in his reign, and was buried in the central area of Dra Abu el-Naga. There are a number of tombs nearby whose owners and/or family members could have been buried in the reign of Amenhotep II, such as the unknown owner of TT 143.34 Since the area has not been thoroughly excavated, the list of possible tombs from where the linen could have come remains open. To the north/east of TT 11, the tomb-chapel that was hewn wall-to-wall with that of Hery (TT 12), but 2 m higher up the hill, belongs to an overseer of the cattle of Amun called Baki, who could have died at the very beginning of Amenhotep II’s reign.35 Wall-to-wall with the latter, to the north/east, the Spanish-Egyptian mission

30 Urk. IV 894, 3–4. 31 Urk . IV 667, 8. 32 Urk . IV 742, 14–15. For the numerous terms for linen in ancient Egyptian, see Katrin Scheele, Die Stofflisten des Alten Reiches. Lexikographie, Entwicklung und Gebrauch (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2005); Jac J. Janssen, Daily Dress at Deir el-Medîna: words for clothing (London: Golden House Publications, 2008). 33 Urk. IV 1147, 13–1148, 4; Norman de Garis Davies, The Tomb of Rekh-mi-re at Thebes (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1943), 47, pl. 57. 34 PM I.1, 255–57; Friederike Kampp, Die thebanische Nekropole: zum Wandel des Grabgedankens von der XVIII. bis zur XX. Dynastie. Theben 13 (Mainz am Rhein: Phillip con Zabern, 1996), 428–29. 35 José M. Serrano, “Baki, supervisor del ganado de Amón,” Boletín de la Asociación Española de Egiptología 15 (2005): 91–94, advances the hypothesis that he could have been the father-in-law of the vizier Rekhmira, and thus he would have died earlier. Linen Weaved In Year 2 Of Amenhotep Ii 47 discovered in 2012 another tomb-chapel, pertaining to the overseer of weavers called Ay, so far only known through his funerary cones.36 He must have died also in the mid Eighteenth Dynasty, but a more precise date for him is not yet possible. Moreover, above the row of tomb-chapels located at the foothill (TT 11, -399-, TT 12, Baki and Ay), there are other tomb-chapels, in the second and third levels, that could have been finished during the reign of Amenhotep II. Unfortunately, what can be spotted today of their layout and decoration is not enough to date them with enough guarantees. Richard Lepsius,37 on November 23rd of 1844, entered a tomb-chapel above that of Hery (TT 12) that included a scene showing the owner adoring Amenhotep II. The tomb-chapel is now unlocated.38

Dates on Linen

The text written on our linen indicates the date of its production: “The Good God Aakheperura, beloved of Amun. The mnḫt-linen (0) was made for him in year 2.” References to a regnal-year are not common on linen. As far as I can tell from the published material, this piece of linen cloth could be one of the earliest examples where a regnal-year date is indicated. The dating formula is quite peculiar, and became a standard label on linen at least from the end Eighteenth Dynasty onwards. The funerary equipment of Tutankhamun, for instance, included a linen cloth dated to the year 3 of Akhenaten: “[. . . the living Ra-horakhty, joyful] in the horizon, in his name/condition as the Light which is in the Sun-disk, the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Neferkheperura Uaenra. The mnḫt-linen (0) was made for him in year 3.”39 The text was written in black ink, and in well traced hieroglyphs arranged vertically, near the finishing border with warp fringe. Among the materials used at the embalming of King Tutankhamun, there is a linen sheet (96.5 × 35.3 cm) with a horizontal inscription running parallel to the selvedge with weft fringe, written in black ink and well traced hieroglyphs, dating its production: “The Good God, lord

36 José M. Galán and Francisco L. Borrego, “Funerary Cones from Dra Abu el-Naga (TT 11–12),” Memnonia 17 (2006): 200, 204, pl. 36F, 39A. 37 Lepsius, Text III, 238. 38 Lise Manniche, Lost Tombs: a Study of Certain Eighteenth Dynasty Monuments in the Theban Necropolis (London: Kegan Paul International, 1988), 49 (TT A9). 39 JE 62705; Carter no. 281a; Horst Beinlich and Mohamed Saleh, Corpus der Hieroglyphischen Inschriften aus dem Grab des Tutanchamun (Oxford: Griffith Institute, 1989), 131. 48 galán of the Two Lands, Nebkheperura, beloved of Min. The mnḫt-linen (0) in year 6.”40 The same dating formula was used years later, in the Twenty-first Dynasty, when the priests of Amun restored the tomb of Queen Merytamun and reban- daged the mummy in the year 19 of Pinedjem. Three sheets were labelled in the corners with their probable place of origin, “the house/temple of Amun,” ™ and five bear their production date: “mnḫt-linen (0) made by the High Priest of Amun, Masaharty, justified, for his father Amun, in year 18.”41 The inscription was written vertically, very near the finishing border with warp fringe, in well traced hieroglyphs. The black ink is slightly faded and turned brown from having been washed. From the Twenty-fifth Dynasty, there is a linen with a vertical inscription written in nicely traced cursive hieroglyphs near the finishing border with warp fringe, including two cartouches with the name of the Napatean king Piye. The beginning and end of the text is missing, but what can be made up of the year indication points to year 30. Since the king was buried at el-Kurru, the linen, which was acquired at Luxor, probably was donated to Karnak temple and ended up in a tomb on the West Bank.42 Recently, Nigel Strudwick and his team discovered in the tomb of Senneferi (TT 99) abundant material dating to its re-use between the Twenty-first and the Twenty-six Dynasties. Among them there are fragments of two dated linen cloths, and a third one bearing a pair of royal cartouches of Shabaka.43 The inscriptions are written vertically, near the finishing border with warp fringe, in black ink and carefully traced hieroglyphs. The majority of the dated linen has the inscription written vertically in nicely traced cursive hieroglyphs, near the finishing border and a selvedge. The term commonly used in the dating formula is mnḫt-linen (0). In most cases the linen is said to be made for the king, who donates it to a temple, or hands it directly to one of his courtiers as a reward.

40 MMA 09.184.220; Herbert E. Winlock, Materials used at the Embalming of King Tut-Ankh- Amun (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1941), 8, pl. 8A; idem, Tutankhamun’s Funeral (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2010), 30–31, fig. 24. 41 Herbert E. Winlock, The Tomb of Queen Meryet-Amun at Thebes (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1932), 48, pl. 40–41. 42 Richard Parkinson, Cracking Codes. The Rosetta Stone and Decipherment (London: The British Museum Press, 1999), 97. 43 Nigel Strudwick, “The Theban Tomb of Senneferi [TT 99]. An Overview of Work Undertaken from 1992 to 1999,” Memnonia 11 (2000): 253, pl. 58A; idem, “The Tomb of Senneferi at Thebes,” Egyptian Archaeology 18 (2001): 7–8. Linen Weaved In Year 2 Of Amenhotep Ii 49

Year 2 of Amenhotep II

The year 2 of Amenhotep II’s reign can be equated with year 1448, or rather with year 1423 before our era, following der Manuelian’s disquisitions on the possibility of fixing an absolute date by making use of Thutmose III’s and Amenhotep II’s lunar observation references.44 The linen weaved on the year 2 of Amenhotep II is, so far, the earliest dated object and inscription of his reign. Thutmose III reigned for almost 54 years, and died (or was buried) on day 30 of the third month of peret, his son Amenhotep II accessing the throne the day after, which can then be assumed to be day 1 of the fourth month of peret, as recorded by Amenemhab called Mahu.45 However, there are other documents that date Amenhotep’s accession to day 1 of the fourth month of akhet: the Semna stela of the vizier Usersatet,46 and the papyrus BM 10056.47 If the latter dating is taken as more reliable than Amenemhab’s poetic reference, it seems plausible that Amenhotep II had accessed the throne before Thutmose’s death (otherwise a “pharaoh- less” period of eight months would have followed, which is not very likely). A coregency of four months has been postulated since long,48 but Redford first, and then der Manuelian have argued for a coregency of two years and four months,49 as the only way to explain why Amenhotep II’s campaign over Syria- Palestine in year 3 was labelled “first campaign” in his Amada and Elephantine stelae,50 and the next one, in year 7, was also recorded as the “first campaign”

44 Peter der Manuelian, Studies in the Reign of Amenophis II, Hildesheimer Ägyptologische Beiträge 26 (Hildesheim: Gerstenberg Verlag, 1987), 1–19; idem, “The End of the Reign and the Accesion of Amenhotep II,” in Thutmose III: a new biography, edited by Eric H. Cline and David O’Connor (Ann Arbor: Universtity of Michigan Press, 2006), 416–20; Erik Hornung, Rolf Krauss and David Warburton, eds., Ancient Egyptian Chronology (Leiden: Brill, 2006); Anthony Spalinger, “The Date of Amunhotep II’s First Accession,” Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 40 (2011): 387–97. 45 Urk. IV 895, 14-896, 8. 46 Urk . IV 1343, 10. 47 Stephen R.K. Glanville, “Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III: Papyrus British Museum 10056,” Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 66 (1967): 105–21, 1*–8*; Donald B. Redford, “The Corregency of Thutmosis III and Amenophis II,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 51 (1965): 109–15; Manuelian, Amenophis II, 19. 48 Alan H. Gardiner, “Regnal Years and Civil Calendar in Pharaonic Egypt,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 31 (1945): 27. 49 Redford, “The Corregency;” Manuelian, Amenophis II, 19–40. 50 Urk. IV 1289, 1–10; 1296, 7–16. 50 galán in his Memphis stela.51 According to der Manuelian, Amenhotep II would have started his “first campaign” as coregent and completed it as sole king of Upper and Lower Egypt in year 3. Der Manuelian restated his arguments almost two decades later.52 However, if Thutmose III is presumed dead by year 3 because Amenhotep II alone is mentioned on the Amada stela of year 3, the Dra Abu el-Naga linen, mentioning Amenhotep II alone in year 2, may now be used to reduce the possible coregency at least in one year, and to reopen the question of Amenhotep II’s early reign. Moreover, since his two predecessors, Hatshepsut and Thutmose III, dis- patched their first expedition abroad the following year after assuming the condition of single ruler of Egypt, in year 8 and year 22 respectively, as a way to make effective and strengthen their authority over their vassals,53 it would be coherent that Amenhotep II would conduct his first campaign of victory in year 3, one year after being left alone on the throne, in year 2, and having exer- cised as acting king in a sort of coregency of about one year and four months at most. At that time, Thutmose III must have been around sixty years old, and his son Amenhotep II about twenty, according to the great stela erected by the latter near the sphinx at Giza.54 The linen weaved in the year 2 of Amenhotep II and found at Dra Abu el- Naga, to the north/east of TT 11’s open courtyard, was taken to Luxor Museum in spring 2004. It received the register no. 1010, and it was set on display due to the historical relevance of the inscription and the extraordinary chance of get- ting to know the exact production date of a linen cloth. It was placed between two framed glasses, and installed inside a large showcase in the upper floor of the original wing of the museum’s building.

Abreviations

PM I.1 = Porter, Bertha, and Moss, Rosalind. 1960. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings. I: The Theban Necropolis. 1: Private Tombs. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Urk. IV = Sethe, Kurt, and Helck, Wolfgang. 1927–1958. Urkunden der 18. Dynastie. Berlin: Akademie Verlag.

51 Urk. IV 1301, 3–6, 15–16. 52 Manuelian, “Accesion of Amenhotep II,” 420–22. 53 José M. Galán, Victory and Border: terminology related to the Egyptian Imperialism in the XVIIIth Dynasty, Hildesheimer Ägyptologische Beiträge 40 (Hildesheim: Gerstenberg Verlag, 1995). 54 Urk. IV 1279, 8–10. CHAPTER 5 Prospections dans le secteur est du Wadi Abu Subeira : Premiers résultats et perspectives

Gwenola Graff, Adel Kelany and Maxence Bailly

Abstract ق أ ة ن ةأ ن ض ف ة ق ة ت ئ �� ا د � � � �ص�� ح ا ل ١٢ ك �ش��م�ا ل �م�د �� س ا� ع��ل ا �ل�� ا �ل�ش�� لن��ه ا �نل�� ا �ه�ه ا �ل ��س يعو ي� بو بير و ي� م ي و ى ر ي �ر يلوإ ج ر ي ي� أ ث ن � ة ش ق ن �ن � ن ك� � � � ش �ق ة ض� ك� � ن ��ا يح�� ا �ل��ر� �م�� وا د �ي� ا ل��ي��ل ب��طول � ك��ر �م�� ٥٥ � مع�ب�ر ا ل��ص��حرا ء ا ل��ر�ي�� و�ب�عر � �ي��ص�ل �إ لى ١ � مع��د ً أ ا ��لت��ق�ا ��ط �م ا د � خ� ��ط ا �ل��ق�ا د �ش��م�الا )�م� ن ك� ��م�� (. ععو ي� ري م � وم بو أ أ أ ّ ً ت ة � � ح ش ة نة ن ة ة ض �ف ش � �ي��ص�ل وا د �ي� �ب� و �صب��ي��ر� ب��ا ل�ب��ح رال� �م رع�ب�ر ��ب��ك�� م�كو�� م�� ع�د � �ودي�� ب��ع��ه�ا ج��ا �, و�ي�� ك�ل �م��مرا أ أ ن �ن ن م� �ل�ن � � ح �ي��ص�ل ب��ي�� وا د �ي� ا ل��ي��ل �م�� ح�ي��ط ا ج��د ل ال�ول وا ل�ب��ح رال� �مر. أ أ أ خ � � ك ت ت خ ة �ز ف ن � ض ن ن ق ة ت ز ث� ة �م�د �ل ا لوا د �ي� وا ي�ل��لو�م��را � ال��ي��ر� �ل��ل��ج��ء ال� ��س��ل �م��ه هي� ��م�� م��ط�� إ�م��ي��ا� � ر�ي�� ي�ع��م�ل ب��ه�ا ت ن أ ف� ق � ت �ش �ف كا م� � ن ق ة ت ز ن ث� ة �ر�ي� �م��صر�ي� ح�� إ ��را � ع�ا د ل ي�ل �ي�، و�هو ج��ا ور ل��م��ط�� إ�م��ي��ا��ا ال� ر�ي��. أ ة أ آ ً ن �م�نط��ق��ة ال �مت��ا ز ال ث� �ة ا �ل��د د � ا �ل�� م�� من�� ح��ة �م� ن ا �ل�� ل ال ع�� ثا ��س�ا ��ق�ا � ل �مش�� ا ��لت��ع�ا �� إ� ي � � ر�ي� ج ي�� و � �م��ج ��س � لى ل�ل �� ر ) ب (إى � روع و� ن أ ة ة أ ا �ل��ف�� س ا �ل��م��ص � ا �ل��م�ش��ت�� ك ا �لخ��ا � ��م��س�� ا د � � � �ص�� ه �ع��ا � �ع� ن �م��س�ت��ط�� ط � ض �� ا ع�ه ر ي� � ري� ر ص ب ح و ي� بو� بير ي� ب ر � يل ول �ل ق ة ق أن ن ً أ آث ٨ x ٤ ك�م��م�ا ��عن� �م�ن��ط�� م��س�ا �ح�ت��ه�ا ٣٢ ك�م٢. ��د ��د ��ا ��ا ء ع��ل ط��ل�� ا �ل��م��ل�� ال�ع��ل �ل�ل� ��ا م ي ي� � و ب ب ى ب ج س ى ر ً أ ة ة أق ق أ ة ن ة )��س�ا ��ق�ا( ��ا �ل��م��س�� ال�ث� � �ل��لم�ن��ط��ق�� ا ��ل��ع��د � � ��ص �ش�� ا د � � � �ص�� ا ��لت��ع�ا �م ��م��س�ا ع�د � ب ب ح ر ي� � ب ي �ى ر� و ي� بو� بير ب و� ع وب ن كا ف� ق ع�ا د ل ي�ل �ي� و�ر�ي��ه.

* Institut de Recherche pour le Développement (IRD). UMR 208 Paloc (Patrimones Locaux). Museum National d’Histoire Naturelle – Département Hommes, Natures, Société – 57 rue Cuvier – CP 26 – 75231 Paris cedex 05. France. [email protected]. ** Conseil Suprême des Antiquités Egyptiennes. Département des Mines. Assouan. [email protected]. *** Aix-Marseille Université. UMR LAMPEA (Laboratoire de préhistoire méditerannéenne et africaine). Maison Méditerranéenne des Sciences de l’Homme. 5, rue du Château de l’Horloge. 13 094 Aix-en-Provence cedex 02. France. [email protected].

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ��5 | doi ��.��63/9789004293458_006 52 Graff, Kelany and Bailly ذ أ ن ت ن ن�� ت ا ��لن��ت�� ة ا �ل�ع��لم��ة ا �ل ئ��س��ة ��ه�� ا ا �ل�� م ��س ال �م� ن ا �ل�ع�� م� ا �ل�� م��د ا � �ه �ح�د د � ع�� ن �م� ن ك�ا � ي�� ج �ي ر��ي ي ل� �و م �ول � �ل �ي ي� ي� ي�� و ي� � ت أث ة ا �ل��س��م�ا � ال� �ر�ي��: أ أ ت أ ن ة ث ة �ش� ش ذ �ل ة ن ة�ح� ة ئ ة � ئ �ح� ة ف�ة ن ق �ق ئق - ال�ب��ي�� ال� �ر�ي��: )ور � �� ي� ب� ا�ح��ج��ار� و�ب��ي�� ج�ر�ي�� د ا �ر�ي�� وحوا�� ط ج�ر�ي�� ج��ا �� و�م��ا ط� ب��ه�ا ر��ا �� ة ة فخ ة ة ق ت ت ق ف ن ق ة �ح� �� م��ع�ث� � �ل��ق� ��ا �� مت��ن��اث� �(. ��د � �ح�د ��د ١٥ �م �� خ� ا �م ��س �ع�م� �م��د ا � ��ص�� ل��غل��ا ��. ج ري ب ر و ى ري ر و �م ي وع ي� ل ل و م ل ي ي� �ير ي ت غ ف ة أ ف ن ذ ت ف �م� ن �ح�� ث ا �ل��س��ل��س� ا �لز�من� ��ا �ل �� م� ن ال� �ت��ق�ا � ل � �م�ك�ا ن�� ا ��لت�� خ ا �ل��م��ا �ش�� ، �� ه�� ه ال� ك��ش��ا ��ا ت و � ي� ل � ي�وب رم � إ رإىإ ي ري� ب ر إ � إ � ت ةً أ ة ة �ؤ خ ��د ا�� م� ن ا �ل�ع��ص ا �ل�ح�� ا �ل��ق��د� ال� �� فس�� )ا ��ل��ا ��ل� �ل��ث� ( �حت� ا �ل�ح��ق�� ا �ل �م�ا ن�� . �ر� ب ي � � ر ج ر ي� يم ل ب يويي� ى ب رو ي ق ة ت ت ف ق ة أق ة - �م ا �� ا ��لن��ق� �ش� ا �ل��ص�� خ� ��: � � ك��ش��ا � ٣٣ �م �� ل��لن��ق� �ش� ا �ل��ص�� خ� ��، ��ع د � ��د ��مه�ا ��لن��ه�ا �� ا �ل�ع��ص و ع و � � ري م إ � وع و � � ري ي و � � ي � ر ف أ ن أ غ أ أ ث ً ف ا �ل�ح�� ا �ل��ق��د� )ال� ��ا ��ل� �ل��ث� ( � ح�� ن � � ��ل� ا �ل�ح�د �� ث �م�ن��ه�ا �ش��ه �م�ع�ا �ص . ��م�ا ال��ك�� ع�د د ا ��ه ج ر ي� يم إ بيب يويي� ي� ي� � ب� ي� � ب ر ر � ي� ق ق ش خ ة ق أ ن ة ة أ �م ا �� ا ��لن�� ا �ل��ص�� م� ن �ع��ص �م�ا �� ال� ��س ا ت� )��ق�ا د �( �ع��ص ��د ا�� ال� ��س ا ت� ا �ل��م�� ك� . و ع و � � ري � � ر بل ر و � ر ب ي ر ب ر ت ف ة أ ة ة ل �� ح�� س � �ح ا ل ١٥٪ �م� ن �ش��ك�� ا �ل ا د � ) ا د � � � �ص�� ت��ف�� ع�ات��ه( ز ��ا � ٣ �م ت��ف��ع�ا ت م ي م ص وى و ي� � ب و ي� و ي� بو� بير و ري و�ي ر ر � ت ن ف ن ق أث ً أ ق )��ا � �ه�ا ت�(. ��س��ك �ه�د � ا �ل�ع��م� ا �ل��م��د ا � ا �ل��ا د �ه ا �ل��م��س�� ال� � � ��س�� ا ع�� ال� ��د ا�م بل و و ي و� � ل ي ي� م و ح ر ي� ير لى ت أ ة ف ن ��س�� ا �ل��ا ن��ا ت ال�ث� �� ا ��لت� ��س � ��د �ه�ا � نه��ا. و ج يل بي � ري ي� و� ج ئ ق ة أ ف آ ن أ ا �نل��ت��ا � ا ��لت� ��د �من��ا �ه�ا � نه��ا �ه م� د ا �ل�خ��ط � ال� ل � �ع�م� ��ش�� م� ن ال� �� ن��ه �ع�م� اع�د �م��ل�ئ ج� ي� ي� ج ر و وى ي� ل يب ر � � ب ل و و ي� ف آ ت ب��ا �ل��م��ا ج�� .

Grâce au soutien constant et guidée par les conseils de M. el-Bialy, G. Graff a pu obtenir du CSA une concession franco-égyptienne (co-dirigée par G. Graff et Fathi Abu Zaeed, directeur des Antiquités d’Assouan) dans le wadi Abu Subeira, à environ 12 km au nord d’Assouan, sur la rive est. Cette concession est la première mission française dans la région d’Assouan. La première campagne de terrain a eu lieu en janvier 2013. Et c’est pour nous un honneur et un plaisir d’en présenter ici les premiers résultats, en hommage à M. el-Bialy.

1 Présentation générale

La concession accordée au « Projet de collaboration franco-égyptienne pour le survey du wadi Abu Subeira » s’ouvre à environ 14 km à l’est de la rive du Nil. Elle s’étend sur 8 km le long du lit principal du wadi, sur une largeur de 4 km. C’est donc une surface de 32 km2 qui doit être prospectée (voir 5.1. carte de la Prospections Dans le Secteur est du Wadi Abu Subeira 53 concession). Cette concession est limitrophe et poursuit à l’est celle étudiée par A. Kelany et son équipe (voir article dans ce volume). Etant donné le très riche patrimoine trouvé dans le premier tronçon exploré du wadi, les résultats escomptés du survey de cette partie plus orientale concer- nent tant l’art rupestre sur un temps très long, du Paléolithique supérieur à l’époque contemporaine, que des sites d’atelier ou d’habitat paléolithiques, ainsi que des carrières d’extraction de pierres plus récentes. Le territoire défini par la concession se compose du Wadi Abu Subeira lui- même et de ses affluents qui sont au nombre de 4 au nord du cours majeur et de 10 au sud. Les plateaux surplombants dans lesquels les wadis sont creusés doivent également être prospectés. Selon les hypothèses de reconstitution du paysage avant l’Holocène propo- sées par P. Storemyr1 et M. Gatto2, nous nous situerions au-delà de la zone dans laquelle se trouverait un lac temporaire ou permanent, de l’embouchure du wadi à peu près jusqu’à la zone de la mine de fer actuelle. La concession orientale du WAS se trouverait dans ce cas dans une zone déjà hyperaride. Toutefois, la présence de gueltas dans l’un des wadis latéraux sur la rive nord nous invite à nuancer quelque peu cette vision d’un environnement sec dès les périodes les plus anciennes. Trois activités semblent avoir amené les populations à fréquenter cet endroit au cours des âges : la chasse aux animaux des marges désertiques, les déplacements vers l’Est jusqu’à la Mer Rouge et les activités minières. C’est encore la recherche de minerai et d’argile qui occasionne à l’heure actuelle la fréquentation de ces lieux. La partie du wadi à laquelle nous nous intéressons ne semble pas avoir sus- cité un intérêt pastoral. La première campagne a eu lieu en janvier 2013. Il s’agissait d’une courte mission d’évaluation du potentiel de cette nouvelle concession qui n’avait encore jamais fait l’objet de recherches et d’explorations, afin de s’adapter aux besoins et aux nécessités du terrain pour d’autres missions à venir. L’équipe franco- égyptienne se composait d’égyptologues, de préhistoriens et d’un géographe3.

1 “Wadi Abu Subeira, Egypt : Paleolithic Rock Art On The Verge Of Destruction,” Per Storemyr (2012), http://Per-Storemyr.Net/2012/04/06/Wadi-Abu-Subeira-Egypt-Palaeolithic-Rock-Art- On-The-Verge-Of-Destruction/. 2 Maria Carmela et alii, “Archaeological Investigation In The Aswan-Kom Ombo Region (2007- 2008),” MDAIK 56 (2009) : 9-47. 3 Les membres français de la mission étaient G. Graff (IRD), M. Bailly (Aix-Marseille Université), Laurent Auclair (IRD). Les membres égyptiens : A. Kelany, A. Tohamy et H. Tahar (inspecteurs des Antiquités d’Assouan) et les deux gardes du site appointés par le SCA. 54 Graff, Kelany and Bailly

Les prospections pédestres et le relevé systématique des traces d’occupation, toutes périodes prises en compte, ont été entamés sur environ 15% de l’étendue de la concession. Elles ont, comme on pouvait s’y attendre, révélé une importante concentration de faits archéologiques. On a en effet relevé 33 stations d’art rupestre et 15 stations de surface (ateliers de taille, épandage de matériel, structures circulaires, murs de pierres sèches). Les stations d’art rupestre qui ont été découvertes peuvent être datées de l’Epipaléolithique à la période contemporaine. La période la mieux représen- tée est le Prédynastique (7% des attributions chronologiques au Badarien, 39% au Nagadien et 7% pour l’époque thinite, soit un total de plus de la moi- tié des datations). Pour l’instant, aucune représentation n’a pu être attribuée au Paléolithique supérieur, mais la présence de matériel lithique daté du Paléolithique moyen et final dans des ateliers de débitage ou des structures circulaires (voir plus bas) atteste de la fréquentation humaine de cette zone aux périodes les plus anciennes et autorise à penser que des stations rupestres contemporaines de ces périodes puissent être présentes aussi loin de l’embouchure du wadi et de la vallée du Nil. La question en elle-même est intéressante, puisque, jusqu’à présent, les gravures paléolithiques des sites de la région ont toujours été trouvées très près de la vallée du Nil, que ce soit à Qurta ou à CASS-6, 13, 14 et 20, qui étaient au bord d’un lac à l’embouchure du Wadi Abu Subeira.

2 Résultats

Les 15 structures archéologiques, lorsqu’elles ont pu être datées, se répartis- sent entre le Paléolithique moyen et l’époque romaine. Quatre stations comprenant des structures circulaires ont été enregistrées, sur les Loci 01, 06, 07 et 13 bis. Sept zones d’épandage lithiques se trouvaient sur les Loci 02, 04 bis, 05, 14, 27 28 et 44. Deux ateliers de débitage de grès silicifié ont été enregistrés sur les Loci 03 et 28, alors que des murs en pierres sèches étaient présents sur les Loci 07, 28 et 30 bis (voir 5.5. Vues du wadi). Une zone comprenant des pierres dressées correspondait au Locus 27 (voir 5.5. Vues du wadi) et une céramique isolée a constitué le Locus 33. Les trois stations les plus intéressantes sont par conséquent L.14, L.27 et L.28. Sur la paroi nord de l’escapement bordant le wadi, a été retrouvé un épan- dage de matériel lithique, constituant le Locus 14, qui se compose de : Prospections Dans le Secteur est du Wadi Abu Subeira 55

– 1 biface en quartzite très épais à délinéation irrégulière. Des enlèvements couvrants sont centripètes depuis la zone péri-apicale. – 1 grand éclat épais en quartzite sub-quadrangulaire à talon épais. – 1 éclat en grès silicifié. – 1 chopping tool de petite taille. – 1 éclat très épais avec face supérieure à enlèvements semi-abrupts envahissants. – 1 racloir double. – 1 éclat sub-trapézoïdal pseudo-levallois ou levallois.

L’ensemble de ce matériel peut être attribué au Paléolithique moyen (voir 5.2. Locus 14). Au sommet du plateau, sur la pointe du confluent entre le wadi principal et le premier diverticule sud, ont été trouvées des pierres dressées et un épan- dage de matériel lithique, probablement paléolithique, qui constitue le Locus 27 (voir 5.5. Vues du wadi). Le locus 28 se trouve sur le plateau situé à l’ouest du premier diverticule nord. Il est constitué d’un épandage de matériel lithique, sur une surface éva- luée à près d’un hectare, composé d’une carrière de meules en grès silicifié et de murs en pierres sèches. Toutes les phases de préparation et d’utilisation des meules sont présentes. Des tessons céramiques sont également visibles. Le site peut être attribué, sous réserve, à la période romaine (voir 5.5. Vues du wadi). Bien que le matériel ramassé en surface des structures ne soit pas très carac- téristique, de par ce que l’on connaît du Paléolithique supérieur de la région4, les occupations seront probablement à rapprocher du Kubbanien5. Le matériel du L.14 amenerait à penser à une attribution au Paléolithique moyen. Un site de cette période a déjà été exploré à l’embouchure du Wadi Abu Subeira par F. Wendorf à la fin des années 19806.

4 Pierre M. Vermeersch (Ed.). Palaeolithic Living Sites In Upper And Middle Egypt. (Louvain, 2000), 324-326 ; Wendorf F. 1989. “Report On Site E-81-2 : A Middle Paleolithic Site In Wadi Abu Subeira,” in The Prehistory Of Wadi Kubbaniya. Vol. III. Late Paleolithic Archaeology, ed. Fred Wendorf ; R. Schild, A.E. Close (Dallas, 1989), 825-829. 5 Fred Wendorf, R. Schild, “Summary And Synthesis,” in The Prehistory Of Wadi Kubbaniya. Vol. III. Late Paleolithic Archaeology, ed. Fred Wendorf ; R. Schild, A.E. Close (Dallas, 1989), 768-824. 6 Fred Wendorf, C.L. Hill, “Report On Site E-84-2 : A Ballanan-Silsilian Site Near The Mouth Of Wadi Kubbaniya.” in The Prehistory Of Wadi Kubbaniya. Vol. III. Late Paleolithic Archaeology, ed. Fred Wendorf ; R. Schild, A.E. Close (Dallas, 1989), 679-696. 56 Graff, Kelany and Bailly

Les stations rupestres sont au nombre de 33. Le tableau ci-dessous montre leur répartition chronologique. La différence entre le nombre de stations annoncées et celui des représentations provient du fait que dans certains cas, plusieurs panneaux (notés R1, 2, 3 etc) avec des représentations d’époques dif- férentes ont été localisés dans une même station.

Periode Numero du locus Total

Epipaléolithique 08 ; 19 ; 37 ; 41. 04 Tasien 20. 01 Badarien 08 ; 19 ; 20. 03 Nagadien 09 ; 10 ; 11 ; 15 ; 18 ; 19 ; 20 ; 21 ; 22 ; 24 ; 29 ; 17 31 ; 32 ; 40 ; 42 ; 43 ; 45. Epoque thinite 11 ; 20 ; 35. 03 Période Pharaonique 21 ; 34. 02 Période Romaine 23. 01 Moyen Age (Islamique) 08 ; 09 ; 12. 03 Moderne/ Contemporain 08 ; 09 ; 11 ; 17 ; 19 ; 20 ; 22 ; 24 ; 25 ; 29 ; 30. 11 TOTAL 45

2.1 Les stations antérieures au IVème millénaire Au total 5 stations, qui comprennent en tout 8 scènes, avec des représentations antérieures au IVème millénaire : locus 08 : Situé sous un abri-sous-roche dans l’escarpement nord du wadi principal. La station se compose de 5 roches ornées numérotées R1 à R5.

– R1 : est un bloc vertical sur lequel sont représentées des figures très patinées avec des motifs asymétriques non identifiables dont des serpentiformes. Ces gravures sont attribuables à l’Epipaléolithique, au Badarien et à l’époque moderne. – R2 : est un bloc dans un éboulis. Son décor se compose d’une grande girafe isolée très patinée et d’une cupule piquetée. On peut attribuer ces figures à l’Epipaléolithique ou au Badarien (voir 5.3. la girafe du Locus 08-R2). – R3 : est un bloc situé dans l’abri sous roche. Une seule représentation est pla- cée sur ce bloc, une figure très patinée asymétrique non identifiable, attri- buable à l’Epipaléolithique. Prospections Dans le Secteur est du Wadi Abu Subeira 57

– R4 : est un bloc longiligne horizontal comprenant dans sa partie supé- rieur des motifs très patinés asymétriques non identifiables attribuables à l’Epipaléolithique. locus 19 : Cette station comprend 6 blocs dans un éboulis tombé dans le lit majeur du wadi, en amont de l’embranchement du diverticule Nord n°3.

– R6 : est un bloc sub-horizontal sur lequel figurent une cupule piquetée en position centrale autour de laquelle ont été placés des représentations de pieds recoupant deux antilopes de profil, un archer nubien, deux chiens et deux grands quadrupèdes. Sur le bord de la dalle se trouvent un archer et son chien, réalisés avec un piquetage lâche et peu lisible, et un lézard/crocodile vu de dessus très patiné associé à une champ de cupules. Un peu plus loin se trouve une figure en demi-cercle non identifiée.

Ces gravures sont attribuables à l’Epipaléolithique pour les plus anciennes, au prédynastique et à l’époque moderne. locus 20 : Cette station comprend 10 blocs. Elle est située à l’embranchement ouest du WAS et du diverticule Nord n°3. Il s’agit de blocs dans un éboulis rocheux.

– R1 : Ce bloc très patiné comprend une frise de huit personnages humains se tenant par la main. En dessous se trouvent un animal à cornes de très grande taille (rhinocéros ?) et un addax aux cornes démesurées. Cette scène est tasienne ou badarienne (voir 5.4. Locus 20). locus 37 : Sur une dalle verticale située dans l’escarpement ouest du diverticule Nord N°1 ont été représentés deux motifs très patinés et très effacés identiques, non figuratifs. Ils peuvent être attribués à l’Epipaléolithique. locus 41 : Dans le lit majeur du diverticule Nord n°1, un gros bloc isolé comprend une représentation schématique et piquetée d’un quadrupède. Il pourrait s’agir d’une gravure épipaléolithique.

2.2 Les stations attribuables au IVème millénaire Ces stations sont les plus nombreuses (20 au total) à avoir été identifiées au cours des prospections. Cinq types de scène seulement se dégagent, qui permettent le classement suivant : 58 Graff, Kelany and Bailly

Type de representation Stations concernées

Archer nubien portant un étui pénien L.09-R1 ; L.15. + chien(s) L.18 (2 chiens) ; L.19-R6 ; L. 20-R6. Scène de chasse L.10 ; L. 19-R1 ; L. 19-R6 ; L. 40 ; L. 43. Personnage masculin avec « plume » sur la tête + Bâton/sceptre L. 11-R1. + Animaux dont 1 faucon L.20-R9. + Arc L. 45. Animaux isolés ou doubles Bovin (isolé) L.13-R2 ; L.19-R3 ; L. 21-R1 ; L. 22-R5 ; L. 24-R1. Bovin (double) L.19-R4 ; L. 20-R8 ; L. 22-R2 ; L. 22-R6 ; L. 22-R9 : L. 24-R2. Ibex (isolé) L. 20-R3 ; L. 20-R4 ; L. 21-R3 ; L. 31 ; L. 32 ; L. 42. Eléphant (isolé) L. 22-R1. Quadrupèdes (doubles) L. 22-R4. Navigation L. 35. + personnage humain L. 22-R3.

2.3 Les stations pharaoniques Les deux seuls panneaux qui ont pu être attribués à cette période figurent des représentations d’embarcations, avec des bateau à fond très plat, des proues et des poupes verticales, une cabine centrale et des rames.

2.4 Les représentations récentes Une seule inscription comprend des représentations de l’époque gréco- romaine. Il s’agit du Locus 23. Cette station se trouve dans l’affluent nord n°3, près de bassins naturels creusés dans la roche (gueltas). Elle se compose d’une représentation de pintade nubienne (Numida meleagris) et d’une inscription grecque comprenant les lettres ΔΕΡΠΙ. Les représentations médiévales à contemporaines sont les deuxièmes en nombre (14 au total). Là aussi, 5 thématiques ont pu être reconnues, réparties dans les différentes stations de la manière suivante : Prospections Dans le Secteur est du Wadi Abu Subeira 59

Type de representation Stations concernées

Cavaliers armés montés sur des L.08-R5 ; L.12. domadaires + dromadaires non montés L.20-R5. Dromadaires isolés L.09-R2 ; L. 11-R2 ; L.19-R2 ; L. 20-R2 ; L. 20-R7 ; L. 24-R2 ; L. 25 ; L.30. Empreintes de sandales/pieds L.19-R5 ; L.19-R6 ; L.24-R1 ; L. 29-R2. Anthroponymes datés L.24-R1. Motifs non figuratifs L.17 ; L. 36.

En ce qui concerne les plus anciennes stations que nous avons trouvées, rien ne peut être comparé à CASS-6 ou à Qurta 2. En revanche, des rapprochements peuvent être faits avec ce qui a été trouvé à el-Hosh7. Cette phase de l’Epipa- léolithique serait à dater autour de 7 000-6 700 BCE. Elle pourrait être en relation avec la culture proche de l’Elkabien ou celle de Tree Shelter8. Il s’agirait en particulier de ces représentations géométriques, moins complexes que celles d’el-Hosh. Des représentations badariennes ont déjà été retrouvées dans le Wadi Abu Subeira à KASS-1, Horizon 09. Les représentations humaines du Locus 20-R1 (voir 5.4. Locus 20), une frise de personnages se tenant par la main, diffèrent beaucoup de celle de KASS-1. Elles seraient plus proches de la frise du Wadi el-Atwani site RM-110. La girafe du bloc R2 du Locus 08 peut être attribuée au Badarien ou à Naqada I. On trouve ces animaux représentés à cette période sur les C-Ware, mais ils disparaissent de la vallée du Nil égyptienne à la fin du IVème millénaire11. La girafe est fréquemment représentée dans l’art rupestre prédynastique, par

7 Dirk Huyge, W. Claes, “El-Hosh Et Qurta : Sur Les Traces Du Plus Ancien Art Égyptien,” in Ceci N’est Pas Une Pyramide. . . . Un Siècle De Recherche Archéologique Belge En Egypte (Leuven, 2012), 33-45. 8 Dirk Huyge, Per Storemyr, “A ‘Masterpiece’ of Epipalaeolithic Geometric Rock Art From El-Hosh, Upper Egypt,” Sahara 23 (2012), 131. 9 L. Lippiello, Maria Gatto, “Intrasite and Palaeoenvironmental Reconstruction At Khor Abu Subeira South 1 (Aswan, Egypt)” in The Signs Of Which Times ? Chronological And Palaeoenvironmental Issues In The Rock Art Of Northern Africa, ed. Dirk Huyge, F. Van Noten, D. Swinne (Brussels, 2012), 267-291. 10 David Rohl, The Followers Of Horus. Eastern Desert Survey Report. Volume One (Oxon, 2000), 143-145, n°5). Merci à D. Huyge pour ces informations. 11 Dirk Huyge, “Giraffes In Ancient Egypt,” Nekhen News 10 (1998), 9. 60 Graff, Kelany and Bailly exemple à HK6112. On en trouve une autre sur le bloc R1 du Locus 22, d’époque prédynastique. La scène de chasse du Locus 40 ressemble à celle du Locus 10, qui est pour- tant beaucoup plus complexe : des personnages humains capturent ou tiennent par des longes des animaux sauvages, qui ne peuvent être identifiés à des bovins que sur le locus 10. Une étude complète des scènes de chasse, réalisée par S. Hendrickx, permet de recontextualiser les représentations cynégétiques13. Les représentations d’éléphants sur cette dalle diffèrent de celles de KASS-114 et nous invitent à une datation ultérieure, à la fin de Nagada II. Deux autres représentations d’éléphants ont été retrouvées durant la phase de terrain, une sur R1 du Locus 19, au milieu d’une scène de chasse avec des ibex, une girafe, des chiens et des personnages humains sont 2 tiennent des arcs. Le troisième éléphant est isolé, sur le bloc R1 du Locus 45. Stylistiquement, il est très proche de celui de l’horizon 1 de KASS-1, daté de Nagada IC – IIA15. Une représentation parfaitement semblable à celle de l’éléphant du Locus 45 se trouve sur un bloc à l’entrée du wadi, accompagnée d’un archer nubien et d’ibex. Les représentations de navigation sont peu nombreuses a avoir été retrou- vées lors de cette campagne, au vu de leur grande densité dans le désert oriental16, et en particulier à KASS-117. On en trouve une sur le bloc R2 du Locus 21, une seconde sur le bloc R3 du Locus 22, une isolée pour le Locus 34 et la dernière au Locus 35. Dans ces représentations, on trouve 3 types d’embarcation : Locus 21-R2 et Locus 34 sont parfaitement identiques : des square boats avec une multitude de rames et une cabine centrale, tandis que celle du Locus 35 est un sickle- shaped boat avec une cabine au toit bombé18. Le bateau du Locus 22 est très différent, avec une cabine au toit bombé, et une seule rame-gouvernail. Aucun

12 Huyge “Giraffes,” 9. 13 Stan Hendrickx, “L’iconographie De La Chasse Dans Le Contexte Social Prédynastique,” Archéo-Nil 20 (2010) : 106-133. 14 Lippiello & Gatto “Intrasite and Palaeoenvironmental,” 273. 15 Lippiello & Gatto “Intrasite and Palaeoenvironmental,” 273. 16 Francis Lankester, “Boat Petroglyphs In Egypt’s Central Eastern Desert,” in The History Of The Peoples Of The Eastern Desert, ed. Barnard H. & Duistermaat K. (Los Angeles, 2012), 66-80. 17 Maria Carmela Gatto, Stan Hendrickx, S. Roma, D. Zampetti, “Rock Art From West Bank Aswan And Wadi Abu Subeira,” Archéo-Nil 19 (2009), 160. 18 J. Aksamit, “Representation of boats in Predynastic Egypt,” Fontes Archaeologici Posnannienses 32 (1981), 157). Prospections Dans le Secteur est du Wadi Abu Subeira 61 n’est comparable aux embarcations retrouvées et datées dans KASS-119. Les bateaux des Loci 21 et 34 sont probablement d’époque pharaoniques. Celui du Locus 22 est semblable à celle du Wall Vq de Hagar el-Ghorab20. La représentation d’un faucon sur le bloc R9 du Locus 20 nous conduit à envisager une datation postérieure à Naqada II C, suivant S. Hendrickx21 (Voir 5.4. Locus 20). Un autre faucon a été trouvé associé à un bateau à KASS-1, Wall 322. Le contexte élitaire est évident, conformément à l’association faite par S. Hendrickx, en particulier du fait de la proximité du personnage masculin coiffé d’une plume.

3 Perspectives

Nous envisageons de poursuivre les prospections dans le wadi Abu Subeira en orientant nos recherches selon deux axes :

– La poursuite de l’inventaire et de l’enregistrement des stations d’art rupestre de toutes les périodes (y compris récentes et contemporaines) afin d’avoir une vision de la fréquentation et de l’usage des lieux sur le temps long ainsi que du marquage/maillage du territoire au fil des âges23. – Nous souhaiterions accorder une attention plus particulière aux sites archéologiques attribuables au Paléolithique, en envisageant si possible quelques sondages sur les structures les plus prometteuses. D’autre part, de par sa configuration et l’absence totale de couvert végétal, le wadi présente un intérêt majeur pour mener une tentative de reconstitution géomorpho- logique et paléo-environnementale des périodes antérieures à l’Holocène.

Nous espérons ainsi contribuer à la sauvegarde et à la connaissance du patrimoine rupestre assouani et apporter quelques éléments à la connaissance de la fréquentation du sud du désert oriental au travers les âges.

19 Lippiello & Gatto “Intrasite and Palaeoenvironmental,” 273. 20 Gatto et alii, “Rock Art from West Bank Aswan,” 158. 21 Stan Hendrickx, Renée Friedman, M. Eyckerman, “Early Falcons” in Vorspann Oder Formative Phase ? Agypten Und Der Vordere Orient 3500-2700v. Chr., ed. L.D. Morenz & R. Kuhn (Wiesbaden, 2011), 129-162. 22 Lippiello & Gatto “Intrasite and Palaeoenvironmental,” 273. 23 L. Auclair, Gwenola Graff, A. Lemjidi, A. Ewague, R. Simenel, “Paysages Gravés : Approche Comparée De L’art Rupestre Au Sud De La Méditerranée (Egypte/Maroc),” in L’archéologie Pour Le Développement, ed. J.-C. Galipaud & D. Guillaud (Marseille, 2014), 47-56. 62 Graff, Kelany and Bailly

Remerciements

G. Graff souhaiterait remercier tout spécialement ses collègues Dirk Huyge et Stan Hendrickx pour les discussions qu’ils ont eus à propos des datations et de l’interprétation des stations découvertes cette année et leurs coutumières générosité et disponibilité dans les échanges. Prospections Dans le Secteur est du Wadi Abu Subeira 63 64 Graff, Kelany and Bailly Prospections Dans le Secteur est du Wadi Abu Subeira 65 66 Graff, Kelany and Bailly chapter 6 Deux documents épars du temple d’Hathor à Philae

Jean-Claude Goyon

Abstract ق ق ف أ ن ذ ن غ ً ً آث ق �ل��د ��م� ت� ع�ا ٢٠٠٧ � � ��س ا �م ا �ل��ل ، ا �ل�� ك�ا ��ش�� م�ن��ص��ا �ه�ا � م�ا ك�م�د � ل� ��ا ا �ل ��ه ا �ل��ل ، م ي� و � ع بيي� ي� � ي ل ب ير ر و ج بي� ة ن ة ة نخ ن أ أ ��ال� ع�د ا د ا ت ا �ل�ا ز �م�� ل��ش�� ا ��لن��ص � ا ��لن��ق� �ش� ا �ل��تم��ع��ل�ق�� م��ق��ص � ��ت�� ال� )ع�� ال� ��( ب إ � ل � ر �و ص و و � ب �ور بو ول لى رجح ة ة ث ق نُ ��س�ن��ح� ت ل ا �ل�ف�� ص�� د ا ��س�� ن��ق� �ش� �م�ع��د �ح�ت��ح �ع� ن �ك�� ه ا �ل�د ا ��س�ا ت ا ��لت� ل ت��ك� ن ��د ��ش�� ت و � ي� ر� ب ر و � ب ور � ب� و ي� ر � ي�م � ر� ف ذ ة ن ش ق ث ة ض ة ف ة ة ق ة ��ع�د � م�م��له�ا �ك�� ل� ��د ا ��س�� ق� �� ط ا �ل�ح�� ا �ل��م�ت�ن��ا � � ا �ل��م �� ع�� ا �ل��ه�� ا �ل�ش��م�ا ��ل �� ا �ل�ش�� . ب ي� ج � و ك ب ر و � ع ج ر ر و و و ي� ج � ي ر ي أ ئ ت ن ف أ خ ذ ن ف ذ ��م�ا �ع� ن ا �ل��ص ت�� ن ا �ل ا��عت�� ن ا �ل��لت�� ن ��ثم��لا � ��سه�ا �م�ا ت� ا �ل��ل ��ه��م�ا �م�� ت��ا �ع� ن ا �ل��م��ل� ا �ل�� ك� ن��ه � �ور ي� ر ي� ي� �إ � بيي� � و � � ي� و ق أ ة ت ن ت أ ن أ ن ن ذ �ل��س��م�� ا �ل��ا ��ح�ا ث� لا�ح��ق�� م�ك��ن��ا �م� ن �ح�د ��د � � � �م�ك�ا �م� ن ا �ل��م�ع��د ��م�ك� ن � ت��ت�� ل��ه �ه�� ه ي ح ب ي م ب ب � ي ي� � � ب ي � � مي� إ ي أ ة ة ق ا �ل��ق��ط ال�ث� �� ا �ل��م��ح�ف�� ظ �� ا �ل��م �� . ع ري و ب وع

C’est à la bienveillante compréhension du Docteur Mohamed El-Bialy que je dois d’avoir découvert les deux témoins de l’époque ptolémaïque provenant des édifices sacrés de l’île d’Isis qui sont présentés ici. En 2007, alors qu’il assu- mait, à Aswan, les importantes fonctions de directeur des Antiquités de Haute- Égypte, nous préparions ensemble l’édition des textes et reliefs du Kiosque de Nectanébo I (à paraître), et il me fournit l’opportunité d’étudier de près les inscriptions du temple d’Hathor, encore inédit dans sa totalité, ainsi que celles des blocs épars entreposés au nord-est. Les deux excellentes photographies qui illustrent cette contribution sont extraites du dossier qu’il avait constitué pour permettre une recherche ultérieure et parvenir, éventuellement, à déterminer de quel édifice du site pouvaient provenir les fragments architecturaux conser- vés sur place. C’est donc avec beaucoup de gratitude que je dédie ces notes au collègue égyptologue dont j’ai eu le privilège de diriger la thèse de doctorat et qui m’honore de sa fidèle amitié.

* Professeur d’Égyptologie émérite, université Lumière, Lyon II.

1 Un montant de porte remployé du temple oriental d’Hathor (Pl. I)

Entreposé au nord de l’emprise du monument, répertorié sous la référence ADL 0023, cet élément d’architecture a été taillé au début de la domination romaine en Égypte, soit entre 31 et 14 de notre ère, dans un long bloc1 de grès du Gebel Silsileh pour former le montant droit d’une porte ravalé sur une hauteur de 0,46 m à son sommet. Le bloc a ensuite été réutilisé et toute la partie inférieure2 en partant de la droite a été reprise à la broche travaillant en biais pour faire disparaître les signes gravés. Sans que l’on puisse établir quelle fut le but du remploi, la suppression d’une partie seulement des inscriptions laisse à penser que la portion non mutilée était masquée dans l’appareil du remploi. À l’origine, le montant avait reçu deux colonnes affrontées de signes hiéro- glyphiques d’assez grande taille3 gravés en creux.

1 Dimensions actuelles : hauteur 3, 90 m ; largeur 1,66 m ; épaisseur moyenne ~ 0,60 m. 2 À gauche sur une hauteur d’1,66 m, à droite d’ 1m. 3 Largeur de la colonne 0,42 m ; hauteur moyenne des cadrats 0,36 m. Deux Documents Épars Du Temple D’hathor À Philae 69

La colonne de gauche, dont tout le bas est détruit, conserve le début du proto- cole d’Octavien Auguste :

Nswt bity nb tꜢ.wy (Ꜣwtḳrtr) sꜢ RꜤ nb ḫꜤ.w ( Ḳys [rs]) [lacune]

Le roi de Haute et Basse-Égypte, seigneur du Double Pays (Autokrator), le fils de Rê (Kais[aros)] [lacune].

Dans la colonne de droite, l’inscription faisant référence à Hathor est plus lon- gue d’un cadrat, et la trace du haut d’un signe subsiste après celui-ci :

Ḥwt-Ḥr wrt nb-t ’Iw-rḳ nb-t p(Ꜣ) Ꜥt-n-Ꜥš (tr.) [lacune]

Hathor l’imposante, dame de (Philæ), dame de l’Enclos-de-l’appel, (tr.) [lacune].

Ainsi que l’a montré naguère F. Daumas4, dont on reprend ici la traduction,

« l’Enclos-de-l’appel » est la désignation antique de l’édifice érigé à l’est de l’île d’Isis que l’on a coutume de nommer « temple d’Hathor »5. À l’exception du kiosque antérieur tourné vers l’ouest, les textes du reste de la construction sont encore largement inédits. Il n’est donc pas inutile de com- pléter ici le recensement demeuré partiel6 des mentions à Philæ du Ꜥt-n-Ꜥš d’Hathor. Dans l’état actuel de l’édition des inscriptions de temple d’Isis, ce lieu d’ac- cueil de la déesse lointaine de retour de Nubie au temps de l’inondation ne figure qu’une fois sous Ptolémée VIII au registre inférieur de la portion ouest de la paroi sud du Mammisi7. Le souverain ptolémaïque offre une couronne d’or (MꜢḥ n nwb) à « mère Hathor imposante d’amour ». Et la légende de la déesse montre qu’il s’agit d’Hathor « de l’Enclos-de-l’appel » (n p(Ꜣ) Ꜥt-n-Ꜥš) et définit la fonction de celui-ci en ajoutant : « c’est l’imposante place de l’Ivresse de la dame de Iou-Req (st wr-t ṯḫ pw n nb-t ’Iw-rḳ) ». À cette première attestation viennent s’adjoindre encore celles demeurées pour la plupart inédites qui ont pu être relevées dans l’édifice lui-même :

4 F. Daumas, « Les propylées du temple d’Hathor à Philæ, » ZÄS 95 (1968), 1-17 et pl. I-VI. 5 En dernier lieu, S. Cauville-M. Ibrahim, Philæ. Itinéraire du visiteur (Louvain, 2013), p. 299 sq. 6 F. Daumas, « Les propylées, » 3. 7 Hermann Junker, Erich Winter, Philä II (Wien, 1965), 70 bas (photo Berlin 940)-71 (8). 70 goyon

Ḥwt-Ḥr n p(Ꜣ) Ꜥt-n-Ꜥš façade du Pronaos, pilier d’ante nord, face ouest, col. 1, PM VI, 251 (19) ; S. Cauville-M. Ibrahim, Philæ, p. 308 photographie du haut, gauche ; Ḥwt-Ḥr n Ꜥt-n-Ꜥš pilier d’ante nord, face ouest, offrande de la menat, PM VI, 251 (20) ; Ḥwt-Ḥr ḫnt Ꜥt-n-Ꜥš extérieur, paroi nord, portion est, PM VI, 251 (12) ; publié par Junker, Auszug Hathor-Tefnut (APAW 1911/3) p. 31 ; [...... ] Ꜥt-n-Ꜥš entrecolonnement sud face nord, scène d’offrande de la couronne d’or (mꜢḥ n nwb) dont le haut est en partie détruit, PM VI, 251 (16) ; Ḥwt-Ḥr ḫnt Ꜥt-n-Ꜥš colonne K, face nord, texte vertical derrière le dan- seur masqué Hyty ; non mentionné par F. Daumas, ZÄS 95, 9, § 17 mais visible au bas de sa pl. V.

Si, par là, l’appartenance du montant ADL 0023 à l’édifice d’Hathor est démon- trée, il s’avère très malaisé de lui attribuer un emplacement sûr dans la disposition générale de la construction. On peut toutefois suggérer à titre d’hypothèse provisoire qu’il a pu appartenir à un des accès latéraux de l’espace oriental, conçu comme une terrasse ouverte à l’est sur le Nil dont les deux grands côtés, nord et sud, étaient clos de murs aujourd’hui arasés.

2 Deux fragments jointifs du rituel d’offrande du vase-menou du temple d’Hathor (Pl. II)

Sous l’indicateur d’inventaire ADL 0020, deux vestiges d’un élément d’architecture, visiblement retaillé dans l’épaisseur des blocs d’origine, ont pu être rassemblés. La portion du haut de l’assemblage, de grande proportion, adopte grossièrement la forme d’un carré irrégulier8 dont toute la largeur de la partie supérieure, au-dessus de l’emplacement des textes, est épaufrée, marquée de fortes traces d’outil. Le fragment inférieur, beaucoup plus petit9, se raccorde à droite au bas du fragment supérieur sur la largeur des trois pre- mières des quatre colonnes incomplètes du texte conservé, orienté de la droite vers la gauche. Celui-ci est gravé en relief dans le creux avec des signes dont la taille est modulée pour s’adapter à l’emprise des cadrats réglés sur la largeur des traits de séparation des colonnes10. Curieusement, les deux signes

8 Dimensions actuelles : hauteur maximale 1,90 m à gauche, réduite à droite à 1,14 m ; largeur 2,16 m ; épaisseur moyenne ~ 0,40 m. 9 Hauteur 0,60 m ; largeur 1,56 m. 10 Largeur 0,42 m pour une hauteur de 0,30 m du cadrat. Deux Documents Épars Du Temple D’hathor À Philae 71 initiaux de la colonne 4 ne respectent pas l’alignement général des trois autres et sont décalés vers le haut. Enfin, il est à noter que la gravure de certains signes mise en œuvre sous le règne égyptien d’Auguste, en particulier le panoncule strié du roseau (Gardiner M 17), rappelle le canon des sculpteurs de l’époque ptolémaïque. Tout l’intérêt de ces vestiges réside dans le fait que, provenant du temple oriental d’Hathor où il aurait fait partie d’un des montants d’une porte déman- telée, la photographie et la vérification sur place permettent d’apporter les corrections épigraphiques nécessaires à une partie du relevé, publié en 1981 et repris en 199211, sans collationnement, des versets de la fin de la première partie du récitatif du rituel de l’offrande du vase-menou lors de la célébration de la Fête de l’Ivresse.

11 B. Morardet, « Matériaux pour servir à la reconstitution du temple d’Hathor à Philæ (Notizie da File IV), » Oriens Antiquus XX (1981), 139-155 ; texte parallèle, p. 154-155 ; H. Sternberg-El Hotabi, Ein Hymnus an die Göttin Hathor und das Ritual « Hathor das Trankopfer darbringen » (Rites Égyptiens VII, Bruxelles, 1992), 14-15, version H1 [cité par la suite Trankopfer]. 72 goyon

La correspondance du contenu des quatre colonnes des blocs ADL 0020 avec l’édition Morardet d’OA XX (M) et la reprise dans l’ouvrage d’H. Sternberg-El Hotabi (SH) s’établit ainsi :

colonne 1 : M montant sud 7, p. 154 ; SH texte p. [173] de l’annexe non paginée ; colonne 2 : M idem 8, p. 154 ; SH texte p. [176] ; colonne 3 : M idem 9, p. 155 ; SH texte p. [178] ; colonne 4 : M idem 10, p. 115 ; SH texte p. [179-180].

Les rectifications à apporter au relevé M pour rétablir le texte originel sont mises en évidence par la reproduction juxtalinéaire ci-après. Si le non respect dans l’édition parue de la disposition réelle des signes sur la paroi n’est que secondaire, l’omission de plusieurs signes est, en revanche, à regretter. On y ajoutera, en outre, quelques remarques complémentaires relatifs à la traduction des versets dont l’examen est repris ici.

Remarques

Colonne 1 : a) Groupement et n raccourci absents de M. b) Signe w de šꜢw omis. Colonne 2 : a) Déterminatif du liquide et groupe nw omis. b) Marqueur de duel omis. Deux Documents Épars Du Temple D’hathor À Philae 73

Colonne 3 : a) Lacune partielle des signes dans les cassures non indiquées. Colonne 4 : a) Lacune d’1/3 de cadrat à gauche non indiquée ; restitution sûre.

La relecture du texte de la colonne 2 clairement lisible12, confrontée aux don- nées des parallèles de Dendara13 et du temple de Ptah de Karnak14 conduit à reconsidérer la lecture et traduction du verset qui ont été proposées15. Le passage doit être compris ainsi :

[Stwt..i n.ṯ Ꜥfw n mnw pn sḥtp Ꜥntiw] m (=n) ḫnt(y) Ꜣḫt m smswn nw rwty

[Je rassemble pour Toi] le produit pressé a) de ce vase-menou <à savoir> la dose d’oliban b) de Celui qui préside à l’Horizon c) avec le liquide par- fumé d) du Double Lion e).

a) ’IꜤf (w) Wb. I, 41 (3) « jus, liquide obtenu par pression » substantif dérivé du radical à contenu verbal iaf, sur quoi voir D. Meeks, AL I, 16 (77.0155) « presser, exprimer » une matière pour en extraire le liquide. b) Sḥtp Ꜥntiw, Wb. IV, 223 (3) “Maß für Weihrauch”, dose d’encens à placer dans une cupule d’encensoir, terme attesté au Nouvel Empire dans le P. Harris16, ainsi qu’à Dendara17. c) Ḫnty Ꜣḫt, omis ici par la traductrice comme dans un des versets précé- dents (verset 6) où le groupe figurait18, est sans déterminatif dans les

12 Pour une raison non justifiée, Heike Sternberg-El Hotabi, Ein Hymnus an die Göttin Hathor und das Ritual ‹ Hathor das Trankopfer Darbringen › nach den Tempeltexten der griechisch- römischen Zeit (Bruxelles, 1992), 176 donne le texte comme une restitution sous hachures. 13 É. Chassinat, Fr. Daumas, Dendara VII, (Le Caire, 1972), 40 (9). 14 Urk . VIII, 134 (14) [189]. 15 Outre l’omission du groupe ḫnt(y) Ꜣḫt, de H. Sternberg-El Hotabi, Trankopfer, p. 53, bo la lecture * sḥtp Ꜥntiw m nwd m ἰdb.wy tꜢ.wy sḫrw est totalement erronée et, de même, la traduction, p. 24, et note bn) « . . . Duftsubstanz für diesen Trank, Myrrhe die in ihrer Salbe ruht, so daß sie selbst die Traurigkeit der Beiden Ufer, wenn sie unterworfen wären, linderte ». 16 P. Grandet, Le Papyrus Harris I (IFAO Bd’E 129/2, 1999), 126, n. 512 après J. Malek, Rd’E 30 (1978), 170. 17 Émile Chassinat, François Daumas, Dendara VIII (Le Caire, 1978) 116 (13) cité par Dimitri Meeks, Année Lexicographique II (Paris, 1998), 342. 18 H. Sternberg-El Hotabi, Trankopfer, texte p. 172, traduction p. 23 (g) ; le passage fait réfé- rence au liquide/eau contenu dans le « balsamaire de Celui qui préside à l’horizon » (smswn n ḫnty Ꜣḫt). 74 goyon

parallèles, mais il doit vraisemblablement s’agir d’une désignation de Rê-Harakhtès. d) Pour smswn, deux acceptions ont été enregistrées au Wb. IV, 143 (9) « balsamaire » et (10) « liquide/eau, flot (du Nil) », les Belegstellen renvoy- ant pour cette rubrique à Kôm Ombo II, n° 592 (8), texte du verset cité à la note c) et au parallèle du texte de la colonne 2 d’ADL 0020 de Dendara VII, 40 (9) d’après l’édition Mariette. Compte tenu du contexte, le terme smswn doit, en effet, désigner le liquide, devenant parfumé dès lors que l’oliban y était mêlé, que l’on ajoutait à la composition du vase-menou. De même, précédemment (verset 6), l’eau (mw) versée dans le vase d’offrande était désignée comme l’eau montante (Ꜥrty)19 provenant du don (littérale- ment « des mains ») du Flot-Hâpy »20. e) La leçon apparente *rwty est sûre mais sans déterminatif21 ; la présence dans la version d’ADL 0020 de trois marqueurs d’un pluriel, absents du parallèle de Dendara, pose problème. Cela, d’autant plus que la leçon du tableau du temple de Ptah de Karnak dans l’édition Sethe-Firchow inter- cale cinq marqueurs22 entre smswn et *rwty. Faut-il alors établir une lecture smswn dἰw n rwty et à traduire « les cinq liquides parfumés du Double Lion » tout en considérant que, fautivement, cet élément définissant un nombre aurait été reporté sous forme de faux pluriel à la suite du groupe des deux lions dans la version de Philæ ?

Une possibilité de réponse à la question que l’on vient de poser peut être proposée en guise de conclusion. En 1916, G. Daressy publiait un document essentiel, mais totalement méconnu, comportant les restes malheureusement mutilés de deux épisodes rituels. Le premier évoque les rites pratiqués pour

19 Wb. I, 213 (11) ; plutôt que d’un « Art Gewässer in Oberägypten », il s’agit d’un des multiples noms désignant le flot en crue ; pour le sens « flot montant », ajouter aux réf. des Belegstellen Edfou I, 325 (16); II, 257 (7); IV, 337 (11); VI, 33 (9) ; Émile Chassinat, Dendara I (Le Caire, 1934), 39 (10) ; Émile Chassinat, Dendara IV (Le Caire, 1935), 133 (8). Chassinat & Daumas, Dendara VII, 27 (13), qui comporte le jeu de mots entre arty et le radical verbal arar, permet de préciser le sens. 20 Chassinat & Daumas, Dendara VII, 40 (9) = KO II, n° 592 (8)= Urk. VIII, 134 (10); Morardet, “Matériaux pour servir à la reconstitution,” 154 (6), nord, seuls les derniers signes sont conservés. 21 Rwty est déterminé sans ambiguïté comme désignant Shou et Tefnout dans la leçon de Dendara pour la fin du verset correspondant à la colonne 1 du bloc ADL 0020, texte chez H. Sternberg-El Hotabi, Trankopfer, p. 174 (haut). 22 Ces signes tenus pour fautifs, semble-t-il, sont remplacés par un n et les trois traits du pluriel dans la copie de H. Sternberg-El Hotabi. Deux Documents Épars Du Temple D’hathor À Philae 75 une manifestation masculine anonyme et le second concerne la cérémonie d’intronisation du symbole animal d’Isis-Hathor, Nwbyt « Celle de l’Or », la vache Sekhat-Hor de Kôm el-Hisn du IIIe nome de Basse-Égypte23. Partant d’une erreur d’interprétation du terme ḥwt-Ꜥnḫ24 dans le texte principal, Daressy replaça toutes les autres données inscrites figurant sur la dalle Caire JE 45936 dans un contexte funéraire. Il ne put ainsi reconnaître que la teneur des tableaux VI à VIII du second registre de la dalle du Caire n’était autre qu’un répertoire des noms « sacrés », assortis de provenances géographiques, des matières essentielles entrant, par ailleurs, dans la composition de la boisson liturgique offerte à Isis-Hathor lors de la fête de l’Ivresse25. Il ne peut être question ici de reprendre l’ensemble de ce dossier. On se bor- nera donc à signaler que le tableau VI de la dalle de Kôm el-Hisn mentionne à coup sûr, après deux qualités de vin du Delta occidental, trois eaux d’origine régionale différente : mw ḏsrt, mw ḫpr(ἰ), mw ḥḳt et, probablement, une qua- trième dans la sixième colonne dont toute la partie supérieure est en lacune. Tout en restant pour le moment dans le domaine de l’hypothèse, il est tentant de rapprocher les trois ou quatre éléments liquides du document du Caire des marqueurs de nombre d’éléments aqueux énumérés dans les versions, en théo- rie parallèles, de Philae et de Karnak26. Il reste à souhaiter que la publication dans le futur de documents encore inédits afférents au rituel de l’offrande du vase-menou et, en particulier, une version plus ancienne que celles dont on dispose actuellement vienne infirmer ou confirmer l’hypothèse émise.

23 G. Daressy, « Une inscription d’Achmoun et la géographie du nome libyque, » ASAE 16 (1916), 221-246 ; dalle Caire JE 45936. Les restes du rituel d’intronisation, et non de sépul- ture, de la vache Sekhat-Hor figurent aux p. 228-230. 24 G. Daressy, « Une inscription d’Achmoun, » 228, ligne 4. 25 G. Daressy, « Une inscription d’Achmoun, » 225-227. 26 On peut se demander si le nombre « cinq » de Karnak comme celui qui pourrait être lu « trois » sur le bloc de Philæ ne sont pas une transcription fautive d’un nombre quatre originel, logiquement attendu dans un contexte hathorique. 76 goyon

Planche I Bloc ADL 0023 © M. El-Bialy. Deux Documents Épars Du Temple D’hathor À Philae 77

Planche II Bloc ADL 0020 © M. El-Bialy. CHAPTER 7 The Exceptional Case of a Lady’s Tomb in Qubbet el-Hawa at the End of the Old Kingdom

Alejandro Jiménez-Serrano Universidad de Jaén, Spain

Abstract ف ذ ت��ز � �ه ة �ل� � ة � ن ف� ن � ف ن ن � � نة �ق ة � �ق ن رك�ا ل��م��س�ا �م�� ا ح�ا �لي�� ع��لى �م�ك�ا� ا �ل�د �� ا ل��ر��يد �م�� وع�ه �ي� ج�ب��ا �� ب�� ا �ل�هوا )ر��م 34g( وا �ل�� ي �ك�ا� ً أة ذ ة ة ة ز ة خ ن ذ �خ�� ح��ص ��ا ��م � � � ا ت� � �م�ك�ان�� ع�ا ��ل��، �ه ا �ل��س��د � �ع�ن��خ � ��سن� ، �� ا �ل�ح�ا ك� � �� ، ا �ل�� ك�ح� ي ص � ري إ ر ي ي� ي � إ ي� �و ج �م وِ س ي� �م أ ُ �ق � ف نت ن ف� خ� � ة �ق ة ت ق ت �ز ً ن م� ة ز � �ل�ن ئ�ز ة �إ ��ل�ي�� م�إ ل��ي�� ي� �وا � رع��ص ر ا �ل�د و�ل�� ا ل��د �ي��م��. و��ع�د �م��ب�ر��ه�ا ج��ء �م�� ج�موع�� و ج��ه�ا ا ج��ا ��ي�� ن ت ة أ ن ُ أ ة ذ � ��ش�� د �م��ق�� نم��ف� ص��ة ��لز ��ة �� ف�� ه�� ع�� نه م�ح�ا � �ل�ن�� م�ا � �ش��ا �ه�د � ه�ا �ك�ا )QH34h(. إ� يي بر �� ل� ل��و ج ي ج ب� � ي��م لى �� ك�ا � ج� ب ر ف ة ة ذ ز ف ض ة ا �ل��م��سئ�� ل�� ن � ا �ل��ا ن��ا ت� ا �ل��م��ل��ك�� ا �ل��ق� ��. ��ش�� ه�� ا ا ��لت� � ا ��ل نه��د��س ا �ل��د ��د �ل��ا ء ا �ل��ا ن�� ش��ك� وي� ي� ج ب ي ريب ويب ر و�يع � ي� ج ي � ج ب ب ل ف ت أ �م�ا ��ا ��لت�غ�� ا ت ا ��لت� ��س � �ح�د ث خ� ا �م�ا ��س�� ع��ص ال� ن��ت��ق�ا ال� ب ير � ي� و� � ل ل ي مى ب � ر إ ل ول.

Personal Note

Since the end of Elmar Edel’s fieldwork in Qubbet el-Hawa in 1984, no sys- temic work has been performed apart from a rescue excavation in 1992 and a commendable attempt carried out in 1998 by the SCA. Mohamed el-Bialy arrived in Aswan in 2004 and was very interested in the continuation of the archaeological works in Qubbet el-Hawa. It was clear for him that the importance of the site deserved a regular study and new strategies to manage and display a unique heritage dated to different periods. In 2006 we were invited by Mohamed to begin a project in Qubbet el-Hawa which included not only archaeological investigations but also conservation and display of the site. During two years we enrolled a multidisciplinary team and every single piece of advice from Mohamed was taken into account because of his long experience. Finally in 2008 we began our archaeological work in Qubbet el-Hawa under his supervision. The excavations have also served as an excuse to re- interpret earlier ideas related to the site.

Part of Mohamed’s research has focused on the 18th Dynasty queens. In Qubbet el-Hawa there were no queens buried and the closest figures were the wives of the high officials. All—but one—of those ladies were buried in the same hypogeum as their husbands. Solely Ankheseni, Khunes’ wife, had her own chapel. The work presented here aspires to be a tribute to Mohamed’s friendship, support and confidence.

1 Introduction

The archaeological site of Qubbet el-Hawa contains several constructions from different periods—from the pharaonic epoch till the 20th century—, but today it is summarized as “Tombs of the Nobles”. Evidently, the reason lies in the high number of funerary complexes carved out for the high officials of Elephantine in most cases during the 6th Dynasty and the 12th Dynasty. As mentioned previously, most of the constructions are dated to the 6th Dynasty, more concretely to the reign of Pepy II, and perhaps to the preceding years.1 During that period not only the highest officials ( jrj-pꜤt and ḥꜢtj-Ꜥ) chose that hill as their burial place but also their closest assistants (ḫtmtj-bjtj and smr-wꜤtj). Their closest relatives were also buried with them. Obviously, there were differences between the funerary constructions of the former group ( jrj-pꜤt and ḥꜢtj-Ꜥ) and the latter (ḫtmtj-bjtj and smr-wꜤtj). Thus the funerary complexes of the higher officials were connected to the Nile bank by a staircase. At the top of this was the most accessible part, which consisted of an open courtyard in which the biography might be carved on the western wall. The hypogeum was decorated with offering scenes and false doors. The burial sites were undecorated chambers situated at the end of shafts or descendant corridors sunk into the rock. The archaeological remains and the inscriptions found in the hypogea show that the funerary complexes of the highest officials were occupied by different male and female individuals who in many cases are mentioned as members of the same family. Thus during the reign of Pepy II many of the members of the families were buried in different chambers or shafts which were connected to a common space in the hypogeum: the cult-chamber or chapel. In the case

1 As far as we know today, the earliest tomb is Qh34n, built by Herkhuf (reigns of Merenre and Pepy II), but it seems possible that QH35f might be dated to the reign of Pepy I, as suggested Elmar Edel, Die Felsgräbernekropole der Qubbet el-Hawa bei Assuan. I. Abteilung. 3 Bd. (Munich: Ferdinand Schöningh, 2008), 874. 80 Jiménez-Serrano of a son succeeding his father in office, he showed his devotion by constructing his funerary complex beside his father’s.2 However, women were buried in their husband’s/father’s funerary complex, even if they outlived the head of the family. In this conventional context there is a unique case that breaks with the custom: Ankheseni, who was buried in her own hypogeum.

2 The Largest Funerary Complex of the Necropolis

Ankheseni was the wife of Khunes, who was the highest political authority in the Elephantine district at the end of the reign of Pepy II. He probably survived that king, being then one of the major actors during the beginning of the 7th/8th Dynasties. Although the decoration of his funerary complex was never finished, it has been possible to differentiate three different periods in his administrative career.3 It was only during the last one when he was the highest official of the southernmost nome of Upper Egypt and when he was honored with titles related to the royal cult. It seems likely that during that epoch Khunes designed and built his funerary complex. According to the current data, Khunes’ funerary complex included a long staircase that led to a vast courtyard of 340 m2 (See figure 7.1), which includes the hypogea QH34f, QH34g and the area where the Coptic monks erected a Church,4 whose sacristy was originally another hypogeum, which belonged to a certain individual also called Khunes.5 Thus what at first sight might be read as a group of tombs related because of their family connections (Khunes and Ankheseni were husband and wife, and the second Khunes might well have been a close relative), must be understood as a more complex funerary structure, which includes not only the tomb and the cult chamber of the highest official (QH34h), but also similar structures constructed for other members of the family. As mentioned before, until now we only know the identity of three people buried inside the funerary complex: Khunes, Ankheseni and a second

2 Like Sabni I (QH26) with Mekhu (QH25), and later Sabni II (QH35e) with his father Heqaib II (QH35d). 3 Alejandro Jiménez-Serrano, “Different Individuals called Khunes in the Cataract Region,” ZÄS 140 (2013): 18. 4 The southern side of the courtyard was the rock-cut wall that separates QH34e from QH34f. The northern side would be the northern wall of the church. 5 Cf. Jiménez-Serrano, “Different Individuals,” 23, where I mention the existence of a false door with the name Khunes, who is different from the owner of the QH34h, but doubtless a member of his circle. The Exceptional Case of a Lady’s Tomb 81

figure 7.1 The original courtyard of khunes’ funerary complex.

person called Khunes, whose name might indicate that he was related to the first. This number should increase just with the excavation of another hypogeum (QH34f) and the courtyard of the complex, which surely contains other graves like those discovered by Edel6 in the QH25–26 funerary complex. In this sense at least three individuals were buried under the cult chamber (grave ε),7 who might be interpreted as being members of Khunes’ closest circle. There are also five rock-hewn tombs excavated near the top of the stairs of the funerary complex, which must be explained in similar terms.8 Thus this funerary complex should be understood as a cemetery inside a cemetery, because it has its own organization which orbits around a central point: the hypogeum constructed for the highest official. This order clearly leads to a comparison with the spatial organization of the royal cemeteries, which definitively established the Old Kingdom model of organization in the

6 Edel, Die Felsgräbernekropole, 73–90, 138–156. 7 Edel, Die Felsgräbernekropole, 564–567, Fig. 9. 8 Jiménez-Serrano, “Different Individuals,” note 39. 82 Jiménez-Serrano

4th Dynasty.9 In such order, the core of the royal cemeteries is the pyramid of the king, immediately beside which are the pyramids of the queens. This structure is copied by Khunes in his funerary complex and reinforces the idea of the reproduction of the royal roles by the local elites at the end of the Old Kingdom, which in certain ways announces the political rupture of the country.

The Wives of the High Ranking Officials Buried in Qubbet el-Hawa The decoration in the funerary complexes together with the names of the people who made offerings recorded on some pots10 have provided a large number of names and titles of a part of the female members of the families of the high ranking officials who administrated the southernmost province of Upper Egypt during the end of the 6th Dynasty and the First Intermediate Period. From this amount of data it is possible to divide the titles into two groups: rank and religious titles. This data confirms that twenty-one women of the local ruling family were entitled as ẖkrt nzwt, of which fourteen cases added to that title an adjective which denoted even a higher rank, wꜤtt. 11 The former title, together with the epithet wꜤtt, has been translated in different ways,12 but, at that time (end of 6th Dynasty and beginning of the First Intermediate period) and at that place (periphery of the kingdom, far away from the court), it might have the sense of “Lady”. Five women were holders of the title rḫt nzwt “she who is known to the king”, which seems to connect them in some way with the royal court. A third rank title is also attested in a similar number:13 špst nzwt “noblewoman of the king”.14 This title was held by eighteen women, some of whom were also entitled ẖkrt nzwt, ẖkrt nzwt wꜤtt or ḥm(t)-nṯr Ḥwt-Ḥrw.

9 Ann Macy Roth, “Social Change in the Fourth Dynasty: The Spatial Organization of Pyramids, Tombs, and Cemeteries,” JARCE 30 (1993): 33–55. 10 Elmar Edel, Die Felsengräber der Qubbet el Hawa bei Assuan. II. Abteilung. Die althiera- tischen Topfaufschriften. I. Band. Die Topfaufschriften aus den Grabungsjahren 1960, 1961, 1962, 1963 unde 1965 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1970). 11 Summarized in Edel, Die Felsgräbernekropole, CXXXV–CXXXVI. About the higher position of the title ẖkrt nzwt w‛tt than ẖkrt nzwt, cf. Dilwyn Jones, Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, Epithets and Phrases of the Old Kingdom. 2 Vols. (Oxford: Archaeopress, 2000), 795 § 2900. 12 Cf. Jones, Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 794–796 §§ 2899–2903), also with some variants. See also a summary of the discussion in Gay Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt (London: British Museum, 1993), 137, and Henry G. Fischer, Egyptian Women of the Old Kingdom and the First Intermediate Period (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 20002), 31. 13 In this case, eighteen, Edel, Die Felsgräbernekropole, CXLII. 14 Jones, Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 991–991 § 3664. The Exceptional Case of a Lady’s Tomb 83

Precisely the latter title was held by—at least—nineteen ladies in Qubbet el-Hawa,15 some of whom—as in the preceding case—were also holders of ẖkrt nzwt or ẖkrt nzwt wꜤtt. As is well known, priestess of the goddess Hathor used to be a common title for the noble women, more than other gods or goddesses.16 From these titles it is possible to establish a clear differentiation in rank: a higher position would be occupied by those who held the titles ẖkrt nzwt, ẖkrt nzwt wꜤtt or ḥm(t)-nṯr Ḥwt-Ḥrw. Under them there are those that were only špst nzwt. Nonetheless, in this context it is necessary to add that some ladies held the higher ranked titles plus špst nzwt,17 which placed them in a most privileged position. In those cases in which the husband of the ladies was known, he is also the holder of some (or all) of the highest titles attested in Qubbet el-Hawa for this period: jrj-pꜤt, ḥꜢtj-Ꜥ, ḫtmtj-bjtj and smr-wꜤtj.18 Those high officials were buried in a specific location in the necropolis, which denoted their rank. All their funerary complexes varied in size, monumentality, decoration motifs and number of burial places for relatives and attendants, and all but one were coincident in the husband and wife sharing the cult chamber. In all cases the situation of the burial place of the woman (accessible by a corridor or a shaft) was always to the South of that of the husband, thus he was closer to the holy place of Hierakonpolis.19 Although in many cases the decorative program could not be finished, the cult-chambers or chapels were usually decorated with texts mainly referring to the husband. In some cases the wife or other members of the family were also mentioned and represented, but always in a secondary position with respect to the official. The representations or mentions of the wife are always near her burial place, marking the area for her cult. It is therefore exceptional to find a chapel that belonged to a woman.

The Representations of Ankheseni in Her Husband’s Chapel (QH34h) Khunes’ chapel is one of the most impressive in Qubbet el-Hawa. In despite of its current ruinous state of conservation, its monumentality stands out to

15 Edel, Die Felsgräbernekropole, CXXXI–CXXXII. 16 Robyn A. Gillam, “Priestesses of Hathor: Their Function, Decline and Disappearance,” JARCE 32 (1995): 221; also, Fischer, Egyptian Women, 24. 17 Cf. Edel, Die Felsgräbernekropole, CXLII. 18 For the holders of those titles in Qubbet el-Hawa and the special distribution of their tombs in the cemetery, cf. Alejandro Jiménez Serrano, “Los nobles de la VI Dinastía enter- rados en Qubbet el-Hawa,” in Séptimo centenario de los estudios orientales en Salamanca, edited by A. Agud et alii (Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 2013), 29–37. 19 Naguib Kanawati, The Tomb and its Significance in Ancient Egypt (Cairo: Prism Archaeological Series, 1987), 61. 84 Jiménez-Serrano the modern visitor and part of its decoration is one of the finest examples in Qubbet el-Hawa from the Old Kingdom. As far as we know today, Khunes was married to Ankheseni and he was father of two male descendants, Iti and Shemai.20 Although the mother of them is not known, Ankheseni sounds like a logical candidate. The decoration of Khunes’ cult chamber was not finished21 and it represents different well-known scenes during the Old Kingdom. For the present contribution we will focus on those scenes in which Ankheseni is mentioned.22 The two scenes are on the southern wall of Khunes’ chapel.23 In both of them she is accompanying her husband and is identified with the two titles that she held: ẖkrt nzwt wꜤtt and ḥm(t)-nṯr Ḥwt-Ḥrw.24 Both depictions are in the same plane, although they represent different scenes. The location of these reliefs is due to the vicinity of Ankheseni’s chapel. In fact that wall separates both chapels, which are connected by a corridor excavated in the rock.25 It is not a coincidence then that Khunes and Ankheseni were represented over the entrance to the corridor. Both are looking to the east; Khunes is represented as a sem priest with a wand and the sekhem scepter, while Ankheseni, behind him, is holding the shoulder of her husband with her right arm.26 The west scene shows Khunes and Ankheseni seated before a table with a great diversity of offerings. Ankheseni smells a lotus flower (Nymphaea caerulea),27 touching with her right hand a smaller plate with its own offerings. As seen, the representations of Ankheseni are not unexceptional and follow the conventions for a high-ranking woman during the Late Old Kingdom.

20 Four women were represented between Khunes’ legs in the fishing and fowling scene, which decor the eastern wall of Qh34h, cf. Edel, Die Felsgräbernekropole, 545 Scene 3. It seems logical to interpret that the four women were two in reality, who were repeated due to the symmetry of the scene. It is highly probable that both were Khunes’ close relatives, most probably daughters. 21 Edel, Die Felsgräbernekropole, 543–564. 22 I omit here the scene of the fowling and hunting, in which a woman that might be a wife of Khunes is represented without identification, Edel, Die Felsgräbernekropole, Taf. XXI, Abb. 9–10. 23 Edel, Die Felsgräbernekropole, 547–549, Taf. XXII & Abb. 12–13. 24 Edel, Die Felsgräbernekropole, 571. 25 For the dimensions of the corridor, cf. Edel, Die Felsgräbernekropole, 526. 26 For this type of representation, cf. Kim McCorquodale, Representations of the Family in the Egyptian Old Kingdom (Oxford: Archaeopress, 2013), 16–18. 27 Cf. McCoquodale, Representations of the Family, 22–23. The Exceptional Case of a Lady’s Tomb 85

The Chapel of Ankheseni (QH34g): An Authentic Cult Chamber in the Funerary Complex of Khunes Kim McCorquodale28 has documented just nine cases of high-ranking women (who were not identified as members of the royal family) with their own burials. The majority of them was priestesses of a feminine divinity (Hathor or Neith) and held the title ẖkrt nzwt, which coincides with Ankheseni. Most of them are dated to the 5th Dynasty and have been found in the cemeteries of Giza and Saqqara. Only one has been found in a non-royal cemetery (El-Qasr Wa es-Saiyâd) and has been dated to the 6th Dynasty, but without more precision.29 In spite of the fact that many tombs of high-ranking women might have been constructed without decoration or archaeological interest, it seems clear that the construction of a tomb with an exclusive funerary chapel for a woman was exceptional in Ankheseni’s days. Thus, this case must be highlighted among the funerary architecture of the Old Kingdom in the provinces. The documented cases of high-ranking women having exclusive burials are due to diverse reasons: divorce, premature death of the wife or others.30 As should be expected Ankheseni’s chapel is smaller than Khunes. It has its own access to the chapel from the courtyard which gives access to a chamber with two pillars, the northern one decorated with a figure of the owner Ankheseni receiving the offering of two ladies identified as Merites and Sedegi, both accompanied with the title of seal-bearer and hold a mirror and a vase respectively (Figure 7.2).31 Ankheseni is represented standing and smelling a lotus. Between the two pillars there is an anepigraphic false-door, under which opens a vaulted corridor that leads to the burial chamber in which the remains of two male individuals and possibly a woman were found.

Open Questions As Alexanian32 has shown, private tombs during the Old Kingdom were constructed after the king’s approval, which was authorized by a royal decree.

28 Representations of the Family, 59–61. 29 This tomb was documented a couple of times by L’Hôte (1839) and Lepsius (1843) and since then it has been covered again, cf. Torgny Säve-Söderbergh, The Old Kingdom Cemetery at Hamra Dom (El-Qasr Wa es-Saiyad), (Stockholm: The Royal Academy of Letters History and Antiquities, 1994), 63–64, with references. 30 Cf. McCoquodale, Representations of the Family, 62. 31 For a commentary on the reading of those names and titles, cf. Edel, Die Felsgräbernekropole, 528. 32 Nicole Alexanian, “Tomb and social status. The textual evidence,” in: The Old Kingdom Art and Archaeology, edited by M. Bárta (Prague: Publishing House of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, 2006), 3–4. 86 Jiménez-Serrano

figure 7.2 Ankheseni’s relief, drawn by Ana Belén Jiménez-Iglesias. The Exceptional Case of a Lady’s Tomb 87

Although no documents or references to this type of decrees have been found in Qubbet el-Hawa, we have to think that Qubbet el-Hawa was not an exception during the reign of Pepy II. But what happened in that blurred period between the end of the reign of this king and the beginning of the First Intermediate Period is not possible to answer with the current data available. That was the period in which Khunes lived. Even the title of Khunes [Name of a Pyramid] sḥḏś ḥ[m(w-)] n[ṯr],33 which makes reference to a pyramid of a king, is not a definitive argument to support a continuation of the earlier conditions. However, the presence of a new type of burial exclusively prepared for the governor’s wife seems to indicate that the situation had changed and that the king’s consent—via decree—would not be necessary for the construction of the tomb, or that he simply accepted every suggestion.

Conclusions

From the current data, we might presume that Ankheseni was a not extraordinary woman who, due to exceptional reasons, deserved her own funerary chapel. As seen above, Ankheseni held similar titles to other ladies of the highest officials buried at an earlier moment than her in Qubbet el-Hawa. In this sense it is important to point out that she was represented occupying a subordinate position with respect to her husband, as were most of the contemporary high- ranking women.34 Thus the rarity of the case of Ankheseni is the construction of an exclusive chapel for her. That was due to her husband, Khunes. The construction of that chapel was another step forward in reproducing aspects of royalty by a governor of Elephantine. In fact, since the appearance of the oldest governors of Elephantine from the reign of Merenre onwards it is possible to distinguish a process of reproduction of the royal administrative structures with the development of local courts, as the burials of secondary officials prove. Simultaneously to the related dynamics of this process, it highlights a progressive increase in the size of the funerary complexes of high officials, which needed a major investment of resources for their construction and decoration. For the moment we can say that this process of imitation of the royal culminates with Khunes, who differentiated a specific space for his wife as kings had already done since centuries before.

33 Edel, Die Felsgräbernekropole, 543 Abb. 8 Taf. XXI. 34 Fischer, Egyptian Women, 3. CHAPTER 8 Fire-setting in Ancient Quarries; Ancient Sources, New Evidence and Experiments

Adel Kelany Ministry of State for Antiquities

Abstract ُ أ ف أ ف أ تظ ت �ل� ثة ن ض �ن ن ت خ� � ت خ� ا � �ح� � ة� ز ن ة ��ه را �ل�د را ��س�ا � ا ح�د �ي�� إ��را�م ا �ل��ا رك�ا� �ي��س��د �م �ي� �إ ��س�� ل ص ال� ج��ار ا ل��ص��لب�� ي� ال��م�� ُ ف �ق ة ت� �� ق ت �ق � ف � � � ن � � ق �ت ث � ا ل��د �ي��م��، و�ه و�م�ا رجح�ه بط��ا � ا �لر�م�ا د و��ط ا ل��ح��م وا ل��طو ب� ا ل��ل�ب�� ا ل��م��حرو� ا �ل�� ع�� رع��لي��ه�ا �ي� أ ع ت ِ ي � � �ق ة � � �ح� � ة ض ف�ة ذ ش ة ة �نق ش ن ن ا ل��م��ح�ا ج� را ل��د �ي��م�� ل�ل ج��ار ا ل��ص��لب��. ب��الإ� ��ا �� إ لى � �ل�ك ��ي��ر �إع�ا د � د را ��س�� ل��ي�� م�� وا د �ي� ة ض ف ة أ ً أ ظ ئ ا �لح�م�ا �م�ا ت �ز � � ��سه�� ل � ��س�ت�� خ��د ا� � � ا� ا ��لن��ا � ا �ل��م��ح�ا � ا �ل��ق��د ��م��. � خ�� ا � ��ه ت ن��ت��ا � � و ج �ير �يل إىإ مإ� ر م ر ي� ج ر ي و ير �ر� ج� ت ة ف أ ض ف ة ق � �� ت��م� ت � م�ح�� ان�� ت ح�د �� ث �م�د � ت��ث�� ا�م ا ��لن��ا � ال� ��س ا �م� ن �ع�م��ل�� س�ت�� خ� ا � ��ط ج رب � ي� ج ر ج ر ي� ي� ى يرإ ر ر ي� إ رع � ي إ ل ص ع � � ن ت جح� را جل�را��ي��.

Introduction

Ancient quarries are located extensively throughout Egypt and provide rich sources of information into past technologies not only of interest to researchers, but also to the general public in terms of colossal objects that often still remain in these archaeological sites.1 Understanding how such objects were extracted from the stone deposit itself has led to researchers studying and reviewing the archaeological record in quarries, and where possible experimenting to discover how effective the use of certain techniques may have been. It has been less problematic to determine the techniques of extracting soft stones such as limestone and sandstone, as archaeological evidence from tool marks found in ancient quarries suggests that bronze and copper tools were mainly used.2 On the other hand, in hard stone quarries evidence of extraction techniques is more difficult to assess from tool marks as these may often be

1 Barbara Aston et al. “Stone,” in Ancient Egyptian materials and technology, ed. Paul T. Nicholson & Ian Shaw, (Cambridge University Press, 2000): 5–77. 2 Dieter Arnold, Building in Egypt (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 36–40.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ��5 | doi ��.��63/9789004293458_009 Fire-setting in Ancient Quarries 89 absent. Hence understanding techniques of hard stone quarrying in the past remains controversial amongst researchers. However, recent surveys and excavation of quarries have examined hard stone extraction methods that in some instances support some old ideas while questioning others. For example the Unfinished Obelisk excavation, which suggests that wooden wedges were unlikely to have been used to quarry granite in the Aswan quarries.3 Most significantly, new research suggests a much greater use of fire-setting in ancient hard stone quarrying.4 This was not easily accepted by some colleagues5 at the beginning, but it became more clear and obvious when the large survey of QS projects and other archaeological work showed clear and undoubted evidence of using fire in ancient quarries within many ancient quarry sites in Egypt.6

Ancient Inscriptions for Using Fire in Quarries

It is clear that there is a lack of inscriptions and drawings from ancient sources such as tombs, temples, etc., that show how the ancient Egyptians quarried stone. However, two inscriptions give a short mention of this and it is very important to take these into consideration.

The Middle Kingdom Inscription of Wadi Hammamat The inscription is located in the Wadi Hammamat greywacke quarries between Gift and Qusser city.7 The inscription concerns the vizier Amenemhet, the

3 Adel Kelany, Excavation of the Unfinished Obelisk Quarry, unpublished report for the Supreme Council of Antiquities, 2003: 1–70. 4 Tom Heldal et al., “The geology and archaeology of the ancient silicified sandstone quarries at Gebel Gulab and Gebel Tingar, Aswan, Egypt,” Marmora: International Journal for Archaeology, History and Archaeometry of Marbles and Stones 1 (2005): 11–35. 5 Rosemarie Klemm and Dietrich D. Klemm, Stones and Quarries in Ancient Egypt (London, British Museum Press, 2008), 354. 6 Per Storemyr et al., “Survey of Chephren’s Quarry, Gebel el-Asr, Lower Nubia,” Sudan & Nubia Bulletin 6 (2002): 25–30; Tom Heldal, “Constructing a quarry landscape from empirical data. General perspectives and a case study at the Aswan West Bank, Egypt,” in QuarryScapes: ancient stone quarry landscapes in the Eastern Mediterranean, ed. N. Abu-Jaber, E. Bloxam, P. Degryse, & T. Heldal, Geological Survey of Norway Special Publication, 12 (2009): 125–154; Kelany, “Unfinished Obelisk Quarry,” 1–70. 7 Jules Couyat and Pierre Montet, Les Inscriptions hiéroglyphiques et hiératiques du Ouâdi Hammâmât. (Cairo, 1912), 100–102, inscription No. 199; Hans Goedicke, “Some remarks on stone quarrying in the Egyptian Middle Kingdom (2060–1786 BC),” Journal of American Research Centre in Egypt III (1964): 45–46. 90 Kelany

11th Dynasty, the second year of the King Mentuhotep IV. Part of the inscription might be providing information about quarrying techniques in ancient Egypt. It says “Then the neck was cut and what the flame had brought was pounded from it.”8 It is the only known example of possibly describing the use of fire to extract hard stones, and if we take into consideration the date of the inscription to the Middle Kingdom, that also shows that fire setting was used from early times as archeological evidence from the recent excavation shows, not only during the Middle Kingdom but also during the Old Kingdom9 (see below).

The Inscription of Sehel The other inscription is located in Aswan city, in a small island (ras Sehel which means the head of Sehel) located south of Sehel island; the inscription belongs to Usersatet, Viceroy of Kush who served the King Amenhotep II and also during part of the reign of Thutmose IV during the New Kingdom.10 The inscription was first recorded by de Morgan11 and was reviewed by the Sehel French team.12 The inscription talks about making five canals in the Nile River through the granite by the use of fire. As Gasse and Rondot remark:13 “. . . it may actually refer to the splitting of granite through fire.”

Archeological Evidence

Granite Quarries (Obelisk—Islamic Cemetery-southern Quarry) During his excavations in 1920–1922, Engelbach mentions evidence of charcoal, burnt mudbricks and others things that indicate the use of fire in ancient

8 Goedicke, “Some remarks,” 46. 9 Elizabeth Bloxam et al., “Hard Stone Quarrying in the Egyptian Old Kingdom (3rd millennium BC): re-thinking the social organisation,” in The Study of Marble and Other Stones in Antiquity—Proceedings of the 7th International Conference of the Association for the Study of Marble and Other Stones in Antiquity, ASMOSIA VII, ed. Maniatis Y., BCH Suppl., 51 (2009): 187–201; Per Storemyr et al. “Survey of Chephren’s Quarry, Gebel el-Asr, Lower Nubia,” 25–30. 10 Annie Gasse and Vincent, Rondot “The Egyptian Conquest and Administration of Nubia during the New Kingdom: the testimony of the Sehel rock-inscriptions,” Sudan and Nubia 7 (2003), 40–46. 11 Jacques De Morgan, U. Bouriant, G. Legrain, G. Jéquier, A. Barsanti, Catalogue des monuments et inscriptions de l’Égypte antique, Vol. I, de la frontiére de Nubie a Kom Ombos (Vienne, 1894), 75. 12 Annie Gasse and Vincent Rondot, “The Egyptian Conquest,” 40–46. 13 Gasse and Rondot “The Egyptian Conquest,” 40–46. Fire-setting in Ancient Quarries 91 quarrying methods.14 However, he thought this technique was only used for removing the weathered granite surfaces.15 Recent surveys and excavations at the unfinished obelisk quarry in strata with pottery shards dating to the New Kingdom show evidence of using fire setting during dynastic times. Charcoal fragments as well as ash were found mixed with quarry waste providing the clearest evidence found of the use of fire setting. Many small fragments of mudbricks were also found with quarry waste, these being partly burnt on one side and reddish yellow in color, while the other side was the normal brownish mud color (fig. 8.1a). The only way to explain this is to suggest that mudbricks were used to control the fire from one direction.16 During the survey work in the silicified sandstone quarries along the west bank of Aswan city carried out by the QS team (2005–2008), considerable evidence for the use of fire-setting to quarry this hard stone was found, such as; charcoal fragments, burnt mud bricks and ashy layers in quarry waste17 (fig. 8.1b).

Wadi Hammamat Quarries

Recent survey work in the Wadi Hammamat has also revealed that fire-setting was a technique used to quarry greywacke. Similar to the evidence found in the Aswan granite and silicified sandstone quarries, quarry waste in several places where there were large extractions included significant amounts of charcoal, burnt mud bricks and ashy layers18 (Fig. 8.1c). Future planned limited

14 R. Engelbach, The Problem of the Obelisks, from a study of the unfinished obelisk at Aswan (London, 1923), 134. 15 Engelbach, The Problem of the Obelisks, 134. 16 Adel Kelany et al., “The Granite Survey in the Aswan region: shedding new light on ancient quarrying,” in QuarryScapes: ancient stone quarry landscapes in the Eastern Mediterranean, ed. N. Abu-Jaber, E. Bloxam, P. Degryse, & T. Heldal, Geological Survey of Norway Special Publication 12 (2009) 80; Kelany, “Excavation of the Unfinished Obelisk Quarry,” 1–70; id., “The archaeological excavation and survey at the Unfinished Obelisk and Wadi Subayrah,” in The First Cataract of the Nile, ed. D. Raue, S. Seidlmayer, Ph. Speiser (Berlin, 2013), 97–102, Plates 19–22. 17 Tom Heldal and Per Storemyr,“The quarries at the Aswan West Bank,” in Characterisation of complex quarry landscapes: An example from the west bank quarries, Aswan Quarry Scapes report, ed. Elizabeth Bloxam, Tom Heldal, Per Storemyr (Trondheim, 2007), 69–140. 18 For more information of this work see: Elizabeth Bloxam et al., “First Archaeological survey of the ancient greywacke quarries of the Wadi Hammamat,” Report to the Supreme Council of Antiquities, December 2010; Elizabeth Bloxam et al., “Second Archaeological 92 Kelany

figure 8.1 Ancient evidences of using fire-setting in ancient quarries: a) Section of quarry strata from the Unfinished Obelisk quarry; shows clear evidances of charcoal, ash and burnt mud bricks: b) Quarry waste of the silicified sand stone quarry at west bank of Aswan; shows charcoal and ash fragments.: c) Quarry waste of Wadi Hammamat with ashy layers and charcoal fragments; d) Fire-setting evidences beside the 3rd Pyramid in Giza. excavation aims to determine the exact date for using this method, in particular its use in the Middle Kingdom as suggested by the hieroglyphic text mentioned above.19

survey of the ancient greywacke quarries of the Wadi Hammamat,” Report to the Supreme Council of Antiquities December 2011; E. Bloxam et al., “Third Archaeological survey of the ancient greywacke quarries of the Wadi Hammamat,” Report to the Supreme Council of Antiquities December 2012. 19 Goedicke, “Some remarks,” 43–50. Fire-setting in Ancient Quarries 93

Recent Excavation in Front of the Third Pyramid at Giza

In 2008, I was invited by the director of the archaeological area of the Pyramids Ali El Asfar to have a look at recent excavations and clearing in front of the third pyramid (Menkaure). It was a short excavation and this pyramid was cleaned before opening it to the Public.20 This evidence shows how granite (?) blocks were most likely brought to the pyramid area in rough shapes from the Aswan quarries. Then they used fire along with mud brick to shape the blocks to their final form21 (Fig. 8.1d).

Fire-Setting Experiment

In May 2007 an experiment using fire-setting to quarry granite was carried out. The experiment was part of a television documentary called Egypt’s Ten Greatest Discoveries by Atlantic Productions. The main idea of the experiment was to observe how the theory of using fire-setting to quarry granite in ancient times may have worked in practice. The whole experiment was based on the archaeological evidence found during the recent excavation at the ‘Unfinished Obelisk’ quarry such as burnt mudbricks, granite powder and charcoal fragments in the quarry waste. The method used was very simple and without any complicated measurements as it only aimed to prove whether quarrying granite by fire-setting worked or not, and also to compare the waste material from this experiment with the ancient waste material at the unfinished obelisk quarry.

The Operation

We started by selecting the best surface to set up the experiment on top of a massive granite layer in one of the modern granite quarry zones south of the Unfinished Obelisk. Then we cleaned the rock of sand and weathered outer surface as we expect the ancient workmen did. We built a small rectangular enclosure of mud bricks (about 3.40 x 1.20 m and height 0.40 m) on top of the granite surface. A natural geological fracture in the granite was selected to be in the middle of the mud brick enclosure

20 Adel Kelany, “The investigation of the Granite blocks around the 3rd Pyramid, Giza,” Report (Arabic) to the Supreme Council of Antiquities, 2009. 21 George Goyon, “Un procédé de travail du granit par l’action thermique chez les anciens égyptiens,” RdÉ 28 (1976), 76–86. 94 Kelany

(fig. 8.2a). Wood was dumped in the middle of the Enclosure, which we set fire to for about 16 minutes until the wood became charcoal (Fig. 8.2b). Afterwards we put water on top of the fire inside the mudbrick enclosure (Fig. 8.3a) and heard a loud fracturing sound from the granite. We waited about 10 minutes until the granite surface cooled, and divide into two groups: one working in the mud brick enclosure while the other group worked on top of the fresh granite surface without fire. The first team started by moving the mud bricks, granite chips and charcoal from the small enclosure and dumping it beside the work area (Fig. 8.3a&c). They then started pounding on the fractured area using dolerite pounders while the other team started pounding directly on the granite surface using the same tools.

Results

After half an hour we had managed to make a 26 cm deep Trench through the granite where we used fire (Fig. 8.4a) and about 6–100 mm at the site without fire, just working with dolerite pounders (Fig. 8.4b). However, there are some remarks we must take into consideration about this experiment: Our investigation of the mudbricks which we left after our experiment show black patches from the fire and not the red or yellowish red patches as seen on the ancient mudbrick fragments in the Unfinished Obelisk quarry. This suggests that either the fire temperature was not high enough to change the mudbricks’ color, and/or the mudbrick enclosure to control fire was too large. This suggests that perhaps a smaller enclosure would be more useful for concentrating the fire and thus increasing the temperature. Using water was very helpful not only for quarrying the granite layer after using fire, but also cooling the surface to enable faster work. Interestingly, another parallel fracture appeared just beside the original one, suggesting that fire-setting to create tunnels around granite objects such as obelisks may also have been used. Unexpected damage to the granite surface and aspects related to control- ling the fires suggest that this technique required highly skilled workmen with knowledge of how large the mudbrick enclosures needed to be for maximum effectiveness. Although this was a simple experiment it added some new information to aid our understanding of ancient quarry techniques used in granite quarries and how effective the use of fire-setting can be to extract this stone. However, more experimentation is required to understand how fire-setting shaped the trenches around large objects. Fire-setting in Ancient Quarries 95

figure 8.2 a) Building mud brick enclosure to control the fire-setting using in modern granite quarries; b) set up fire using wood and dry twigs of trees. 96 Kelany

figure 8.3 a) extinguish the fire with water; b) dumped materials of the mudbricks as well as ash and charcoal fragments from the exterminate; c) mudbricks partially burned by using fire.

Acknowledgements

Special thanks to Elizabeth Bloxam for reviewing this article and her comments. Thanks also to my team of workmen for helping with the experiments. Fire-setting in Ancient Quarries 97

figure 8.4 a) Pounding fresh granite surface with natural crack by dolerite tools. b) Pounding granite surface after using fire. CHAPTER 9 Surveying Work at Wadi Abu Subeira, Season 2012

Adel Kelany, Adel Tohami, Heba Harby, Mahmoud Mokhtar, Sayed Elhomosany, Mostafa Badawy, Hassan Eltaher and Mohamed Abd El-Basset Ministry of State for Antiquities

Abstract ف ق ف أ ن � ع�ا � ��ا � � �ق ا �ل�ع�� م� ا �ل�� ص � ا �لخ��ا � ��ق ط�ا ا �ل�� ح�ا � ا �ل�� من��ا �� ا �ل��ق��د �� م��ة ت��ف��ت��ش � ��س ا ي� م ٢٠١٢ م ري� �ل �م�� ري� صب ��ع �م�� ج رو � ج �م ي� و ي�� و � أ ة ن ً ق ً ة ة أ ��ع��م� �م��س�� ل ا د � � � �ص�� . ك�ا �م ��س��م�ا ��ص�� ا ك�ز ع�� ا �ل��م�ن��ط��ق�� ا �ل��مه�د د � �ح �من��ا �� ك��س��د ب ل ح و ي� بو� بير � و �ير ر � لى � ول ج م ي ق ُث أ أث ة ة ش ذ أ ا �ل�ح�د ��د. ��د ع�� ث��ن��ا ء �ع�م� ا �ل��م��س�� ع�� ق�ا ��ا � � �� م�ن��ه�ا ��س �م�ا ت ��ص�خ �� لت��ه�� ال� �ح��ا ي و ر ل ح لى ب ي ري � ر و ري وور � � ي ب� ج ر ة ق ث أ ة أ ة ��حت��م�ا � د �م��ست�� نط�� م� ن �ع��ص �م�ا �� ا ��لت��ا �خ، �م��م�ا �� ت � �ه�م�� ا د � � � �ص�� م� ن ا ��لن��ا �ح��ت�� ن وإ ل و ج و و � � ر بل ري� ي ب� ي و ي� بو� بير � ي ي� ت �خ ة �ل ض ة ا ��ل��اري�ي�� وا�ح��ار�ي��.

1 Introduction

Wadi Abu Subeira is considered an important site historically and culturally, the third rock art site dated to the Late Upper Paleolithic Age after the sites of Qurta and el-Hosh. In addition to the several examples of rock art found there, there is also the variety of rock art, as well as other archaeological remains dated back to different periods from prehistory through to modern periods.1 Wadi Subeira is locating on the east bank of the Nile river, about 12 km from Aswan city, spread over 55 km in the desert and at the end joins with Wadi Khrait coming from the north (from Kom Ombo)2 (Fig. 9.1). The survey work at Wadi Subeira was started in 2005 by the Egyptian team, with a survey of modern quarries in this area. Many archaeological sites have been identified. Most are rock art assemblages, while the rest are ancient quarries, craven

1 Adel Kelany “The archaeological excavation and survey at the Unfinished Obelisk and Wadi Subayrah,” The First Cataract of the Nile, ed. D. Raue, S. Seidlmayer, Ph. Speiser (Berlin, 2013): 97–102, Plates 19–22; id. “Report of Wadi Subeira survey” presented to SCA (Arabic), 2012, 1–15. 2 Per Storemyr et al., “More ‘Lascaux along the Nile’? Possible Late Palaeolithic rock art in Wadi Abu Subeira, Upper Egypt,” Sahara 19 (2008): 155–158.

figure 9.1 Egypt map shows the location of Late Paleolithic rock art sites in Egypt. 100 Kelany et al.

figure 9.2 Google earth map shows the twenty five sites that recently discovered by the Egyptian team in Wadi Subeira area. roads to the Eastern Desert, rock cut tombs at the southern entrance of the wadi, possible prehistoric settlements and many tool workshops on the top of the southern and northern escarpments flanking Wadi Subeira and the small side-valleys.3 About 25 archaeological sites were found in ascending order from 1 to 25 according to their discovery, and using the site code CAS which means Chor (wadi) Abu Subeira4 (Fig. 9.2). The archaeological remains have been mentioned in earlier literature, in particular rock art sites such as CAS-65 and CAS-2.6 However, a short excavation of a Palaeolithic site located close to the wadi entrance (now located under the modern cultivated and housing area in the wadi), was carried out in the early 1980s by the Combined Prehistoric Mission, that showed limited remains of a Middle Palaeolithic settlement.7 The recent work is now being undertaken by two teams; An American—Italian Mission team is recording a Predynastic small rock art site (CAS-2 or KASS-2),8 whilst the Egyptian team is surveying and working in the rest of the wadi.9

3 Kelany, “Wadi Subeira survey”, 1–15. 4 Kelany, “Wadi Subeira Survey”, 1–15. 5 G.W. Murray & O.H. Myers, “Some Pre-Dynastic Rock-Drawings” JEA 19 (1933): 129–133. 6 Wolfgang Mayer, “Felszeichnungen bei Assuan,” MDAIK 37 (1981): 313–314. 7 Fred Wendorf, “Report on site E-81-2 a Middle Palaeolithic site in Wadi Abu Subeira,” in The Prehistory of Wadi Kubbaniya, vol. 3, ed. A.E. Close, F. Wendorf & R. Schild (Dallas, 1989), 825–829. 8 Maria Gatto et al., “Rock art from West Bank Aswan and Wadi Abu Subeira,” Archéo-Nil 19 (2009): 151–168. 9 Kelany, “Wadi Subeira survey,” 1–15; id., “More Late Paleolithic rock art at Wadi Abu Subeira, Upper Egypt,” ASAE (in press). Surveying Work at Wadi Abu Subeira, Season 2012 101

2 Survey Works Season 2012

Due to the dangerous threats to the archaeological sites of the iron oxide area, this season work has been concentrated in this area. The area covers about 8.200 km2, consisting of the escarpment areas north and south of the main Wadi, and more tributary branches of the wadi were surveyed. Another short survey was carried out at CAS-6 from the east and west side, as well as some drawings of Late Upper Palaeolithic rock art figures being made at the same site.

3 Survey of the Iron Mines Zone (CAS-16, 21, 23, 24)

3.1 Escarpments Numbers of scattered rock art panels were identified on rock blocks atop the mountain, as well as on its sides, north and south of the Wadi. It is noted that most of these rock art panels were concentrated in the great Wadi or Wadis which forks from it. The rock art panels present different periods, the oldest dated back to the Late Upper Palaeolithic periods while the rest through Predynastic to modern times. The style and topics of the rock art vary, most of them dealing with hunting creatures and animals inhabiting the area, sometimes with human figures, like presentations of men holding arrows, also figures of hounds, gazelles, deer, bulls, and more animals of the area, in addition to fish. (Fig. 9.3)

figure 9.3 a,b,c,d) rock art panels found during the survey work at the southern sides of Wadi Subeira. 102 Kelany et al.

On the eastern side of CAS-16, a small hill with limited archaeological evidence was noted. On the side of the small hill, a small stone panel was found bearing a very weathered Late Upper Palaeolithic drawing, which could be a fish. No other panels were found in this site during our survey. However, at the foot of this small hill there is a sand stone slab with many rubbed depressions on one face. Another small slab was found nearby, bearing hammering marks which could be very old, because it has a very dark patina.

3.2 The High Mastabas (Terraces) Locations On some high terraces on the southern and northern sides of the main wadi, assemblages of rock features and other archaeological remains were noted. Most of them were destroyed or partly affected by high flash floods coming form the east side of the valleys, presenting destroyed concentrations of small and middle sized rock features as well as flint and silicified sandstone flakes and some domestic grinding stone objects. No excavations were performed to reveal the function of these rock features—are they an ancient settlement? The material of the lithic tools was mainly silicified sandstone, while a few are flint. The tools vary in size, some are big, and may present Acheulean tools (needs further study), while the rest present remains of small flakes or cores. However, the tools may date back to end of the Upper Paleolithic or Neolithic age. In some of these locations a few domestic grinding stones were found, indicating that the people of that period inhabited these heights when the valley had water and wild plants and grasses covered the mountains, and there were many animals and fish, which were main sources of food. This is similar to the Wadi Kubbaniya settlements10 around secondary lakes, formed from rains and floods, while the entrance of the valley itself was blocked with accumulated sand dunes.11

10 F. Wendorf & Schild, The Prehistory of Wadi Kubbaniya, vols. 2–3; Storemyr et al., “More ‘Lascaux along the Nile’?,” 157. 11 Wendorf, & Schild, The Prehistory of Wadi Kubbaniya, vols. 2–3; Stan Hendrickx & P.M. Vermeersch, “Prehistory. From the Palaeolithic to the Badarian Culture,” in The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, ed. Ian Shaw (Oxford: 2002), 24; Storemyr et al., “More ‘Lascaux along the Nile,” 157. Surveying Work at Wadi Abu Subeira, Season 2012 103

4 Survey Site CAS-6

Record and survey work was carried out at site CAS-6. The area, surrounded by modern quarries (El-Nasser Company quarries), was surveyed; numbers of rock art panels were found from the Late Upper Paleolithic Age. Surveys were extended towards the west to site CAS-8, and towards the east to CAS-13. More rock panels were found, some of them dated back to the late Upper Paleolithic Age, the others to following ages.12 (Fig. 9.4) It is confirmed that most of the rock art panels, dated back to the Late Upper Paleolithic Age, are located atop the mountain and facing the main wadi (facing water). They are similar to Ice Age rock art found in open sites in Europe13 and north Aswan at sites Qurta and Abu Tanqura Bahari,14 many having fallen to different lower levels over time. It is confirmed that these sites corresponded to hunting-gathering periods, when the water level was higher in the area during the rainy seasons. There is no clear evidence of the with rock art panels dated back to this period, except some scattered lithic tools on the surface and tool workshops atop outcrops, which have still not been dated. Over 100 panels with rock art, dating to the Late Upper Palaeolithic period, have been identified at CAS-6 and we are expecting to find more at the eastern side of CAS-6. Two large panels with figures of birds were found to be the first example of Late Upper Palaeolithic birds at Subeira, as found before in Qurta sites.15 Other panels were found representing bovid, fish and unidenti- fied figures.16 Throughout all the escarpments at CAS-6 workshops of stone tools were found, some of which were on the top of the escarpments, whilst others at the top as well as the escarpments’ sides and bottoms, such as the western side of CAS-6. Dating of these tool workshops is still under discussion, however, and

12 Kelany, “Wadi Subeira Survey,” 4–5. 13 Paul Bahn, Prehistoric Rock Art Polemics and Progress, (Cambridge University Press, 2010), 142–143. 14 Dirk Huyge & Wouter Claes, “Ice Age’ art along the Nile,” Egyptian Archaeology 33 (2008): 25–8; Dirk Huyge “ ‘Lascaux along the Nile’: Late Pleistocene rock art in Egypt,” Antiquity 81 (2007), Project Gallery http://www.antiquity.ac.uk/projgall/huyge313/ (2007). 15 Dirk Huyge, Salima Ikram “Animal representations in the Late Palaeolithic rock art of Qurta (Upper Egypt),” in Desert animals in the Eastern Sahara: Status, economic significance and cultural reflection in antiquity, ed. Heiko. Riemer, Frank Förster, Micael Herb & Nadja Pöllath (Köln, 2009), 157–74. 16 Kelany, “Wadi Subeira survey,” 9. 104 Kelany et al.

figure 9.4 a) Copying late Upper Paleolithic rock art panel; b,c,d; late Upper Paleolithic rock art panels found recently with the last survey at Wadi Subeira.

figure 9.5 Modern threats close to the ancient sites in Wadi Subeira; a) Iron mines; b) reclamation; c) sand stone quarry; d) clay mines. Surveying Work at Wadi Abu Subeira, Season 2012 105 on the basis of the patina and the general shape and working techniques they appear to be quite old.17

5 Threat

Wadi Subeira is similar to other ancient archaeological sites in Egypt, facing many modern threats. The main threats can be categorized as the following:

5.1 Clay Mines (Fig. 9.5d) Wadi Abu Subeira is the main source of clay, which is a component for the ceramic and refractory industry. Clay quarries started spreading into the site some 30 years ago and as there is no alternative for this material there should be a balance between the continuation of this industry and preserving the ancient sites. Clay mines work on the rock façade in an area of about 50 m on the mountain façade. The clay was extracted through caves dug in the mountain, then basins were prepared for the raw material and roads built from the quarry to the main road, where trucks could carry the material to factories. Wadi Agbab is recommended for quarrying clay and providing new sites instead of Abu Subiera. This occurred after evaluation of some ancient quarries. Cancelling permissions and putting restrictions on new ones in Wadi Abu Subeira, will reduce quarrying in this area. An evaluation of the quarry includes all risks, facilities needed for the quarry and the space between the modern quarries and ancient archaeological sites of rock art, which have been studied.

5.2 Modern Cultivation (Fig. 9.5b) The eastern part of the wadi is reclaimed land for agriculture. Some areas were distributed to young graduates during the previous period. In addition to reclaiming lands, the most eastern part of the cultivated lands has also been occupied. These sites were recorded during the middle of the 1980s.18 Furthermore, paving roads associated with these cultivations badly affected the nearby archaeological sites.

17 Per Storemyr, “The-palaeolithic rock art in Wadi Abu Subeira-egypt-landscape- archaeology-threats-and-conservation, http://per-storemyr.net/2012/05/01. 18 Wendorf, “Report on site E-81-2,” 825–829. 106 Kelany et al.

The cultivation and its borders, risks, spread, and impact on the Wadi environment have been studied, as well as the impact of the underground water, facilities, and increasing population density in the wadi on the other archaeological sites.

5.3 Sandstone Quarries (Fig. 9.5c) Sandstone quarries spread from the mouth of the wadi towards the north. This area, called El-Hammam Mountain, has some inscriptions mentioned as being located on the mountain,19 unfortunately erased a long time ago. Another risk to the ancient sandstone quarries is arbitrary quarrying by people for building and restoring their houses, the stone blocks being cut from the nearest point of the mountain. This presents a particular risk to the stones carrying the inscriptions, so el–Nasr General Metal has commissioned the building of a fence around site CAS-6, the nearest site to the houses and a spot for quarrying. They are also intensifying the guarding of the site, appointing guards from the local people for ease of control of random acts by the villagers.

5.4 Iron Oxide Quarries (Fig. 9.5a) Iron oxide is considered the most dangerous factor on the archaeological sites of Abu Wadi Abu Subeira, due to the method and the immense spaces used to extract this material, and the quarry covers several square kilometers. Iron companies extract iron by removing the upper strata to extract the deeper iron strata, which essentially means removing the mountains to get to the material. Steps should be taken to rescue the closest archaeological sites or the sites located near iron oxide concessions. Iron exploitation was limited for a while, but recently it has spread in a way that threatens the adjacent archaeological sites. It has also been proved that a considerable number of inscriptions were already destroyed during quarrying without approvals from the Aswan Inspectorate.

6 Conclusion

The urgent and short survey during season 2012 of Wadi Subeira shows the importance of the sites, as well as the threats that face them. The survey work around CAS-6 increased the numbers of uncovered Late Upper Paleolithic rock art panels to over 100.

19 B. Porter, R.L.B. Moss, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings, Vol. V, Upper Egypt Sites (Oxford, 1937), 221. Surveying Work at Wadi Abu Subeira, Season 2012 107

The survey work also shows terraces sites in the middle or sides of the main wadi, which seem to be a settlement area. With further survey and excavation we will be able to interpret these places and give exact dates. In the Wadi Abu Subeira area, the nearest well-known Late Palaeolithic sites are located on the opposite bank of the river Nile at Wadi Kubbaniya.20 It is very likely that Late Paleolithic settlements will appear nearby areas of Late Paleolithic rock art sites in Wadi Subeira. On the other hand, the relative dating performed by the Belgian team working at Qurta sites on some of the rock art panels using OSL methods proved them to date before 17,000–19,000 BP.21 This may also help to place the Paleolithic rock art assemblages of Wadi Subeira in one of the prehistoric cul- tures of this region.

7 Acknowledgment

Finally, thanks are due to Engineer Adel Abdel–Hameed, Owner of the Mining Company, for supporting the team with a car to accomplish the survey at Abu Subeira. Also time for writing this article was obtained as part of my scholarship to Germany granted by DAIK, Cairo Office, many thanks to them for this. Thanks also to Hither Edward and Hala Hussien for reviewing the English draft.

20 Close, Wendorf & Schild, Wadi Kubbaniya. 21 Dirk Huyge et al., “First evidence of Pleistocene rock art in North Africa: securing the age of the Qurta petroglyphs (Egypt) through OSL dating,” Antiquity, 85 (2011): 1184–1193. CHAPTER 10 Die Kirchen von Nag el-Hagar

Alexander von Kienlin ETH Zürich, Institut für Denkmalpflege und Bauforschung

Abstract ت ذ ة ق ن ئ ة ف ق ن ذ ت��ن��ا �ه�� ه ا �ل��م��ق�ا �ل�� ا ��ا ث��ا ث � �ك�ا �� م��س��ح�� م �� ا �ل�ح�� ا �ل��مش��ه �ح�� نص��ه ا �ل�� ول ب ي ل س ي ي ي� وع جع ج ر �ور ب � ي� ير جع أ ن ُأ ت ن ئ خ� � � ش ف ت ث نت ن ن � ك ن �ل�ن ن �ق ل�وا � را ل�ع��ص را �لرو�م�ا �ي�. � ك�� إ��ا � �م�� ا �ل��ا ��س ب��ي�� ع�ا مي� ١٩٨٥ و ١٩٨٩ �إ لى ا ج��و ب� �م�� صر ن ُ أ ة ة ة ة �� ا �ل�ح�� ع�ث� ع�� ال� �ز ا ء ا �ل��م�ع��م�ا �� ل��ل��كن��س�� ا ��لث��ا ��لث�� د ا خ� �م�ن��ط��ق�� ا �ل��م��ق� ا�ل ئ��س جع ج ر و ر لى ج � ري ي ل ر ر ي ي� )principia( ن ف ف ئ ت أ ن ة ة تق �ل��ل��ح��ص ن ا �ل �م�ا � . �ك��ش�� ت ا �ل�ح��ا � �ع� ن ا �ل��س��ل��س� ا �لز�من� �ل�� ا ��لث� اث�� ا ��لت� �� ا �ل��ق� � �م� ن ��ع ض��ه�ا � � رو ي� � ر � ل � ي� ل ب ي ل ي� ع ب ر ب � ب � � ت أق ن ة أ ن ةأ ة ة ا ��ل��ع ض�� : ��ه�د �م� ت � ��د �م�ك��س�� ث��ن��ا ء ��ن��ا ء �ك��س�� خ� � ا ��لت� ك�ا ن�� ت ��د �ه�ا �م�ع�ا �ص � �ل��ل��كن��س�� ب � � � ي )A( ب ي رى )B( و ي� �ب ور ر ي ة ة ذ أ ن ة ��د ا خ� �م�ن��ط��ق�� ا �ل��م��ق� ا �ل ئ��س ا �ل �م�ا ن�� . ا ��لت��ص��م�� ا �لخ��ا �� ا ��لت��ط ا ��ل نه��د��س ��له�� ه ال� �� )C( ب ل ر ر ي ي� رو ي � ي م ر ج ي� و ور � ي� � ب ي أ ن ن أ أ ة ق ة ذ ك�ا �ه�م�ا � �ح �� ا �ل�ح��ص ن ا �ل �م�ا � ا �ل��مت�� خ� � �ص�� م��ست�� نط�� ط�� ا ت� �ح�� ك�� ن ا �ل��ق� ن�� ن ل يو ي� ب � � � رو ي� ر � بح و ب ي ج م ب ير بي� ري� �لخ ً ا ��ا �م��س وا �ل��س�ا د��س �مي��لا دي��ا. ت أ ً ن �خ ن ة خ ة غ ة �ق تف ت ن �لخ ة ن ك�ا� ��ط�ي�� طك��سي�� A �لا ل ا �ل��مرح��ل�� ال�و لى ب��س�ي��ط�ا �ل��ل��اي��. و �د �إ ��س��ا د � ج�د را ��ه�ا ا ��ار ج�ي�� م�� ن ن �ل� ن � � ة ن �ق �ذ ن �ل� ن �ل� ثة � ن ة ن � ج�د را� ا ح��ص� ا �لرو�م�ا �ي� ا ل��مو ج�ود � �م�� ب��ل وك�� ل�ك �م�� ا ج�د را� ا ح�دي�� ا ل��مب��ي�� م�� ا ل��طو ب� أ � ن ق ف ن ن �ع ة �ق ة ث ا ث ت ت ز ةتؤ �ن ة ن ف ئ� ة ا ل��ل�ب��. �ي��س�� م�ص��ا � �م�� ال� �م�د � ا ل��ا ع�� إ لى ��ل � �م��مرا � �م��وا��ي�� د �ي� �إ لى ِح��ي�� ص� د ا ر�ي��. ف ً ُ � ن �� ن ة� � ن ة ن ف ت �ق ة ئ ة � ث �ل�� ت �م�ك�ا� ج��لو س ا ل��ك�ه�� ي� ا ل��ك ��ي��س�� )presbytery( ك�ا� �م��وح�ا ع��لى ا ل��ا ع�� ا �لر��ي��سي�� ول�م �ي�ع�� رع��لى ا ح��ج�را � ة ة أ ة ت ز ُ أ ا �ل��ا ن�� ل��ل��ح�ن�� ع�� ا �ل��ق�ا ع�� ا ��لت� ��س��ق ا ��ل��ا ��ل��ك�ا ت��ف�� ض�� ل��ه�ا ��م�ا ج بي ي )pastophoria( و لى ي� ب� ب �ي ي و �ي� إ ي � )narthex(. أ أ أ آ �ع ة ف�ق ن ت تق ف ن ت ض ة ن ن ت ش ة ن ال� �م�د � �� دك�ا�� )ب��د و� � ��س�ا ��س�ا �( ع��لى �ر ��ي�� م�� ا �ل��طو ب� ال� ج�ر وك�ا�� م��ي��د � �م�� ا �ل��طو ب� آ ذ أ ذ ئ ة أ أ ة ُث ف ق ال� � ا �ل�� خ�� ش��ك� � ا �ل�د ا � � �ه � ��س��ل � ��ن��ا ء ��م�اث�� ت��ل�ك ال� �ع�م�د � ا ��لت� ع�� ع��ل��ه�ا � ا �ل��ص ، ج ر ي� ل ربع ر و و و ب ب ي ل ي� ر ي � ي� � ر ق ن ً ً ن ة أ ف �� دك�ا ��س��ط��حه�ا ا �لخ��ا �� م��ط��ل��ا ��ا �ل��م� ا ط �م��ل ن��ا ��ل �ن� �م�ائ�� ل��ل��ح��م �. ك�م�ا � ض��ف�� ت � �م اح� و � � ر ج ي� ي ب ل و و ب و� ب ي� ل ر � ي � ي� ر ل ق ة ت ن ن ت ن ن ة ة ت خ أ لا�ح�� ح� ��ا ��ا ��ا �ل��ل��ح�� )pastophoria( �م�ع��م د �� )bapistery( � ل ا �ل��ط��ط ال� ص��ل ج ر � ج بي � ي و و ي إى ي � ي� ً أ ت ن ذ غ � � � � ن �ت ت � ق ة � ت غ ة ف� ن ن �خ � ة �ز و� �ل�ك �ا �لب��ا �لي�وا �ك� ب� ا ل��م�ب��ى الإ� ح��ي��ا ج��ا � ا ل��ط��سي�� ا ل��م��ي�ر�. و�ي� حي�� ط�ي�� ط�ك ��ي��س�� A لاي�ا ل

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ��5 | doi ��.��63/9789004293458_011 Die Kirchen Von Nag El-hagar 109 ت زً ً ف ن ن ة تظ ة ة ة ت ت �� ط ا ا �م�� ك� ا �� ك��س�� ٢ ��ه ��س��ل��س��ل�� م� ن ا � نل�ع��ا �ص ا �ل��ق��ط�� ا �ل��م ت�ع��ا د � ا ��لت� �ؤد � � ل �خ��ط��ط �م�ع��ق�د ي بع ر � ب ر إ � ي �ر � ر ب ي ي�� ي�إى ي أ أ أ ن ً ض ق ف ن ن � ة ق ن ن ض ً ق ة ئ ة ث ث ت ��س�ب��ي��ا ع��ل �ر�� ا �ل��مو�� : �ص��ا � �م� ال� ع�م�د � �ي��س��م�ا � �ه��ا ��ي��ا ا �ل��ا ع�� ا �لر��ي��سي�� لى ��لا � �م��مرا � ى عُ � إ أ أ ف أ أ ف ف � ن � ا �ل� ان � ض �� ل� � �� ا � � ا � غ � �ل��ل��كن ة �ق و كل�� ع��لى ح�د ج�و �� ب� ��ي�� م�ب�ي��وا كرو م * )ambulacrum(، م�ا ل��طر� ل��ربي� ��ي��س�� B ��د أ ظ ة ت ز ُ ن ن أ � ��ه ا �ل��ق�ا ع�� ا ��لت� ��س��ق ا ��ل��ا ��ل��ك�ا ت��ف�� ض�� ل��ه�ا �ح� ت��ا ��ا ن��ت��ا �ح�ا ط�ا �ر ي� ب� ب �ي ي و �ي� إ ي � )narthex( و ج ر � ج بي � )pastophori( آ أ ن � ن ة ت ن تف تق ن ت ن ق ت ن ت �خ ب��م�ك�ا� ج��لو�س ا � �ل��ك�ه�� )presbytery(. و�ح�ى ال� � �� را �ل��ك ��ي��س��ا � A و B �إ لى بط��ا � �ي��م ك�� ري��ه�ا أ ن أ ن غ فً ً أ أ ة ف �لا � ��ه��م�ا �� ؤ خ��ا ط�� ا ��ا �م�ا �� ن ا �ل��ق� ن�� ن ا �ل ا� ا �ل��س�ا د�� م�� ا د ��ا. ��م�ا ت�� خ ا �ل��كن��س�� ٣ ��ه إ � ي ج ب� �ي�ر بو ر ي بي� ري� ر بعو س يل ي ري� ي �و أ ث أ أ ُ ة� ث ن ت ن ت ت � خ ا ا �ق ة �ق ث ال��ك�� ر�ص�عو�ب�� ح�ي�� س�ا ��س�ا ��ه�ا و ج�د را ��ه�ا ��ه�د �م�� ب��ا �ل�ك�ا�م� ل �ل ل ا �ل�ع��صور ا �ل�ل ح��. و �د ع�� رع��لى أ ن ق أ ت ف ة ن ع�د د �ك�� م� ن ��د ا � اع�د � �ع�م�د ��ه�ا خ� ا ا �ل�ت�ن��ق�� م�ن��ط��ق�� ا �ل��م��ق� ا �ل ئ��س ا �ل �م�ا � ب ير � ب � و و � ل ل ي ب� ي� ر ر ي ي� )principia( رو ي� ت ت ن ة ة ة ف ت أ ة �م��م�ا �� لن��ا ��صّ ��ن��ا ء �ك��س�� ا ز ��ل��ك �� م��م�اث��ل�� خ��ط��طه�ا ع�� ال� �� ل��ل��كن��س�� ي يح �ور ب ي ب �يي ي ي� ي � لى رجح ي B. ذ ق ض ً ً ت �خ ن ن � ف ن غ ن �ل ن ف� ك� �ه�� ا ي��ل�� وء ا ج�دي��د ا ع��ل ا ��ل��اري �م�ا ب��ع�د ا �لرو�م�ا �� ل��ج�� ا ل�ح��ج�ر. ��ع��د �م�ا �ا د ر ا �لرو�م�ا � ا�ح��ص� �� ل ي ُى � ي ع ي ن أ ق قَ ق ن ة ة ا �ل��ق� ا �ل��س�ا د�� ا �ل��م�� ا د � � ��س�ت�� خ�د �م ا �ل��م �� م� ن �� م��ت��م ��ط ك�ا �ل�د ��ه ا �ل��م��ق�د � �ل��ن��ا ء ��س��ل��س��ل�� م�ن ر� س يل ي� وع � ِ بل ج ع ب ي� � ي ر ب � ن ئ ة ة ن ئ أ ن ذ ق ف ا � ك�ل��ا �� ا �ل��ك�� . ��د �ح�� نه��د ��س�� ا � ك�ل��ا �� ع�� ه�� ا ا �ل��م��ت��م ��د ن�� ط ا د � ا �لز�م�ن س ب ير وي ل ج م و س لى � ج ع مى بإ ر ي� � � ف أ ن ن ُنَ ف ق ا �ل�ا �حق . ��م� ن ا �ل��م��فل�� ت �ل��لن�ظ�� ا �ل��كن��ست��ا ��ت��ا � ن��ف�� ا �ل �� ت ع�� ع�د ٥٠ � �م� ن ��ع ض�� ه�� م�ا ل � � � ر � ي � B و C بِي ي� س و � لى ب م � ب � �� ض أ ن ن ف ذ ً ث ف ة ن ئ ق ذ أ ا ��ل��ع�� . ��م�ا �� ل� �مؤ�ش�� ا �ل��م�د � �ك�ا �� ا � ك�ل��ا �� ا �ل��م �� ك�� ل�ك �م�د � � �ه�م��ت��ه ب � رب ي ج ب� � رى ي� ك � ر ى س ب وع و ى ي ق ة ن ال� ��ل��م��، �� م�ا ن� ك� ن��ت��ع�ا �م� � نه��ا �م ��ق�ا ��ا د � . . إ ي ي بلورب و� ل ع ب ي ير

——— ظ ة ن ت � ة �م��ل��حو �� م�� ا �ل��م��ر ج�م��: أ ف أ أ ت ة - ال� �م�� لا ك� �م �ه �م�� ص��ط��ل�� م�ع��م�ا � ��د ع�� ن��ا ء � �م�ا �ش��ا ��ه ��م�ا � مك�ا��د ائ�� * بيو رو )ambulacrum( و � ح ر ي�ي ل لى و ب ر ي ت أ أ أ أ � �قة �ع ة غ �ً �ت ن ف� ة م� �ش�� ف غ ة ح�ي��ط ب��ه ال�رو �� وال� �م�د � و �ا �لب��ا �م�ا يح��و�ي� ع��لى ��ا �ور� وح�ا ط ب��ال� ج��ار و�ل��ي��س �ل�ه �مرا د � ب��ا �ل��ل�� ة ا �ل�عرب��ي��

Personal Note

Die hier vorgelegten Forschungsergebnisse entstanden im Rahmen eines Projekts, das Mohamed el-Bialy erst möglich gemacht und seit 2006 über Jahre hinweg als Co- Direktor begleitet und gefördert hat. Mehrfach entsandte er Mitarbeiter aus Assuan 110 von Kienlin und Kom Ombo zur Unterstützung unserer Arbeiten, die im Gegenzug Einblicke in unsere Methodik und Forschungsstrategien erhielten. Ich durfte Mohamed el- Bialy im Laufe mehrerer Jahre als besonnenen, pragmatischen Wissenschaftler und Kooperationspartner kennenlernen, dessen Weggang vom Supreme Council of Antiquities Aswan eine schwer zu füllende Lücke hinterlassen wird.

In den Jahren 1984 bis 1989 legte die Abteilung Assuan des Supreme Council of Antiquities unweit des Dorfes Nag el-Hagar, rund 30 km nördlich von Assuan, Teile eines spätrömischen Kastells am Nil frei – vermutlich das aus Überlieferungen bekannte diokletianische Kastell Praesentia. Das Schweizer Institut hat die Baureste aufgenommen und in Zusammenarbeit mit dem SCA publiziert1. Das Hauptinteresse des Forscherteams richtete sich damals auf ein kleines Palastareal im südwestlichen Viertel des 1,9 ha großen Kastells, das sich um eine zentrale Empfangshalle und einen Säulenhof herum grup- piert. Aufgrund des schlechten Erhaltungszustandes der Anlage konnte ihre Funktion bisher nicht sicher geklärt werden, möglicherweise residierte dort der militärische Befehlshaber der Provinz (dux Thebaïdos)2 oder sogar zeitweilig Kaiser Diokletian selbst3. Als Kooperationsprojekt des Schweizerischen Instituts und des Supreme Council of Antiquities Aswan wurden 2005 die Grabungsarbeiten in Nag el-Hagar mit neuem Fokus auf die im Osten des Kastells gelegenen Manschaftsbaracken und die Principia unter Leitung von Mohamed el-Bialy und Michael Mackensen wieder aufgenommen4, im selben Rahmen wurden

1 M. Ed-Din Mustafa and H. Jaritz, “A Roman fortress at Nag‛ el-Hagar. First preliminary report,” Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte 70 (1985) 21-31 ; U.A. Wareth, and P. Zignani, “Nag al-Hagar, a Fortress with a Palace of the Late Roman Empire. Second preliminary report,” Bull. Institut franç. d‘archéologie orientale 92 (1992), 185-210. 2 M. Mackensen, “The Tetrarchic fort at Nag al-Hagar in the province of Thebais: preliminary report (2005-8),” Journal of Roman Archaeology 22 (2009) : p. 286-311. 3 P. Zignani, “L’armée romaine de Haute-Egypte sous Dioclétian, à propos ‘Presentia’,” in VI Congresso Internazionale di Egitologia. Atti II (Turin, 1993), 591-596. 4 Das Projekt wurde von C. v. Pilgrim angestoßen, der die wesentlichen Rahmenbedingungen dafür geschaffen hat und die Arbeiten wissenschaftlich begleitet. Weitere bisherige Publikationen zu den jüngeren Feldarbeiten : M. Mackensen et al., “The Late Roman Fort at Nag’ el-Hagar near Kom Ombo in the province of Thebais (Upper Egypt). Report on the first season of the Egyptian-Swiss Joint Mission,” MDAIK 62 (2006), 161-195 ; M. El-Bialy and M. Mackensen, “Report on the Second Season of the Egyptian-Swiss joint mission at the Late Roman Fort at Nag el-Hagar (Upper Egypt),” ASAE 81 (2007) : 39-51 ; A. Von Kienlin, “Der Palast im spätrömischen Kastell von Nag el-Hagar,” in Bericht über die 44. Tagung für Ausgrabungswissenschaft und Bauforschung. Vom 24. bis. 28. Mai 2006 in Breslau (Stuttgart, 2008), 118-128. Aufsätze zu Materialstudien : M. Mackensen, “Late Roman African Red Slip Ware from the Frontier Region in the Province of the Thebais (Upper Egypt)”, in Essays on Die Kirchen Von Nag El-hagar 111

Nachuntersuchungen der bereits bekannten Bauten im Südwest-Quartier des Kastells durchgeführt5. Südlich des Palastareals waren bereits in der ersten Ausgrabung die Grundmauern zweier Kirchen aufgedeckt worden (Abb. 10.1, 10.2). Sie waren nicht unmittelbar baulich mit ihm verbunden, standen aber vermutlich in einem gewissen Bezug zu ihm. Die westliche Kirche (im Folgenden: Kirche A) ist älter und wurde fast gänzlich abgebrochen als die deutlich größere, östliche Kirche (im Folgenden: Kirche B) gebaut wurde. Bei beiden Kirchen handelt es sich um dreischiffige Säulenbasiliken mit halbrunder Apsis, die östliche Kirche besaß möglicherweise ein Querschiff. Eine dritte Kirche (im Folgenden: Kirche C), die vermutlich etwas später als die östliche Kirche entstand, lässt sich aus einer Gruppe von Säulenschäften und Basen erschließen, die im Bereich der Principia gefunden wurden. Der Bau dürfte ähnliche Dimensionen gehabt haben wie die beiden älteren Kirchen und war vermutlich zeitweise gemeinsam mit der östlichen Kirche in Gebrauch, seine Fundamente sind aber vollständig abgetragen worden, weshalb zu seiner ehemaligen Gestalt nur grundsätzliche Aussagen getroffen werden können.

1 Westliche Kirche (Kirche A)

Die westliche Kirche (s. Abb. 10.2) wurde im Süden und Westen an die Kastellmauer angebaut, die demnach zu diesem Zeitpunkt noch gestanden haben muss. Die Nordwand wurde vollständig abgetragen, im Osten fand sich noch der Rest einer Apsis, die aus Spolien zusammengesetzt ist6 und in dieser Form später erst hinzu kam. Die Kirche wurde in mehreren Phasen errichtet – insbesondere im Inneren sind einige Umbauten festzustellen, die vor allem die Liturgie betreffen. Ihre geringen Reste werden von den Grundmauern spä- terer Bauten, unter anderem dem Narthex der zweiten Basilika, überdeckt, die teilweise Baumaterial der Kirche – Bruchsteine aus gelbem Sandstein und gebrannte Lehmziegel – als Spolien weiterverwenden.

Roman Archaeology (Fs S. Frere), ed. R. Wilson (Oxford, 2006), 211-229 ; M. Sieler, “Egyptian Red Slip Ware A and its production at the site of the Late Roman Fort at Nag el-Hagar/Upper Egypt,” REI Cretariae Romanae Acta 40 (2008) : 271-278. 5 Die Arbeiten wurden durch Teams der Technischen Universität München und der ETH Zürich durchgeführt, jeweils mit finanzieller und personeller Unterstützung durch das Schweizerische Institut für Ägyptische Bauforschung und Altertumskunde sowie mit einer Anschubfinanzierung durch die Leopold-Werner-Stiftung. Mein besonderer Dank für einen anregenden fachlichen Austausch gilt Cornelius von Pilgrim, Wolfgang Müller, Michael Mackensen, Regina Franke und Maike Sieler. 6 Ed-Din Mustafa & Jaritz, “Roman Fortress”, 27 & Tafel V b,c. 112 von Kienlin

abb. 10.1 Südwestliches Quartier mit Palastanlage, Kirche A und Kirche B (Grundrisse ergänzt, Nordwand von Kirche B gemäß ursprünglicher Planung). Aufeinander Bezug nehmende Strukturen sind jeweils einheitlich eingefärbt (Autor nach Jaritz/Zignani).

Eine ca. 1,4 m dicke Bruchsteinmauer der letzten Überbauungsphase liegt auf der ehemaligen Südmauer der Kirche. Verschiedene kleinere Mauern derselben Bauart verlaufen weitgehend rechtwinklig dazu. Einige nur in Teilen erhaltene Mauern der Nachfolgebauten bestehen teilweise aus Viertelkreis- förmigen Ziegeln und stammen von den Säulen der zu dieser Zeit abgebro- chenen Kirche. Die Nordumfassung des späteren Baukomplexes umbaut die runde Brunnenfassung. Die Kirchen Von Nag El-hagar 113 Phasen-Steinplan der Kirchen A und B. Phasen-Steinplan der Kirchen

2 0. 1 abb. 114 von Kienlin

Mit Ausnahme seiner südlichen und westlichen Umgrenzung, für die Teile der alten Kastellmauer verwendet wurden, waren die Mauern der Kirche überwie- gend aus ungebrannten Lehmziegeln errichtet, die Säulen aus Viertelkreis- förmigen gebrannten Tonziegeln (Abb. 10.3). Aus der ersten Phase der Kirche haben sich fünf Stümpfe von ehemals 12 Säulen erhalten, die die Kirche in drei Schiffe teilten ; das Verhältnis der Seitenschiffe zum Hauptschiff beträgt etwa 2:3:2. Die Nordwand ist nur noch an wenigen Stellen fassbar, daher ist die Breite des nördlichen Seitenschiffs nicht über die gesamte Länge exakt festzustellen ; sie kann aber, da der Bauplatz durch die Brunnenanlage im Norden begrenzt war, nicht beträchtlich vom Maß des südlichen Seitenschiffs abgewichen sein. An der Nordwand fanden sich Reste eines breiten nischenartigen Rücksprungs – vermutlich war die Nordwand daher in Blendbögen gegliedert7. Im Osten haben sich Reste einer Lehmziegel-Apsis mit anschließenden geraden Mauerteilen erhalten, die beim erwähnten späteren Umbau weitgehend abgetragen wurden (Abb. 10.4). Das ursprüngliche Ostende ist daher sicher rekonstruierbar. Die Säulen stehen in einem Achsabstand von durchschnittlich 3,50 m zueinander. Während die nördliche Säulenreihe zum größten Teil abgetragen wurde fehlt von der südlichen Säulenreihe lediglich die westlichste Säule. Man muss sich daher fragen, ob sie jemals existierte bzw. ob an dieser Stelle nicht auch die Trennwand zu einem Narthex gestanden haben könnte. Dagegen spricht allerdings das völlige Fehlen eines Mauerfundaments in diesem Bereich, von dem sich eher etwas erhalten haben müsste als von der Säule. Dazu kommt, dass sich unmittelbar westlich des zweiten Säulenpaares (von Westen) der Rest einer Lehmziegelwand erhalten hat, der kaum anders zu deuten ist als durch einen Umbau, durch den die westlichen beiden Joche der Kirche zu einem Narthex abgetrennt wurden. Dies ist einerseits erstaunlich, da dadurch der Versammlungsraum der Kirche verkleinert wurde, andererseits dürfte an dieser Stelle aufgrund der bestehenden Wegeführung von vorne herein der Eingangsbereich zur Kirche gelegen haben. In jedem Fall macht dieser Befund einen Narthex in der ersten Bauphase der Kirche sehr unwahrscheinlich. Zur Herstellung der Säulen wurden Viertelkreis-förmige Ziegel angefertigt, ähnlich jenen, die für die Halb- und Dreiviertel-Säulen im Palastbereich verwendet worden waren8. Die Basen der Säulen, ebenfalls aus Ziegel gemauert,

7 Bekannt sind solche Blendbögen beispielsweise von den Außenfassaden und der westlichen Innenwand der spätrömischen Basilika von Trier, in Ägypten finden sich nach freundlicher Auskunft von P. Grossmann u.a. in der Gruftkirche von Abu Mina. 8 Die Säulen der Kirche haben größere Durchmesser als aus Viertelziegeln hergestellten Säulen des Palastes und können daher nicht von dort stammen. Die selbe Bautechnik wurde beispielsweise auch bei den Säulen entlang der Straßen im Luxor-Kastell verwendet, Die Kirchen Von Nag El-hagar 115

abb. 10.3 Säule der Kirche A mit Putzresten und Anschluss für Chorschranken.

abb. 10.4 Reste der Lehmziegel-Ostwand und Apsis, darüber Umbauten aus Ziegeln und Bruchstein. 116 von Kienlin setzen sich aus quadratischen Plinthen mit Tori zusammen (Abb. 10.3). Der Durchmesser der Tori beträgt rund 70 cm, der Säulen (die vermutlich keine Verjüngung hatten) rund 60 cm. Die Basen erinnern in ihren reduzierten Formen an eine kleine Sandsteinbasis, die vermutlich für den Umbau des Palasthofes hergestellt wurde9. Derartige Basenformen wurden allerdings mindestens bis in hochbyzantinische Zeit verwendet10 und geben daher keinen Hinweis auf das Errichtungsdatum der Kirche. Die Säulen waren mit feinem Kalkputz überzogen, ihre ursprüngliche rötlich-braune Farbe, heute zu einem rötlichen Violett verblasst, ist an vielen Stellen erhalten. Von den Kapitellen der Säulen fand sich nichts. Die braune Farbe bestand maßgeblich aus (natürlichen) Eisenoxid- Pigmenten11, die secco aufgetragen waren. Die untere Putzschicht ist eine 3/5-Mischung aus Kalk und Sand, darüber sind zwei Lagen Farbe aufgetragen: Eine reinweiße und die erwähnte bräunliche Kalkfarbe. Demnach waren die Säulen der Kirche zunächst temporär weiß bemalt, bis man in einer zweiten Phase die bräunliche Fassung aufbrachte. An manchen Stellen wirkt die Farbe wie marmorierend aufgetragen, an den Basen sind weißliche Ringe festzustellen, die den einfachen Torusbasen das Aussehen attischer Basen verliehen. Die erhaltenen Reste sind allerdings zu gering um ein genaueres Bild von der Art der Ausmalung zu gewinnen. Nördlich des Presbyteriums wurden bei jüngsten Reinigungsarbeiten Reste eines Wandverputzes gefunden, die möglicherweise das Bild etwas präzisieren können: Dort enthält der Unterputz mit einer 2/7-Mischung aus Kalk und Sand deutlich mehr Sandanteile, zudem noch 1 % Gips. Statt der zwei Farbschichten an den Säulen ist hier nur eine Kalkfarbenschicht festzustellen, wiederum mit einer bräunlichen Färbung aus Erdpigmenten (Eisenoxid). Die Putzfragmente dürften bei einem Umbau angefallen und in eine Mauerfüllung geraten sein ; sie waren wohl Teil der ersten Ausmalung der Kirche. Kleine bemalte Putzflächen derselben Farbe haben sich wiederum an der Innenseite der Westmauer erhalten, demnach war vermutlich die ganze Kirche in dieser Farbe gestrichen. Teile des ursprünglichen Fußbodens – in

vgl. P. Lacau, ASAE 34 (1934), 18 wie ebenfalls bei vier Säulen außerhalb der Südwest-Ecke des Ramessidischen Hofes in demselben Kastell, vgl. G. Legrain, ASAE 17 (1917), Abb.3. Für den christlich-nubischen Bereich vgl. Kent R. Weeks, The Classic Christian Townsite at Arminna West (New Haven, 1967), 19 mit Abb. 10, 12 ; Tafeln 4 a,b,c,e. 9 Inv.Nr. 80. Zu den Umbauten des Palastes von Kienlin, “Der Palast,” 123-126. 10 Beispielsweise an der Außenfassade der Bodrum Camii in Konstantinopel, vgl. W. Müller- Wiener, Griechisches Bauwesen in der Antike (München, 1988), 103ff. mit Abb. 83. 11 Analysen von Erico Peintner, Schweizerisches Institut für Ägyptische Bauforschung und Altertumskunde. Die Kirchen Von Nag El-hagar 117

Sägezahnverband verlegte Ziegel12 – haben sich zwischen der vierten und der fünften Säule (von Osten gezählt) der südlichen Säulenreihe erhalten. Aus den differierenden Putzbefunden lässt sich ableiten, dass die Außenmauern und die Säulen in getrennten Phasen entstanden. Dies kann nur bedeuten, dass zuerst die Außenmauern errichtet und verputzt wurden und die Säulen erst später, vermutlich zur Verkürzung der lichten Weite, eingebaut worden sind. Hierfür spricht auch, dass die Säulen ohne Fundamentierung auf das bereits eingebaute Ziegelpflaster gesetzt wurden, was letztlich vermutlich zu den genannten Schäden führte. In einer zweiten Umbauphase wurde zunächst das östlichste Joch im Bereich des Mittelschiffs mit hölzernen oder steinernen Schrankenplatten abgeschrankt ; von ihnen haben sich nutförmige Einlassungen an den Säulen erhalten. In dieser Phase wurden zudem im östlichen Bereich der Kirche niedrige Sitzbänke entlang der Außenwände eingebaut, die aus gebrannten und ungebrannten Lehmziegeln bestanden und in derselben Weise verputzt waren wie die Wände. Wohl wenig später bereits wurde der Kirchenfußboden insgesamt um ca. 20-30 cm angehoben, wodurch die Säulenbasen teilweise im Boden ver- schwanden. In dieser Zeit wurde auch der abgeschrankte Bereich vor dem Presbyterium um insgesamt fast einen Meter erhöht, wodurch er sich um drei Stufen über das neue Bodenniveau erhob (s. Abb. 10.5). Möglicherweise wurde dieser, nun zum Bema erhobene Bereich zudem um ein Joch nach Westen erweitert. Im Norden des Presbyterium wurden Teile der Nordwand niedergelegt und zwei Durchgänge zu einem Baptisterium geschaffen. Der kleine Anbau mit quadratischer Natatio (s. Abb. 10.2) existierte möglicherweise schon vorher und wäre zunächst von außen her zugänglich gewesen. Das Becken wurde durch einen kleinen gedeckten Kanal von der Zisterne her mit Wasser versorgt und zunächst über eine Sickergrube, später durch eine Rinne, die unter der Ostmauer der Kirche hindurchführte, entwässert. Da die baulichen Zusammenhänge an dieser Stelle durch spätere Überbauung stark gestört sind, kann nicht mehr nachvollzogen werden, ob das Becken bereits in der ersten Phase der Kirche (außerhalb) dort stand oder erst im Zuge des Umbaus dort eingerichtet wurde. Die Kirche besaß in ihrer ersten Phase keine Pastophorien, was für ägyptische Kirchen ungewöhnlich, aber nicht ohne Beispiel ist. Erst in einer späteren Phase, vermutlich mit dem Umbau der Apsis, kam das südliche Pastophorium hinzu, dem im Norden das beträchtlich größere Baptisterium gegenübergestellt wurde. Aus diesen Befunden ergibt sich folgender wahr- scheinlicher Bauablauf:

12 Ähnliche Fußböden (opus spicatum) sind bereits in der Kaiserzeit bekannt, vgl. J. Adam, La Construction Romaine (Paris, 1984), 251ff., Abb. 541. 118 von Kienlin

abb. 10.5 Kirche A, Phase 2 mit Bema und angefügtem Baptisterium. Später angefügte Bauteile in hellerem Grau.

Der erste Kirchenbau war eine dreischiffige Säulenbasilika ohne Narthex und Pastophorien. Der Zugang der Kirche lag im Bereich der beiden hinteren Joche in der Nordwand. Der Innenraum war frei von festen Einbauten, weder Reste des Bema noch von Schrankenwänden sind dieser Phase zuzuordnen. Als Baumaterial wurden, abgesehen von den miteinbezogenen Mauern der Kastellbefestigung, ungebrannte Lehmziegel verwendet, die im inneren mit einer glatten, rötlich-braun gefassten Putzschicht überzogen waren. Hinweise auf eine Datierung dieser Phase geben uns sowohl der einfache Grundriss13 wie auch die Bautechnik des Bauwerks. Insbesondere die Herstellung der Säulen aus Viertelkreis-förmigen Ziegeln, wie man dies in manchen Räumen

13 Zur Typologie frühchristlicher Kirchen Krautheimer 1965. Das Fehlen der Pastophorien und eines Ambulacrum machen deutlich, dass der Bau noch nicht dem koptischen Kirchentypus entspricht. Vergleiche sind eher in der Stadt Rom (Alt St.-Peter) oder dem vorderen Orient zu suchen. P. Grossmann, Christlichen Architektur in Ägypten (Leiden, 2002), 352 geht von einer späteren Datierung aus, kennt aber noch nicht den gesamten archäologischen Befund. Die Kirchen Von Nag El-hagar 119

abb. 10.6 Brandzerstörte Basis der Kirche B, Befund und Rekonstruktion. des Palastes ebenfalls feststellen kann, spricht für eine Datierung noch in die Zeit der römischen Besatzung14. Vage Hinweise zur Datierung der Umbauten im Osten der Kirche geben die Spolien der steinernen Reparaturmaßnahmen: Zwei Säulen der süd- lichen Säulenreihe wurden durch Bauglieder eines Vespasianischen Tempels ersetzt, vermutlich waren sie beschädigt. Für diese Phase könnten die Rahmenbedingungen des Einbaus der Tempelbauteile einen terminus post quem liefern, die wohl frühestens seit dem Edikt Kaisers Theodosius I. 391 n.Chr., in dessen Folge etliche heidnische Tempel niedergelegt wurden, zur

14 Dem widerspricht auch der Befund einer stratigraphischen Sondage in der Nilsedimentschicht unterhalb des Ziegelboden-Niveaus nicht, die von Regina Franke durchgeführt und ausgewertet wurde: Darin fanden sich u. a. zwei Münzen – ein Follis von 298-303 und ein Follis von 321-324 n. Chr. Die datierbare Keramik gehört in die erste Hälfte des 4. Jhs. n.Chr. 120 von Kienlin

Verfügung standen. Allerdings besteht beispielsweise auch die ins 6. Jh.n.Chr. datierbare Basilika in Luxor überwiegend aus Tempel-Spolien15, somit kann diese Phase zeitlich nicht näher eingegrenzt werden. Der Einbau eines Narthex im Westen der Kirche muss in ähnlicher Zeit erfolgt sein.

Zu den Spolien in der Westlichen Kirche Die erwähnten Sandstein-Spolien könnten in Zusammenhang stehen mit einem älteren Baukomplex, von dem auch zwei Fragmente einer tabula ansata16 stammen. Die Inschrift nennt den Namen Kaiser Trajans17, die größ- ten Teile der Inschrift sind heute nicht mehr zu lesen. Ihre Seitenflächen wie auch ihre Rückseite sind lediglich grob behauen, was belegt, dass sie in eine Bruchstein- oder Lehmziegelmauer, möglicherweise an einem Tor, einge- passt war. Eine weitere, bislang nicht entzifferte griechische Inschrift ist auf dem Bruchstück einer Sandstein-Säulentrommel mit ca. 59 cm Durchmesser angebracht18, Reste einer dritten, in diesem Fall hieroglyphischen Inschrift, finden sich an einem Wandquader, der heute im Bereich des Westtores lagert und dort vermutlich als Spolie verbaut war. Sie erwähnt Kaiser Vespasian19. Aus diesem Bauzusammenhang stammt vermutlich auch die Trommel der Lotos-Bündelsäule20, die als Spolie in einer der Kirchen am Ort wiederverwendet worden war.

2 Östliche Kirche (Kirche B)

Die Reste der östlichen Kirche (s. Abb. 10.1, 10.2), im Folgenden „Kirche B“ genannt, sind noch schwieriger zu verstehen, da spätere Umbauten den Grundriss erheblich verunklärt haben und es nicht sicher ist, welche Mauern tatsächlich dem Kirchenbau und welche einer möglichen späteren Umnutzung des Bauwerks zuzuordnen sind. Die Fundamente der Kirche bestehen aus tro- cken gefügten Bruchsteinen, auf denen sowohl die Mauern als auch die Säulen standen. Die südliche Außenwand des Langhauses wurde, wie die der ersten

15 Grossmann, ASAE 72, 25ff. 16 Nag el-Hagar Bauteilinventar Nrn.18 und 44. 17 Wareth & Zignani, “Nag al-Hagar,” 185-210 mit Tafel 29 a. 18 Möglicherweise ein Teil der Inschrift, die in Bericht 2, 187 erwähnt bzw. als Tafel 27 a abge- bildet ist. Es handelt sich um griechisch verfasste Texte aus der Zeit Kaiser Vespasians, die aber keinen Hinweis auf das Bauwerk geben dem sie entstammen. 19 Nach freundlicher Auskunft von D. Raue. 20 El-Din Mustafa & Jaritz, “A Roman Fortress,” Tafel 6 a. Die Kirchen Von Nag El-hagar 121

Kirche, entlang der Flucht der ehemaligen Kastellbefestigung errichtet ; in diesem Fall wurde die Kastellmauer aber nicht unmittelbar mit einbezogen, vielleicht war sie zu diesem Zeitpunkt bereits verfallen. Im Westen lassen sich drei annähernd parallel zueinander verlaufende Mauerzüge dem Bau zuweisen: Ein 80 cm dickes Bruchsteinfundament verläuft etwa 2 m westlich der ehemaligen Chorwand der ersten Kirche und schneidet damit deren Apsis vom Langhaus ab. Als dieses Fundament – vermutlich trug es die westliche Säulenstellung – errichtet wurde, muss die alte Kirche also bereits aufgegeben gewesen sein. Zwei weitere Mauern liegen noch weiter im Westen und sind offenbar die Reste des Narthex. Im Osten schließt ein über 1 m breites Mauerfundament den Chorbereich gerade ab, östlich daran liegen die Fundamente einer kleinen Apsis. Möglicherweise war zunächst geplant Apsis und Pastophorien im Inneren der Kirche einzurichten, aber wohl noch während des Bauverlaufs scheint man sich für eine durch gerade Mauern eingefasste, nach Osten heraus- tretende Apsis entschlossen zu haben, möglicherweise um damit mehr Platz im Inneren der Kirche zu gewinnen. Der nördliche Abschluss des Bauwerks ist unklar: Die Mittelachse der Apsis verläuft ziemlich genau mittig zwischen zwei Bruchsteinfundamenten, auf deren südlichem noch eine Säulenbasis in situ steht. Bei dem südlichen Fundamentzug handelt es sich also zweifelsfrei um das Streifenfundament einer Säulenreihe, von der sich noch sechs weitere Basen im Umfeld der Kirche fanden. Dieses Fundament trennt ein etwa 2 m breites Seitenschiff vom 8 m breiten Hauptschiff der Kirche ab. Ergänzt man dieses Seitenschiff symmetrisch auf der Nordseite der Kirche, dann würde die nördliche Außenmauer genau in der Flucht der nördlichen Außenmauer des Narthex liegen, die erhalten geblieben ist. Die ursprüngliche Planung der Kirche sah also offenbar eine Säulenbasilika mit Narthex und Chorapsis vor, deren Mittelachse durch den Scheitel des Apsisrundes führt. Von dieser Nordmauer fehlt allerdings, abgesehen von dem kurzen Stück am Narthex, jede Spur, sie wurde vermutlich nie errichtet. Stattdessen errichtete man die Nordwand an der Stelle, die ursprünglich für die nördliche Säulenreihe vor- gesehen war. Mit dieser Maßnahme gewährleistete man einen Durchgang zwischen der Kirche und dem Palast, der in der ersten Planung nicht vorge- sehen war ; zudem konnte der Frischwasserkanal erhalten bleiben, der die Gasse begleitete. Allerdings nahm man dafür den Wegfall des nördlichen Seitenschiffes in Kauf, wodurch die Symmetrie gestört und die Grundfläche des Versammlungsraumes erheblich verkleinert wurden. Vielleicht entschloss man sich aus diesem Grunde dazu, die Apsis nach außen zu verlegen. Im Inneren der Kirche deuten mehrere jeweils im rechten Winkel zueinander verlaufende Fundamentstreifen auf verschiedene Einbauten hin, deren zeitliches Verhältnis zueinander allerdings nicht mehr sicher zu klären 122 von Kienlin ist. Aus der ersten (realisierten) Kirchenphase stammt ein Fundament ca. 4 m westlich der Apsis, das auf ein abgeschranktes Presbyterium in diesem Bereich hinweist. An ähnlicher Stelle ist auch das südliche Seitenschiff durch- trennt – möglicherweise wurde hier zeitweilig ein Diakonion eingerichtet. Die Bau- und Planungsgeschichte der östlichen Kirche dürfte also etwa folgenden Verlauf genommen haben: Zunächst war ein basilikaler Grundriss mit eingezogener Chorapsis und einem schmalen Narthex geplant (s. Abb. 10.1), dem allerdings bereits im Bauverlauf das nördliche Seitenschiff genommen wurde ; als Ausgleich wurde die Apsis nach außen verschoben, um neue Flächen im Chorbereich zu erhalten. Die geplante nördliche Säulenreihe wurde dabei durch eine Außenwand ersetzt. Aus dieser Phase dürfte bereits das Presbyterium stammen. Im Chorbereich wurde später ein massives Streifenfundament eingebaut, das mög- licherweise ein Ciborium trug. Fundamentreste links der Chorapsis könnten von einem Diakonion stammen, das nachträglich dort eingebaut wurde. Östlich der Kirche wurde nachträglich ein Baptisterium an die Kirchenapsis angebaut (s. Abb. 10.2), dessen äußere Form nicht mehr vollständig feststellbar ist. Dies deutet darauf hin, dass das Baptisterium der alten Kirche zeitweilig noch in Benutzung blieb und somit in den neuen Bau integriert war. Die einzelnen Phasen der Kirche sind nicht genau datierbar, typologisch kann man den Bau grundsätzlich mit koptischen Kirchen aus dem 5. und 6. Jh. n. Chr. in Verbindung bringen. Dieser Datierung kommt der Fund einiger Bauteile entgegen, die – ohne dass man sie zweifelsfrei bestimmten Positionen zuweisen könnte – mit einiger Wahrscheinlichkeit von diesem Bau stammen. Das größte, aber dennoch nicht sicher einem Platz zuweisbare Bauteil ist ein etwa zur Hälfte erhaltenes Muscheltympanon aus gelbem Sandstein (Abb. 10.7), das über einer Wandnische oder über einem schmalen Eingang gesessen haben dürfte. Von seiner Ornamentik her zu urteilen, insbesondere anhand des Rankenfrieses, der den Bogen um die mit konzentrischen Kelchblättern ausgefüllte Kalotte zierte, kann das Bauteil etwa in das 5. oder 6. Jh.n.Chr. datiert werden21 und dürfte demnach eher der späteren Kirche zugewiesen werden.

21 Vgl. P. Pensabene, Repertorio d’Arte dell’Egitto Greco Romano III (Roma, 1993) Rest der Flöten, Teil des Bogens erhalten. Zweibahnige Verzierung: Fries aus geflochtenen Ranken, Rankenösen mit Rosetten besetzt. Randprofil durch Rosetten und rechteckige, in sich wiederum linear aufgeteilte Flächen geteilt. Vom Typus her vergleichbar dem Bogentympanon der Basilika von Dendera, die Pensabene in das späte 5. bis frühes 6. Jh. datiert, dort ein insgesamt eher graphisches, flächiges Relief. Von der Ornamentik ist der Nag el-Hagar-Fries eher mit Pensabene Kat.Nr. 1016 vergleichbar: Dort ebenfalls ein bewe- Die Kirchen Von Nag El-hagar 123

abb. 10.7 Muscheltympanon, vermutlich aus Kirche B.

Wie erwähnt fanden sich insgesamt sechs attisierende Rosengranit-Basen im näheren Umfeld der Kirche, eine davon wohl in situ (Abb. 10.8). Die Stücke sind zwischen 40 und 46 cm hoch. Sie besitzen quadratische Plinthen, ihre Tori sind nahezu gleich breit und bleiben vom Umfang her nur um weniges hinter den Breiten der Plinthen zurück. Die Trochili wirken gedehnt, die Gesamterscheinung der Stücke stützt eine Datierung der Kirche in das 5. oder 6. Jh. n.Chr. Eine der Basen hat an zwei im 90°-Winkel zueinander stehenden Seiten Einlassungen für Schrankenplatten, es muss sich also um eine Basis am Südende des Presbyteriums handeln. Zu diesen Basen fanden sich weder Säulenschäfte noch Kapitelle, die möglicherweise aussagekräftiger für die Datierung des Bauwerks sein könnten.

gter Rankenfries, gelängt, wenig Aufrollungen (aus Hermoupolis Magna, Basilika). Zu dessen Datierung J. Strzygowski, Koptische Kunst (Wien, 1904), 41 mit Abb.48 ; U. Monneret de Villard, Les couvents près de Sohâg (Deyr el-Abiad et Deyr el- Ahmar), 2 Vols. (Milano, 1925/1926), Abb. 190: Erste Hälfte des 5. Jhs. 124 von Kienlin

abb. 10.8 Basis und Säulenschaft einer dritten (nicht lokalisierten) Kirche C. Die Kirchen Von Nag El-hagar 125 tabelle 1 Attische Basen aus Rosengranit

Inv.Nr. Bauteil H B Dm H Plinthe Bemerkungen

69 Basis 40 60 >50 15-16 73 Basis > 40 54 – 16 72 Basis 43,3 52,5 ca.48 – 74 Basis 43,3 53/54 43 – Einlassung für Schrankenplatte 71 Basis 46 54,5 ca.50 14,4

tabelle 2 Maße eines Säulenschafts aus dem Bereich der Aula

Inv.Nr. Bauteil H u.Dm o.Dm Verjüngung Lage Bemerkungen

79 Fragment >1,85 39 34,5 2,43 % Aula Anlauf

Im Bereich der Aula ein sehr schlanker Säulenschaft (Inv.Nr.79) aus Rosengranit mit einem unteren Durchmesser von 39 cm und einer mittleren Verjüngung von 2,43 % gefunden, der von Kirche B stammen könnte. Der Säulenschaft weist starke partielle Oberflächenschäden auf, vermutlich Brandschäden. Für die genannten Basen erscheint er zu klein, könnte aber vom Presbyterium stammen. Weiterhin könnten von Kirche B zwei korinthisierende Kapitelle aus gelbem Sandstein stammen (Inv.Nrn. 43, 62), deren untere Durchmesser ca. 24 cm betragen22. Von einem der Stücke hat sich nur eine Hälfte erhalten, das andere ist fast vollständig intakt. Der Aufbau der Kapitelle ist einfach: Die vier Ecken sind durch breite dreieckige Blattlappen besetzt, die sich seitlich ver- schneiden und an ihren Spitzen zu kleinen Knollen verdickt sind. Die Seiten und die Mittelgrate der Blätter werden von schmalen Stegen begleitet, die dem ganzen Kapitell eine graphische Erscheinung geben. Die Zwickelfläche ist jeweils durch ein flaches dreistrahliges Palmettenornament verziert, der

22 Die Verwendung von Sandsteinkapitellen auf Granitschäften ist wegen der leichteren Bearbeitbarkeit des Sandsteins nichts ungewöhnliches, man findet sie beispielsweise auch am Diokletianischen Kastell in Luxor. 126 von Kienlin deutlich abgesetzte Abakus ist quadratisch. Diese Kapitelle lassen sich anhand von Vergleichen in das 6. Jh.n.Chr. datieren23 und könnten beispielweise zu dem vermuteten Ciborium gehören. Fast den gleichen unteren Durchmesser weist auch ein anderes korinthisierendes Kapitell auf, das ähnlich zu datieren ist, jedoch einem völlig anderen Schema folgt24: Es handelt sich um die verein- fachte Form eines korinthischen Kapitells mit zwei übereinander liegenden Blattkränzen, deren Blattstrukturen allerdings nicht ausgearbeitet sind. Ein zweiteiliger, mittig eingezogener Abakus bekrönt das Kapitell, an der Stelle der Abakusblüten sitzen leicht konisch geformte Klötze. Das Kapitell ist nur an drei Seiten voll ausgearbeitet, an der Rückseite ist es grob gespitzt und muss ehemals an eine Wand angeschlossen haben. Möglicherweise handelt es sich um ein Kapitell eines Säulenpaares, das einen Triumphbogen vor der Apsis der Kirche trug, ähnlich jenem in der Basilika von Luxor25. Fragmente von kleineren Sandsteinkapitellen ähnlicher Machart und Datierung, denen einfache, relativ grob ausgearbeitete Säulenbasen- und Schäfte zugeordnet werden können, dürften von den Schranken des Presbyteriums stammen26 ; sie weisen seitlich häufig Einlassungen für die Schrankenplatten auf. Da sich aber mindestens drei verschiedene Typen dieser kleinen Säulenordnungen finden, muss ihre unmittelbare Zuordnung an bestimmte Plätze ungewiss bleiben. Möglicherweise stammt eines der Kapitelle sogar vom Presbyterium der älteren Kirche.

23 Vgl. Pensabene, Repertorio, Kat.Nr. 645 und 646-645: Blätter mit einem Band seitlich gesäumt, Blattmittelgrat durch einen schmalen Steg betont. Zwickel als Fläche deutlich abgegrenzt, jedoch kein Reliefdekor (Bemalung ?). Abakus allerdings deutlich eingezogen, Abakusblüte in Form eines diamantförmigen Elements. Ggfs. unfertig. Aus Kom Ombo, Lapidarium des Sobek-Tempels. 6.Jh. n.Chr. Kat.Nr. 646: Ähnlich, jedoch kein Abakus, Blätter fleischiger, insgesamt weniger graphisch. Zwickel durch ein eingeritztes Blattmotiv verziert. Selbe Zeitstellung. 24 Inv.Nr.61. Vgl. Pensabene, Repertorio, Kat.Nr. 630: Ähnliche Aufteilung der Blätter, obere Zwischenblätter nur als ‚Klötze‛ zu sehen. Kein Halsring, keine Voluten, zweireihiger Blätterkranz. ‚Korinthisierendes Kapitell’ aus Alexandria (Museum, Herkunft unklar). Schlanker Kalathos, ins 5.Jh. n. Chr. datiert. 25 Grossmann, ASAE 72, 25-35. Die in Luxor gefundenen Kapitelle sind dem beschriebenen Kapitell zudem sehr ähnlich, allerdings haben sie größere Durchmesser. 26 Beispielsweise Inv.Nr. 99. Vgl. Pensabene, Repertorio, Kat.Nr. 651: Weit auseinander gezo- gene Blätter, dazwischen Einlassung für Schrankenplatte. Leichte Blattgrate, Blattenden knollenförmig. Abakus quadratisch, bleibt hinter den Blättern zurück. Die Kirchen Von Nag El-hagar 127

3 Die Kirche über der Principia (Kirche C)

An der Stelle der Principia, am Ostende der via principalis und somit direkt gegenüber dem Westtor, fanden sich weitere Bauteile aus Rosengranit, die von ihren Formen her frühestens in das 5. oder 6. Jahrhundert zu weisen sind. Es handelt sich um eine Serie von Basen und Säulenschäften, die aufgrund ihrer einheitlichen Gestaltung einem einzigen Bau zuzuweisen sind (Abb. 8). Etwa 20 weitere Bauteile, vor allem Säulenschäfte und Basen, wurden im Bereich des Dorfes gefunden27 und können ebenfalls dieser Gruppe zugewiesen werden. Die Auswertung der Maße der Säulenschaft-Fragmente ergibt ein uneinheit- liches Bild: Insgesamt haben sich 26 Stücke erhalten (Tabelle 1–3), von denen zehn ein Fußprofil, sechs ein Kopfprofil aufweisen. Die unteren Durchmesser der Säulen (gemessen oberhalb des Anlaufs) schwanken zwischen 51 cm und 39 cm, die oberen Durchmesser zwischen 34 cm und 41 cm (gemessen unterhalb der Apophyge, Tabelle 1, Inv.Nr.28). Die Schwankungen bei den Schaftfragmenten ohne Fuß- oder Kopfprofile sind geringer, die Verjüngungsraten sind aber ohnehin im Durchschnitt sehr viel kleiner als bei den unteren Teilen.

tabelle 3 Granitsäulen-Fragmente mit Fußprofil

Inv.Nr. Bauteil H u.Dm o.Dm Verjüngung Lage Bemerkungen

5 Fragment > 2,24 – – – Moschee Anlauf 8 Fragment > 2,55 – 39 – Moschee Anlauf, grauer Marmor 19 Fragment > 42 – 60/62 – Thermen Anlauf 28 Fragment > 193 49,5/50,8 40,5 4,92 % Principia Anlauf 7 Fragment > 1,90 (43) (39) 2,11 % Moschee Anlauf 32 Fragment > 109 45,5 45 0,46 % Principia Anlauf (?) 6 Fragment > 2,63 50 43 2,66 % Moschee Anlauf 21 Fragment > 160 51 48 1,79 % Principia Anlauf 24 Fragment > 1,41 51 43,5/45,3 4,25 % Principia Anlauf 2,66 %

27 Die Bauteile sind verschleppt und waren wohl in der älteren Moschee von Nag el-Hagar, die vor einigen Jahren einem Neubau weichen musste, wiederverwendet. 128 von Kienlin tabelle 4 Granitsäulen-Fragmente ohne Profile

Inv.Nr. Bauteil H u.Dm o.Dm Verjüngung Lage Bemerkung

36 Fragment > 63 – 36,6 – Principia 10 Fragment > 82 37 35 2,44 % Moschee 38 Fragment > 99 37,3 – – Principia 29 Fragment > 90 39,6 38 1,78 % Principia 26 Fragment > 129 40,5 – – Principia 31 Fragment > 101 40,8 39,3 1,49 % Principia 30 Fragment > 86 41,3 40,5 0,93 % Principia 27 Fragment > 106,5 43,3 40,5/40,9 2,44 % Principia 33 Fragment > 153 45/45,5 44,6 0,59 % Principia 37 Fragment > 144 47,0 44,3 1,86 % Principia 1,65 %

Bei den Schaftfragmenten mit Kopfprofilen waren bislang zu wenige Daten erfassbar um ein sicheres Bild zu erhalten. An zwei Stücken konnte eine durch- schnittliche Verjüngung um 3,25 % ermittelt werden, was erwartungsgemäß höher liegt als bei den unteren Schaftteilen, sofern man von einer Entasis aus- geht. Auch hier schwanken die Durchmesser, in diesen Fällen unterhalb der Apophyge gemessen, beträchtlich. Insbesondere aus den Werten der unteren Schaftfragmente geht hervor, dass wir es wohl mit mindestens zwei verschiedenen Säulenhöhen zu tun haben. Es scheinen untere Durchmesser von rund 50 cm vorzuherrschen (Inv.Nrn.21/24/28), allerdings fand sich auch ein Säulenschaft mit nur 45,5 cm. Daraus resultieren Säulenhöhen liegen bei ungefähr 4,50 m bzw. 4,09 m, bei Annahme korinthischer Säulenordnungen28. Die starken Schwankungen bei den Verjüngungen der Säulen könnten auf eine weitere Untergruppe hinweisen, die bei gleichen unteren Durchmessern schwerfälliger proportio- niert waren. Da alle betroffenen Bauteile aber aufgrund ihrer Fundlage und Machart wohl einem einzigen Bauwerk zuzuweisen sind, muss man in diesem Fall von zwei verschiedenen Säulensystemen am selben Bauwerk ausgehen, möglicherweise von zweigeschoßigen Arkaden, die Haupt- und Seitenschiffe voneinander trennten.

28 Nach Vitruv, De Architectura Libri Decem (Darmstadt, 2008), IV, I, 12ff. Die Kirchen Von Nag El-hagar 129 tabelle 5 Granitsäulenfragmente mit Ablaufprofil

Inv.Nr. Bauteil H u.Dm o.Dm Verjüngung Lage Bemerkungen

12 Fragment > 46 – 36 – Moschee Ablauf 39 Fragment > 48 – 41 – Principia Ablauf 11 Fragment > 84 35 – – Moschee Ablauf o/u ? 35 Fragment > 95 37 34 3,16 % Principia Ablauf 34 Fragment > 111 42 – – Principia Ablauf 23 Fragment > 189 45,3 39 3,33 % Principia Ablauf 3,25 %

In den Tabellen nicht erfasst wurde ein vollständig erhaltener Rosengranit- Säulenschaft mit einer Höhe von 4,34 m und einem unteren Durchmesser von rund 56 cm, der sich unmittelbar vor dem Westtor fand. Der Schaft ist vollständig in Bosse belassen und auch seine stark verwitterten Lagerflächen scheinen keine Endbearbeitung erfahren zu haben. Offenbar handelt es sich demnach um ein nie aufgestelltes Bauglied, das beim Transport an dieser Stelle liegengeblieben ist. Zu diesen Stücken gehören 7 attisierende Basen aus Rosengranit, die ebenfalls beträchtliche maßliche Unterschiede aufweisen, typologisch aber nah beisammen liegen. Auch bei Ihnen dürfte es sich um mindestens zwei verschiedene Gruppen zu handeln, was sich sowohl aus den Höhen wie auch an den Durchmessern der oberen Lagerflächen ablesen lässt. Alle Bauglieder aus Rosengranit weisen durchgehend sehr flüchtige Ausführungsgenauigkeiten mit starken maßlichen Schwankungen auf.

tabelle 6 Attisierende Basen aus Rosengranit mit quadratischen Plinthen

Inv.Nr. Bauteil H B Dm H Plinthe Bemerkungen

3 Basis 32 57/58 49-51 15 25 Basis 33 62 53,5 – 2 Basis 34,5 58/59 54 16 1 Basis 36 61/62 51 19 4 Basis 36 65/66 54 17-18 22 Basis 37 59,5/60,5 55 17 70 Basis 52 61 ca.50 21 130 von Kienlin

Einem abgeschrankten Presbyterium zuzuweisen ist ein kleinerer Säulenschaft aus grauem Granit und einem unteren Durchmesser von rund 33 cm (Inv. Nr. 9), der an einer Seite bis zu einer Höhe von 2,4 m eine Reihe kleiner recht- eckiger Einlassungen aufweist, vermutlich zur Anbringung einer hölzernen Schrankenwand oder einer Türe.

Conclusion

Im Kastell von Nag el-Hagar fanden sich die Reste dreier Kirchen, die alle in frühchristlicher Zeit entstanden sind. Der früheste Bau, Kirche A, könnte noch in der späten Kaiserzeit errichtet und als „Palastkirche“ von den römischen Soldaten genutzt worden sein. Typologisch gehört sie, zumindest in ihrer ersten Phase, noch zur ersten Generation konstantinischer Kirchen. Der Bau war zunächst als einfache, lange Halle mit nach außen vortre- tender Ostapsis konzipiert, geringe Reste ihrer Nordwand weisen auf eine Bogennischen-Gliederung der Innenwände hin. Die freie Spannweite von rund 8 m machte offenbar den nachträglichen Einbau zweier Säulenreihen not- wendig, die ohne Fundamentierung auf den bereits bestehenden Fußboden aus gebrannten Lehmziegeln in Fischgrätenverband gestellt wurden, mit der Folge, dass mindestens zwei der zunächst aus Viertelkreis-Ziegeln zusammen- gesetzten Säulen nicht ausreichend standfest waren und zu einem späteren Zeitpunkt durch Sandsteinsäulen ersetzt werden mussten. Möglicherweise handelt es sich um Spolien des selben römischen Baukomplexes, aus dem auch zahlreiche Mauerquader und Bruchsteine für spätere Umbauten der Kirche A gewonnen wurden, einige der Blöcke tragen hieroglyphische Inschriften aus Vespasianischer Zeit. Da während der Notgrabungen in den 1980er Jahren keine Stratigraphie beobachtet werden konnte, lässt sich die weitere bauliche Entwicklung der Kirche nur in groben Zügen abstecken – sicher sind die spä- teren Anbauten einer Taufkapelle sowie eines Pastophoriums, im Inneren der Kirche wurde ein abgeschranktes Bema eingebaut, das westliche Joche als Narthex abgetrennt. Die statischen Mängel, vor allem aber die durch den Brunnen determi- nierte, geringe Grundfläche der ersten Kirche dürften letztlich zu ihrem Abriss und Neubau (Kirche B) fast an derselben Stelle geführt haben: Das Westende der neuen Kirche liegt über dem Chor der älteren, somit konn- ten sie keinesfalls zeitgleich in Benutzung gewesen sein. Der Grundriss des neuen Bauwerks folgte bereits dem bekannten Schema koptischer Kirchen mit weitem Mittelschiff und westlichem Säulenumgang. Der apsidiale Chor Die Kirchen Von Nag El-hagar 131 war eingezogen und von zwei etwa quadratischen Pastophorien flankiert, der Eingang erfolgte über einen Narthex im Westen. Die Kirche konnte offenbar nicht in der vollen geplanten Grösse ausgeführt werden, nach Ausweis der erhaltenen Fundamente verzichtete man auf das nördliche Seitenschiff. Mit der Errichtung des Seitenschiffs wäre der Weg zwischen Palast und Kirche überbaut worden, es hätte an dieser Stelle also kein Durchkommen mehr gegeben – die Planänderung bezieht sich demnach in irgendeiner Form auf den Palast und seine Nutzung. Auffällig bei der Kirche B ist ihr baulicher Zusammenhang mit einer mäch- tigen baulichen Anlage in ihrem Süden, die offenbar im selben Zusammenhang oder um weniges früher entstanden ist. Die Anlage ist derzeit noch uner- forscht, es könnte sich um die Reste eines Klosters handeln, dem möglicher- weise auch das Palastareal in dieser Zeit angegliedert wurde ; verschiedene bauliche Eingriffe im Palast selbst, die in der selben Mauertechnik (massive Bruchsteinfundamente) durchgeführt wurden, legen eine Nachnutzung der Anlage in christlicher Zeit nahe. Die dritte Kirche Nag el-Hagars entstand wohl noch ein oder zwei Jahrhunderte später, von ihr erhielten sich allerdings nur Bauteile der Säulen und einiger Einbauten. Die Fundamente der Kirche wurden vollständig ent- fernt, ihre ungefähre Lage im Bereich der Principia ist aber aufgrund der Konzentration von zugehörigen Bauteilen gesichert. Die einfachen atti- sierenden Basen erinnern an jene der Kirche auf Elephantine, die in das 6. Jahrhundert datiert wird ; ein ähnliches Baudatum ist auch für den Bau in Nag el-Hagar anzunehmen. Die freistehend konzipierten Rosengranit-Säulen belegen, dass es sich um eine basilikale Anlage mit mindestens 6 Jochen han- delte. Eine kleinere Säule aus grauem Granit dürfte von einem abgeschrankten Ciborium stammen, das im Bereich des Presbyteriums zu vermuten ist. Zahlreiche Fragmente kleinformatiger Ausstattungsarchitektur fanden sich im Zuge jüngster Ausgrabungen in diesem Bereich, lassen sich aber nicht näher bestimmen. Vermutlich waren die Kirchen B und C über einen gewissen Zeitraum gemeinsam in Benutzung. Dies, wie auch die baulichen Anlagen rund um Kirche B herum, lassen vermuten, dass das Kastell von Nag el-Hagar auch nach der römischen Besatzung noch ein lebendiges Gemeinwesen barg und zunächst möglicherweise ein Kloster an dieser Stelle existierte. Weitere Forschungen im Areal südlich von Kirche B könnten hier mehr Klarheit schaffen. CHAPTER 11 Greek Pottery from Syene

Sabine Ladstätter Österreichisches Archäologisches Institut

Abstract ت ذ ة ن ذ ن ة ن ة ن ذ ت��ن��ا �ه�� ه ا �ل��م��ق�ا �ل�� ا �ل��ف�� خ��ا ا ��ل� ن��ا � �من�� ه�ا �� ا �ل�ع��ص ا � تل�ع��ق �حت� ��ه�ا �� ا �ل�ع��ص ا ��له��ل ��ست� ا �ل�� ل ول ر يو ي� � ي � ر ي�و ى � ي � ر �ي ي ي�و ي� �م ُن ف ة ف ��ك� ن ��ت�� م��ص �ل�ك� نك�ا ن�� ت �م ا ك�ز � ن��ت��ا �مت��ع�د د � � ا �ل��ح� ا �ل��مت�� س��ط ت��م�د �م��ص ا �ل�ع��ل��ا ��ه, �ل�ك� ن ا �ل�ت��ح�د ��د ي �ي ج� ي� � رو � � ر �إ ج� ي� ب ر و � ر ي ب � ي ق َن أ فق ف ض ف ذ ً ف ق ا �ل�د ��ق �ل��لم��ش�� مت��ا ��ط � �� ح�الا ت�, � �� ا �ل��س�� ل�ك �ز �ئ��ا �ل�� ت��ا � ل ا �ل�ت��ح��ل � ا ت� ي� � ح ي� ب�ع وير جع ب ب� ي� ج �ي لإ رإى يل أ ة ق أ ن ت َ أ أث ذ ً ال� �ك�� مت�� . ��د ��ا ء ت ال� ا � ا ��لت� �ؤ خ ��ا �ل�ع��ص ا � �ل�ك�ا ��س�� ك� ع�� ال� �� م� ن ��ن��ا � �ل� ��ن��ا ء ع�� ريو ري و ج � و ي� ي��ر�ب � ر ل ي ي� لى رجح � ي و ك ب لى ن ة ة ن أ ث أ ن ��ع�ض�� ا �ل��م�ع�ا �� ك�ا �ل�ش��ك� � ا �ل��ص��ل��ص�ا ا �ل� د �. �م ��د ا�� ا �ل�ع��ص ا ��له��ل��ست� ع�� ال��ك�� ب � يير ل ووع � � ل و جو وع ب ي � ر �ي ي� لى ر ي ج ب� � ت ذ أ ً أ ف ذ ت َ ف ُ ة ف �ؤ خ�� ض��ا �م ا ك�ز ال� ن��ت��ا ال� خ� � � ال� �تع��ا � �ل� � كل� �ؤ خ � ا �ل��م��م� ٤٠ �ش��ق��ف�� ق��ط �ه ا ��لت� � ي� ر � إ ج� رى ي� إ ب رو ك ى�ر� ي� ج ل و ي� ي� ُ أ ن ُ َ ق أ ن ة ض غ أ ن ��م�ك� ن � �ح�د د ��ش��ك� ��ا ��ط � ��ه�ا �م��ست�� د � �م� ن ��ا د �ح � ا �ل��ح� ا �ل��مت�� س��ط. ��ا �ل �� م� ن � ��ه�ا ت��مث�� ي � �ي ب ل ع � ور � بل و � ب ر و وب ر م � � ل ن ة ة ض ئ ة ف خ ت ف ة ت ض ة آ ف ��س�� مئ�� ل�� م� ن م�م ع�ا ت� ا �ل��ا ا �ل��م�ك��ش�� ا ��لت� ��ش��م� ��ع�� مئ��ا ت� ال�لا � �م� ن ا �ل��ق��ط �لا ب وي ي � ج و ر و ي� ل ب� � � ع إ أ ن أ ة ن ة قت ت ة ة � � �ه�م��ت��ه�ا �ع�ظ��م�� ا �ل��س�� ل��لت��ا �خ ا �ل�ح�ض��ا � ال� ��ص�ا د � ��س�ت��حق ��ا �ل��ف��ع� د ا ��س�� ع��لم�� م� ن � ي � ي ب ب ري� � ر ي� و إ � ي� و � ب ل ر �ي � ن ظ آث ة �م��ور ال� ��ا ر ا � �ل�ك�لا ��سي��كي��.

Personal Note

Particularly due to Mohamed el-Bialy’s dedication it was possible for the Austrian Archaeological Institute to conduct archaeological fundamental research in Upper Egypt. The collaboration of various archaeological disciplines such as Egyptology and Classical Archaeology but also the application of modern interdisciplinary methods is a trend-setting path that we must continue on together.

Introduction

The city archaeology project in Syene/Aswan is carried out by the Swiss Institute of Architectural and Archaeological Research on Ancient Egypt in Cairo in cooperation with the Ministry of State for Antiquities under the direction of Cornelius von Pilgrim and Mohamed el-Bialy. This project led to the excavation of settlement layers from the 6th through 3rd century BCE1 that resulted in many fundamental new discoveries regarding the relationship between Upper Egypt and Greek culture. The basis of the study is the material culture of the inhabitants of Upper Egypt of this time. They exhibit strong autochthonous Egyptian traits but they cannot conceal their ties to the Mediterranean. These include pottery imports that reached the trade and border town of Syene along the 1st cataract since the late Archaic period. This contribution deals with the Greek pottery from the late Archaic to the Hellenistic period that was not produced in Egypt but instead a variety of production centers in the Mediterranean supplied Upper Egypt. The precise identification of origin is only possible in a couple of cases partly because archaeometric analyses are lacking. The vessels dated to the Classical period probably come from Athens based on such criteria as shape, clay and quality. By the early Hellenistic period at the latest other production centers must be considered. To date only a total of about 40 fragments2 could be definitively identified as Mediterranean imports which is an insignificant percentage of the entire pottery assemblage that comprises a couple 100 000 pieces. Nevertheless their importance for cultural and commercial history is great and warrants a scientific study from the perspective of classical archaeology.

1 Worth mentioning are particularly the inner-city areas 13 as well as 15 that were excavated by C. v. Pilgrim and W. Müller. I am thankful to both colleagues for the transferal of the material and publication permission. I am also indebted to B. Beck-Brandt, N. Gail, M. Kerschner, N. Math, L. Rembart as well as H. Schwaiger. I am grateful to N. Steskal-High for translating the German version of this article. On area 13 cf. von Pilgrim et al., “The Town of Syene. Report on the 3rd and 4th Season in Aswan,” MDAIK 62 (2006), 215–277. On area 15 cf. von Pilgrim et al., “The Town of Syene. Report on the 5th and 6th Season in Aswan,” MDAIK 64 (2008), 305–356; Müller, “Domestic Structures,” 429–448; W. Müller, “Urbanism in Graeco- Roman Egypt,” in Cities and Urbanism in Ancient Egypt, ed. W. Bietak, E. Czerny & I. Forstner- Müller (Wien, 2010), 217–256. An initial overview of the find material in area 15 cf. Ladstätter “Keramische Fundkomplexe aus Areal 15,” 449–473. 2 These include a couple insignificant wall- and handle fragments that will not be further discussed here. 134 Ladstätter

Black-figure Pottery

A wall fragment of a shoulder lekythos3 dates to the third quarter of the 6th century—this is the 26th dynastic in Egypt and the late-Archaic period in the Greek cultural sphere—and is decorated with black-figure ornamentation in two bands (Nr. 1). A kneeling archer is depicted on the shoulder dressed in a short chiton. The preserved pointed chin area suggests either a beard or a lion cap. The archer is holding the taut bow in his right hand and the quiver on his shoulder, the left hand is stretched up. A dog is running towards the archer and appears to have been shot in his front paw by an arrow. A secure interpretation of the depiction is not easy due to its fragmentary state of preservation. Possibly we can identify the archer as Heracles accomplishing one of his heroic feats.4 The depiction of Heracles during his fight with the Nemean Lion,5 the hydra6 as well as the Stymphalian birds7 has been iconographically established but these scenes can be eliminated in the interpretation of the image in question. It is more likely that it is his tenth labor when Heracles steals the cattle of the giant Geryon. According to the conventional form of representation, Heracles aims his arrow at the giant and the cattle herder Eurytion while the two-headed guard dog Orthros dies on the ground, already wounded by an arrow.8 Theoretically the image might also depict Heracles with the hellhound Cerberus. But since the god Hades requested that he must overcome Cerberus without weapons, this episode can be eliminated as a model for this image.9 The shoulder of the Lekythos is separated from the body by a red line that is also the baseline of the shoulder decoration. On the body the remains of a winged figure, probably a Siren, are depicted. A head turned to the right with incised internal details and wings to the right and left of it are clearly visible.10 Due to the small size of the fragment the complete composition of the decoration of the main zone cannot be reconstructed. Black figure shoulder

3 On the shape cf. M.B. Moore, M.Z.P. Philippides, Attic Black-Figured Pottery, (Princeton, 1986), Nr. 813; C.H.E. Haspels, Attic Black-Figured Lekythoi (Paris, 1936), 7–23. 4 On the bow-shooting Heracles cf. LIMC IV (1988) 779 f. with Nr. 1066–1071 s.v. Herakles (J. Boardman, O. Palagia, S. Woodford). 5 LIMC V (1990) 33 with Nr. 1890 s. v. Herakles (W. Felten). 6 LIMC V (1990) Nr. 2038 s. v. Herakles (G. Kokkorou-Alewras). 7 LIMC V (1990) Nr. 2245–2250 s. v. Herakles (S. Woodford). 8 LIMC V (19990) Nr. 2464. 2470. 2472 s. v. Herakles (P. Brize). 9 LIMC V (1990) 85–100 s. v. Herakles (V. Smallwood) does not know of any depiction of Heracles shooting a bow with Cerberus. 10 On this type of Siren cf. K. Vierneisel, B. Kaeser (ed.), Kunst der Schale, Kultur des Trinkens (Munich, 1992), type 10.14 and 10.15 (S. 88). Greek Pottery from Syene 135 lekythoi of this type were particularly popular in the third quarter of the 6th century. The shoulder was frequently used as a decorative zone for figural compositions, including many labors of Heracles,11 but the quality of the fragment from Syene is extraordinary and might be accredited to the painter of the Nicosia Olpe.12 The second black-figure fragment (Nr. 2) belongs to a high-quality little-master cup of the third quarter of the 6th century.13 Part of a handle palmette as well as a human crus and foot are preserved on this small wall fragment. The decoration is located—as is typical for band cups—in the area of the handle and the area bellow the handle is painted entirely black with the exception of a plain surface band. This image cannot be exactly identified due to the small size of the preserved fragment. The human figure could be a warrior14 as well as a runner.15 Shoulder lekythoi and small-master cups of the late 6th century are not a rarity in Egypt16 but there was no evidence for them in Upper Egypt. The fragments from Syene presented here refute the assumption that the import of Greek black figure pottery was limited to the Delta and the Fayum. The fragment of a second black-figure lekythos (Nr. 3) belongs to a shape that was common in the first half of the 5th century.17 The cylindrical body of the vessel as well as the large and sometimes careless application of palmettes in the main decorative zone was characteristic. The lower half of the vessel has been preserved but without the attached ring foot. A sketchily painted grille—a known motive on white-ground lekythoi18—can be observed above a black zone and above that a large palmette. A palmette décor covering most of the surface can be added; such palmettes often embellished white-ground lekythoi19 and also appear in these variations in Egypt.20 Two other rim fragments (Nr. 4–5) also belong to lekythoi and could be dated to the 5th century.

11 Haspels, Lekythoi, 34. 12 Haspels, Lekythoi, 34. I am thankful to T. Mannack, Beazley Archive Oxford, for this information. 13 Moore, Philippides, Attic Black-Figured, Nr. 1708. 14 Vierneisel, Kaeser, Kunst der Schale, type 14.7a (p. 116). 15 Vierneisel, Kaeser, Kunst der Schale, type 18.6 (p. 133). 16 Particularly in Naukratis: D. Piekarski, Die Keramik aus Naukratis im Akademischen Kunstmuseum in Bonn (Wiesbaden, 2001), 37. 17 Moore, Philippides, Attic Black-Figured, Nr. 1181–1237. 18 Defernez, Tell el-Herr, pl. 33, 97a–j; Haspels, Lekythoi, pl. 50, 4. 19 Haspels, Lekythoi, pl. 36, 5. 20 Defernez, Tell el-Herr, pl. 33, 96. On the dispersion in Egypt cf. id., 193–196. 136 Ladstätter

Red-figure Pottery

Two small bulbous lekythoi are decorated in red-figure from the late 5th century. On one neck-shoulder-fragment (Nr. 6) the profile of a female figure with a hair knot is visible. Despite its poor state of preservation and the partially flaked off surface garment folds can be recognized cascading from the shoulder. This must therefore be identified as a seated or standing figure turned to the right.21 Additional morphological details must also be pointed out such as the attached neck that is further accented by a fine indentation, and the bulbous body but also the high-quality black coat with a metallic sheen. These are characteristics of a group of pots that were developed during the second half of the 5th century and were very popular long into the first decade of the 4th century.22 Another red-figure lekythos (Nr. 7) belongs to the same group. The bottom of the jug has been preserved. The surface has also flaked off on this piece due to the soil so that only the outline of the image is visible. Nevertheless a thematic classification is possible: it is a lying animal, probably a wild cat or a hind; the patterned fur can be clearly recognized.23 Further fragments can also be identified as small bulbous lekythoi, including an undecorated base-body-fragment (Nr. 8),24 a rim fragment (Nr. 9), a handle fragment (Nr. 10) and a wall fragment with a plain surface band on the body (Nr. 11). The latter is a subgroup of the bulbous attic lekythoi of the late 5th century.25 A third variation is possibly represented by a wall fragment in the find material; it is the stamp-decorated lekythos (Nr. 12). It is impossible to definitively identify the rim- and handle fragments in single cases. The small bulbous lekythoi were a main export article of the attic pottery industry during the late Classical period. This can be seen through the wide export radius but also through the relatively large find quantities. They were also very popular in Egypt26 and were even imitated in the country—although in smaller

21 M.B. Moore, Attic Red-figured and white-ground pottery (Princeton, 1997), Nr. 938 and 952. 22 Moore, Red-figured and white-ground, 47. 23 Moore, Red-figured and white-ground, Nr. 973 and 974. On the animals: CVA Wien (5) IV 3768 pl. 53, 4 with p. 86 f. and numerous parallels. Cf. also the example from Alexandria: Ägyptens versunkene Schätze, Ausstellung Bonn (Munich, 2007), Nr. 398. 24 B.A. Sparkes, L. Talcott, Black and Plain Pottery of the 6th, 5th and 4th century BC (Princeton, 1970), Nr. 1137. 25 Sparkes, Talcott, Black and Plain Pottery, Nr. 1123–1128. 26 Defernez, “Le poids de l’orientalisation et de l’Hellénisation,” 239 with further find spots. S. Marchand, “La céramique du IVe siècle av. J.-C. découverte à Tebtynis,” Cahiers de la Céramique Égyptienne 4 (1996), 171–188, fig. 10; D. Redford, Excavations at Mendes 1. The Royal Necropolis (Leiden, 2004), pl. T, 9–11. On bulbous small lekythoi with striped decoration and Greek Pottery from Syene 137 quantities.27 Four lekythoi of this type must be pointed out that were discovered in Elephantine and can be very well compared to the pieces from Syene.28

Black Gloss Pottery with and without Stamped Decoration

Contemporary with the red-figure lekythoi there are also some vessels with stamped decoration that continue into the first decades of the 4th century. The small wall fragment (Nr. 12) has already been mentioned that can either be included in this group29 or identified as a Kantharos30 based on the extreme curvature of the vessel. Two small and finely cut, intertwined palmettes as well as the remainder of a row of egg-and-dart are still preserved.31 The base of an amphoriskos (Nr. 13) can be clearly identified typologically with its double molded button base. The decoration follows the usual pattern for this group with a meander band that divides the jug in two parts a bit below the middle of the body. Above and below the meander are palmettes but only the inverted row remains while the upper row of palmettes has broken off.32 The production of the stamped amphoriskoi began around 430 BCE and continued on into the early 4th century.33 The third base-wall fragment with fine stamping comes from a rilled rim plate (Nr. 14). Characteristics for the typological classification are the thin wall as well as the clearly offset wall on the inside—features typical for plates of the

smooth in Egypt: Defernez, Tell el-Herr, pl. 57, 167–168; pl. 76, 223a–224e. On the red-figure lekythoi in Egypt: id., pl. 77, 225a–227. Cf. also P. Ballet, A. Południkiewicz, Tebtynis 5. La céramique des époques hellénistique et impériale (Cairo, 2012), 186 pl. 93, 808 (is identified as a non-attic import of the late 4th/early 3rd century). 27 Marchand, “Le maintien de la tradition pharaonique,” 251 fig. 15 a–b. Redford, Excavations at Mendes, 12 pl. T, 12: macroscopically appears to be a Greek classified lekythos but the NAA-analysis has proven its Egyptian origin. 28 D. Aston, Pottery from the late New Kingdom to the early Ptolemaic period, Elephantine 19 (Mainz, 1999), pl. 97, 2287. 2288. 2554; Andraschko, Schmidt, “Orientalen und Griechen in Ägypten,” fig. 1, 2. 29 Catalogo del Museo Nazionale Archeologico di Taranto (Tarento, 1997), 309 Nr. 93.2. 30 Sparkes, Talcott, Black and Plain Pottery, 115 f. fig. 7, 633. 31 Cf. the combination of palmettes and egg-and-dart rows by Sparkes, Talcott, Black and Plain Pottery, pl. 47, 209. 219. 633. 637. 1198. 32 Sparkes, Talcott, Black and Plain Pottery, pl. 48, 1153. A possible exact parallel is known from Tell el-Herr: Defernez, “Le poids de l’orientalisation et de l’Hellénisation,” pl. 56, 163. 33 Sparkes, Talcott, Black and Plain Pottery, 156. 138 Ladstätter late 5th century.34 The stamped decoration though is somewhat unusual in its details: the band of palmettes does conform to the usual decoration but generally two other bands of single heart-shaped stamps join them on the inside. No exact parallels could be found for this décor composition. The attic gloss ware from Syene decorated with stamps dates to the last quarter of the 5th century or shortly after and was used contemporaneously with the red-figure lekythoi. It must be stated though that stamped black gloss pottery from Egypt has only been published in isolated cases35 and the overall picture has very likely been skewed by the generally poor state of publication. A plate with incurving rim (Nr. 15) is decorated on the interior of the base with fine but poorly preserved palmettes within two rouletted circles. This type was already developed in the Classical period but was quite popular during the Hellenistic period.36 Due to the small lip diameter as well as other formal details the present example very likely belongs to the late Classical-early Hellenistic period and probably dates to the 4th century.37 Comparable examples found in Egypt come from Alexandria38 but are also known from Naukratis,39 Tell-el- Balamun40 or Tell el-Herr.41 The production of fish plates began already in the 5th century42 but did not reach its zenith until the Hellenistic period.43 Due to the insignificant rim fragment (Nr. 16) it is not possible to clearly classify it typologically. The flat and straight profile is characteristic of variations of the late 4th and early 3rd century BCE44 a time period that is suggested for the piece at hand. By the 3rd century at the latest, the shape of the fish plate was adopted locally and produced in Egypt.45

34 Sparkes, Talcott, Black and Plain Pottery, 146. 35 Defernez, Tell el-Herr, pl. 56, 163–166. 36 Sparkes, Talcott, Black and Plain Pottery, 147. 37 S. Rotroff, Hellenistic Pottery. Athenian and imported wheelmade table ware and related material (Princeton, 1997), fig. 46–47. 38 Morel, “Observations,” fig. 1, 17. 39 Coulson, Naukratis 2, 20 fig. 8, 1327. 40 A.J. Spencer, Excavations at Tell El-Balamun, 1991–1994 (London, 1996), 73 pl. 51, 12. 41 D. Valbelle (ed.), Tell el-Herr. Les niveaux hellénistiques et du Haut-Empire (Paris, 2007), fig. 33, 39. 42 Sparkes, Talcott, Black and Plain Pottery, 147. 43 Rotroff, Hellenistic Pottery, 146–149. 44 Rotroff, Hellenistic Pottery, pl. 50, 712. 45 P. Ballet, Céramiques hellénistiques et romaines d’Égypte à la période hellénistique, in P. Lévêque, J.-P. Morel (ed.), Céramiques Hellénistique et Romaines III (Lyon, 2001), 104–144. Greek Pottery from Syene 139

A base fragment of high quality is decorated with roulette on the interior (Nr. 17). Comparable feet can be found on bowls with inverted or with overhanging rims, particularly during the 4th century.46 Dating the present fragment to this time period is probably fair. A rim fragment (Nr. 18) belongs to the group of bowls with overhanging rims. This piece probably dates to the 4th century based on its curved shape and thicker, slightly overhanging lip.47 The spectrum of attic or atticizing black gloss pottery is rounded off by two rim fragments that are quite likely west-slope amphorae48 (Nr. 19–20) that cannot be further identified typologically. The type of decoration of the vessels is not evident either. These two fragments from Syene must probably be dated to the first half of the 3rd century BCE. Nr. 19 can be clearly assigned to Athens while Nr. 20 could also be of south-Italian origin and thus segue over to Gnathia-pottery.

Gnathia Pottery

Five fragments (Nr. 21–25) can be identified as examples of Gnathia pottery. They are all either loop-handle or cup-skypoi49 that were used as drinking vessels. The hemispherical body of the vessel is decorated with vertical ribs while the smooth rim areas are embellished with painted decoration. The lip is slightly out-turned and the usually profiled, high foot is offset from the body.50 The vessels have a shiny black gloss although the lower part of the body and the foot can also retain its plain-surface, as by Nr. 25. A typical design feature of the Gnathia pottery is the decoration on the rim of a cup that is applied in white, yellow and sometimes red color. Exact parallels for the motifs of the three rim examples from Syene can be quickly found in the published repertoire of the Gnathia-pottery from Southern Italy and Egypt itself. The motifs

46 Sparkes, Talcott, Black and Plain Pottery, fig. 8, 806. 808; Rotroff, Hellenistic Pottery, fig. 59, 866–870 (bowls with overhanging rim); Sparkes, Talcott, Black and Plain Pottery, fig. 8, 832; Rotroff, Hellenistic Pottery, fig. 62, 967 (bowls with inverted rim). 47 Sparkes, Talcott, Black and Plain Pottery, fig. 8, 808; Rotroff, Hellenistic Pottery, fig. 59, 870. 48 For the definition, cf. Rotroff, Hellenistic Pottery, 120–122. 49 On the inconsistent nomenclature, cf. E. Lanza Catti, La ceramic ›di Gnathia‹ al Museo Nazionale Jatta di Ruvo di Puglia (Rome, 2008), 23 fig. 4. 50 On the vessel type cf. Catalogo del Museo Nazionale Archaeologico di Taranto (Taranto, 1994), fig. 185, type skyphos B1. 140 Ladstätter include a curved (palm?) leaf,51 a horizontal leaf52 and a tendril.53 It is quite likely that these are examples of the so-called Alexandria group, a latter series of Gnathia production.54 Gnathia pottery was produced after the mid-4th century BCE. The specific and colorful décor is characteristic for this ware and incision techniques are used alongside the painting. The colors white and yellow dominate but red, green and brown were also used. The main production center was situated without a doubt in Taranto but additional production centers probably also existed. Whether Gnathia pottery was also produced in Egypt is still disputed.55 Based on the clay consistency of the fragments from Syene an Egyptian origin can be excluded and we can assume that they are instead imports from Taranto.56 The height of the production of south Italian Gnathia pottery was in the late 4th and 3rd century but we must consider that it continued on into the early 2nd century.57 The Alexandria-group belongs to a later

51 E. de Juliis, D. Loiacono, Taranto. Il museo archeologico (Tarento, 1985), 451 Nr. 548; P.M. Kenrick, Excavations at Sidi Khrebis, Benghazi (Berenice) III.1: The Fine Pottery (Oxford, 1985), B98.2. 52 J.R. Green, “From Taranto to Alexandria,” in Trade, contact, and the movement of peoples in the Eastern Mediterranean. Studies in Honour of J.B. Hennessy, ed. S. Bourke, J.-P. Descoeudres (Sydney, 1995), pl. 18, 2; Morel, “Observations,” pl. 67, 5; Kenrick, Sidi Khrebis, B98.5; J.W. Hayes, Greek and Italian Black-Gloss Wares and related Wares in the Royal Ontario Museum. A Catalogue (Toronto, 1984), Nr. 258. 260 (back); E. Delange (ed.), Les fouilles francaises d’Éléphantine (Assouan) 1906–1911. Les archives Clermont-Ganneau et Clédat (Paris, 2012), Nr. 907. 53 Green, “From Taranto to Alexandria,” pl. 18, 6; CVA Tarent (3) pl. 20, 2; Kenrick, Sidi Khrebis, B98.4; J.W. Hayes, Greek and Italian Black-Gloss Wares, Nr. 254. 259. 260 (front). 54 Definition: Morel, “Observations,” 372. 55 Summary of scholarship: A. Alexandropoulou, Gnathia- und Westabhangkeramik. Eine vergleichende Betrachtung (Münster, 2002), 196 f. M. Pfrommer, “Roots and Contacts: Aspects of Alexandrian Craftsmanship,” in Alexandria and Alexandrianism. Symposium Getty Museum Malibu 1993 (Malibu, 1996), 180 f. associates the distribution of Gnathia pottery in the eastern Mediterranean with the area of influence of the Ptolemies. The lack of Gnathia pottery on Cyprus as well as Rhodes contradicts this argument. Cf. J.R. Green, “Gnathia and Other Overpainted Wares of Italy and Sicily. A Survey,” in Céramiques Hellénistiques et Romaines III, ed. P. Lévêque & J.-P. Morel (Paris, 2001), 71. Cautious also J.-P. Morel, “Taranto nel Mediterraneo in epoca ellenistica,” in Atti del 41. convegno di studi sulla Magna Grecia, Taranto 2001 (Tarento, 2002), 552. 56 This observation is also mentioned by J.R. Green for the Alexandrian pieces: Green, “From Taranto to Alexandria,” 273. 57 Lanza Catti, La ceramic ›di Gnathia‹, 27; Alexandropoulou, Gnathia- und Westabhangkeramik, 4. Greek Pottery from Syene 141 production series and began in the first quarter of the 3rd century and was probably produced to the middle of the century58 but probably lasted to the early 2nd century.59 An exact chronological classification has not been possible so far since the find circumstances—particularly in Egypt—have not been extremely useful. The majority of the pieces either come from old excavations or from disturbed contexts. For three of the examples from Syene new chronological criteria can be suggested: Nr. 22 comes from a layer from the first half of the 3rd century60 while Nr. 23 and 24 were discovered in layers of the first half of the 2nd century.61 The find situation proposed here supports the hypothesis that the skypoi existed into the 2nd century.62 The later Gnathia pottery imported from the area of Taranto was particularly popular in Egypt63 and Alexandria is thought to have been the main importer to the eastern Mediterranean. The Egyptian metropolis did not only have close cultural and commercial contacts with southern Italy64 but in the course of the 3rd century it was also the destination of west-Greek immigrants.65 It cannot be ruled out that the increase in Gnathia pottery in Egypt is not connected with immigrated groups of people who brought along drinking and table ware according to their own taste to their new home and retained their customs and practices long after their settlement. The Greek symposion required fine serv- ing- and drinking wares that could be provided through import or local production. But Egypt also has a long tradition of colorfully painted pottery. The Gnathia vessels could have also matched the taste of the indigenous people. In any case Alexandria played an import role in the distribution of Gnathia pottery in Egypt where it was discovered on numerous sites66 including Athribis,67

58 Green, “Gnathia and Other Overpainted Wares,” 75. 59 M.M. Jackson, “Jewellery evidence and the lowering of south Italian ceramic chronology,” Ancient East and West 3/2 (2004), 291 summarizes the scholarship. 60 Stratum h1: Müller, “Domestic Structures,” 434. 61 Stratum e-f: Müller, “Domestic Structures,” 434. 62 Kenrick, Sidi Khrebis, 68. 63 Green, “Gnathia and Other Overpainted Wares,” 70. On the necropolis of Sciatbi cf. E. Breccia, La Necropoli di Sciatbi. Catalogue général des Antiquités Égyptiennes (Musée d’Alexandrie) (Cairo, 1912), pl. 81, 277–279; 82, 281–292. 64 Morel, “Taranto nel Mediterraneo,” 552. 65 Green, “Gnathia and Other Overpainted Wares,” 71. 66 Cf. the distribution map by Alexandropoulou, Gnathia- und Westabhangkeramik, fig. 50. 67 K. Myśliwiec, “Researches on Hellenistic Pottery from Athribis (Lower Egypt),” in: E’ Επιστημονική συνάντηση για την ελληνιστική κεραμική, Χανια 1997 (Athens, 2000), 253–258 pl. 130, c. 142 Ladstätter

Naukratis,68 Memphis69 and possibly also Bubastis.70 Another fragment was discovered during the early French excavations in Elephantine.71 The five fragments from Syene and the piece from Elephantine do not simply expand our find spectrum from a quantitative view point—they are an important record that the distribution of wares extended to the southern border of the Greek area of influence.

Pottery of the Ivy Platter Group

Two fragments of a large platter (Nr. 26) are examples of the so-called Ivy Platter group that were widely disbursed in the eastern Mediterranean during the 3rd as well as first half of the 2nd century72 but its production site has not yet been identified. The decoration on the interior is eponymous for the ware and consists of a thick ivy garland painted in white on a black background. The piece from Syene is captivating due to the quality of the clay, the gloss and decoration. Based on the clay composition we must assume that the origin was not Egypt. Alexandria can probably be eliminated as the production center;73 due to the find density an origin can be suggested from south-eastern Turkey or the coastal region of Lebanon or Syria.74

Lamps

The three lamps (Nr. 27–29) are also very likely Mediterranean imports. The almost complete example (Nr. 27) must be highlighted and it can be classified as a wheel-made round shoulder lamp.75 The round, curved body is characteristic

68 Green, “From Taranto to Alexandria,” 271; Piekarski, Die Keramik aus Naukratis, 52 f. Coulson, Naukratis 2, pl. 11, 4. 69 Green, “From Taranto to Alexandria,” 271. 70 Morel, “Taranto nel Mediterraneo,” 550. 71 Delange, Les archives Clermont-Ganneau et Clédat, 361, Nr. 907. 72 S. Rotroff, “West Slope in the East,” in Céramiques hellénistiques et romaines. Productions et diffusion en Méditerranée orientale (Chypre, Égypte et côte syro-palestinienne), ed. F. Blondé, P. Ballet & J.-F. Salles (Lyon, 2002), distribution list: 107 f. Further find spotes: L. Zoroğlu, “Hellenistic Pottery from Kelenderis,” in ΣΤ‘ Επιστημονική συνάντηση για την ελληνιστική κεραμική Bολος 2000 (Athens, 2004), pl. 107, 2. 4; 111, Nr. b and d. 73 Morel, “Observations,” 372 pl. 67, 8. 74 Rotroff, “West Slope,” 101. 75 I. Scheibler, Griechische Lampen, Kerameikos 11 (Berlin, 1976), 26 f. Typ RSL 4, Nr. 114 and 116 Greek Pottery from Syene 143 as is the convex rim offset by a groove. On the side a knob with a hole is joined to the body, the separately worked, long nozzle is slightly convex and soot marks surround the hole for the wick. The thin wall of the base elimi- nates an attic origin and instead we must assume an eastern Mediterranean76 possibly Rhodian origin. This is suggested by the similarities with lamps from Rhodes itself77 as well as with those from Alexandria that are designated as the Rhodian group.78 The possibility of an Egyptian imitation cannot be completely eliminated as it is also known from Alexandria.79 Based on comparanda from the Mediterranean the lamps from Syene can be dated to the first half of the 3rd century or around the middle of the century. The remaining base fragments (Nr. 28–29) also originate from wheel-made lamps but their exact type cannot be determined. Based on shape typological similarities to Nr. 27 these examples can also be generally dated to the 3rd century.

Conclusion

The finds presented here for the first time prove that the 1st cataract region and in particular Syene was supplied with Greek pottery products by the third quarter of the 6th century at the latest. Since the deeper layers, particularly in area 15, could not be reached during the city excavations due to the ground water levels, it is not possible to exclude that the import of Mediterranean fine wares didn’t take place earlier.80 The limited quantity of fragments naturally restricts the amount of conclusions possible from the material but the imports appear to have been consistent even during the 5th century. Attic or atticizing gloss ware increases in the late 5th and the early 4th century when in particular red-figure as well as stamped lekythoi and amphoriskoi reached the upper

76 On the thin walls of the eastern Mediterranean round shoulder lamps cf. V. Mitsopoulos- Leon, “Die Lampen,” in Die Basilika am Staatsmarkt in Ephesos. 2. Teil: Funde klassischer bis römischer Zeit, FiE 9, 2, 3, ed. V. Mitsopoulos-Leon & C. Lang-Auinger (Wien, 2007), 68. 77 D.M. Bailey, A catalogue of the lamps in the British Museum I. Greek, Hellenistic, and Early Roman Pottery Lamps (London, 1975), Q 380–381. 78 F. Blondé, “Lampes tournées hellénistiques du musée Gréco-romain d’Alexandrie: Problèmes et Méthode,” in Commerce et artisanat dans l’Alexandrie hellénistique et romaine, ed. J.-Y. Empereur (Paris, 1998), 309. 79 C. Georges, “Les Lampes,” in Nécropolis I, Études Alexandrines 5, ed. J.-Y. Empereur & M.-D. Nenna (Cairo, 2001), Nr. 3. 80 Summary: A. Villing, U. Schlotzhauer (ed.), Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt. Studies on East Greek Pottery and Exchange in the Eastern Mediterranean (London, 2006). 144 Ladstätter

Egyptian trade center.81 This observation is also supported by the analysis of the amphora finds that verify the marked increase in imports in the afore- mentioned time period. In the Hellenistic period the expansion of the shape repertoire can be distinguished as well as the supply of different production centers.82 Starting in the 3rd century a regional production of gloss wares is established in Egypt that adopts the Greek shapes and decoration and is also connected with technological innovations during the production processes.83 Particularly for the Archaic and Classical period the provenance of the fragments presented here must be presumed to have originated in Athens. In the Hellenistic period we can posit that multiple production centers existed that supplied Upper Egypt. The south Italian Taranto could be clearly identified; the lamps appear to come from the island of Rhodes and the possible origin of the platters decorated with vine tendrils was suggested to be either south- eastern Turkey or the Syrian-Lebanese coastal region. Various fragments presented here come from the living quarters of the city Syene. The oldest excavated layers in area 15 are associated with military presence and the location is interpreted as a possible garrison.84 In the younger phases the area was used for generously laid out residential buildings with specific features such as utility rooms or also baths.85 If we consider the spectrum of shapes then oil jugs definitely dominate in the Archaic-Classical period, especially lekythoi that were used in the house, in the funerary cult but also for daily personal care. Particularly the small, bulbous lekythoi were prominent in the present find spectrum and were deemed as typical toilet vessels of Greek women. In contrast the small-master cups as well as the bowls, cups, plates and platters are considered as symposion dishes. Lamps were used for the production of light but were also a favored grave good. The limited quantity suggests that the Greek fine wares in Syene from the Archaic-Classical period cannot be considered as an expression of regular trade

81 F.M. Andraschko, K. Schmidt, “Orientalen und Griechen in Ägypten. Ausgrabungen auf Elephantine,” in Archäologische Studien in Kontaktzonen der antiken Welt, ed. R. Rolle & K. Schmidt (Göttingen, 1998), 54. 82 S.C. Herbert, A. Berlin (ed.), Excavations at Coptos (Qift) in Upper Egypt (Portsmouth 2003), 63. 83 In the case of Syene: S. Ladstätter, “Keramische Fundkomplexe aus Areal 15 der Stadtgrabung Syene/Aswan,” in Städtisches Wohnen im östlichen Mittelmeerraum, 4. Jh. v. Chr.–1. Jh. n. Chr., ed. S. Ladstätter & V. Scheibelreiter (Wien, 2010), 449–473. 84 W. Müller, “Domestic Structures in Graeco-Roman Syene (modern Aswan),” in Städtisches Wohnen im östlichen Mittelmeerraum, 4. Jh. v. Chr.–1. Jh. n. Chr., ed. S. Ladstätter & V. Scheibelreiter (Wien, 2010), 431. 85 Müller, “Domestic Structures,” 433–436. Greek Pottery from Syene 145 relationships between Upper Egypt and the Mediterranean although the city was known for its commercial activity.86 Instead the vessels must be considered either as exotic souvenirs and presents or as the property of Greek settlers that still retained their customs and conventions in a foreign environment. Traders must be taken into account but the value of the military for the transfer of goods and also culture must not be underestimated. Herodotus mentions a Persian garrison with Greek mercenaries in Elephantine after the late 6th century BCE87 and Greek personal names are frequently attested in papyri from the late 4th and early 3rd century.88 A very interesting source is a marriage contract written on a papyrus from Elephantine dated to August/September 310 BCE. While the bride is Coan, the witnesses come from Temnus, the Cyrenaica, Cos and from Gela.89 Hence Western Greeks are literarily attested in Upper Egypt. The sources are somewhat sparser for Syene. A phrourion as well as a phrouarchy are first mentioned after the mid-2nd century and approximately contemporaneously the names of Greek soldiers occur.90 There is no doubt that Greek mercenaries were stationed at the 1st cataract since the late-Archaic period and thus created a market for Greek products that were gladly supplied by traders. For more than 200 years the Greek products barely influenced the local pottery production and thus we only find isolated Egyptian imitations of the bulbous lekythoi for example.91 Sales, circulation and use were consequently restricted to the Greek groups without being adopted by the local Egyptian population.92 This situation only changed in the Hellenistic period when

86 J. Locher, Topographie und Geschichte der Region am ersten Nilkatarakt in griechisch- römischer Zeit (Leipzig, 1999), 61. 87 Hdt. 2, 30, 3. 88 Locher, Topographie und Geschichte, 24 f. 89 http://www.kchanson.com/ancdocs/greek/elephmarr.html. I am thankful to N. Steskal- High for this information. 90 Locher, Topographie und Geschichte, 82. 91 P. Ballet, “Les productions céramiques d’Égypte à la période hellénistique. Les indices de l’hellenisation,” in Céramiques hellénistiques et romaines. Productions et diffusion en Méditerranée orientale (Chypre, Égypte et côte syro-palestinienne), ed. F. Blondé, P. Ballet, J.-F. Salles (Lyon, 2002), 87. 92 C. Defernez, “Le poids de l’orientalisation et de l’Hellénisation au travers des échanges et des productions céramiques dans l’angle nord-est du delta Égyptien,” in Céramiques hellé- nistiques et romaines. Productions et diffusion en Méditerranée orientale (Chypre, Égypte et côte syro-palestinienne), ed. F. Blondé, P. Ballet, J.-F. Salles (Lyon, 2002), 244; S. Marchand, “Le maintien de la tradition pharaonique pour les productions des céramiques dates de l’époque ptolémaique en Égypte,” in Céramiques hellénistiques et romaines. Productions et diffusion en Méditerranée orientale (Chypre, Égypte et côte syro-palestinienne), ed. F. Blondé, P. Ballet, J.-F. Salles (Lyon, 2002), 247. 146 Ladstätter individuals in various regions of Egypt began to produce table wares according to Greek prototypes. The aspiring metropolis Alexandria was decisive for this development and its consumption requirements had to be fulfilled.93 In the hinterland, in close proximity to the high-quality clay deposits pottery centers developed where technological innovations were picked up and table ware was produced according to the trends. And already during the 3rd century the Hellenizing of the fine wares can be clearly recorded in other places in Egypt for example in Syene.94 Greek imports of the late 6th century are not unusual in Lower Egypt and particularly in the Delta,95 but until now they were not known in the 1st cataract region. The attic imports of the Classical period are similar;96 according to the traditional scholarship they reached the coast, the hinterland and perhaps the Fayum but only in exceptional cases Upper Egypt.97 This gap can be ascribed to the insufficient scholarship on the topic and can be bridged by this study. It is hoped that numerous other finds will follow that will refine our knowledge of Upper Egypt under Persian-Macedonian rule.

93 J.-P. Morel, “Observations sur la céramiques à vernis noir d’Alexandrie,” in: Alessandria e il Mondo Ellenistico-Romano. Atti del II Congresso Internazionale Italo-Egiziano (Rome 1995), 369. 94 This corresponds with the observations in the Delta as well as in the Fayum: Ballet, “Les productions céramiques d’Égypte,” 87. 95 J. Boardman, Kolonien und Handel der Griechen (Munich, 1981), 162 f. 96 Naukratis: W.D.E. Coulson, Ancient Naukratis 2, 1. The survey at Naukratis (Oxford, 1996), 29. 97 C. Defernez, La céramique d‘époque perse à Tell el-Herr. Étude chrono-typologique et comparative II (Lille, 2001), 352; Andraschko, Schmidt, “Orientalen und Griechen in Ägypten,” 56 f. Greek Pottery from Syene 147

Photos 1–3, 6–9, 12–15, 21–24, 26–29: © ÖAI/N. Gail; 11, 25: © Schweizerisches Institut/ A. Krause Drawings 1–29: © ÖAI/L. Rembart, S. Ladstätter, N. Math 148 Ladstätter

Photos 1–3, 6–9, 12–15, 21–24, 26–29: © ÖAI/N. Gail; 11, 25: © Schweizerisches Institut/ A. Krause Drawings 1–29: © ÖAI/L. Rembart, S. Ladstätter, N. Math Greek Pottery from Syene 149

Photos 1–3, 6–9, 12–15, 21–24, 26–29: © ÖAI/N. Gail; 11, 25: © Schweizerisches Institut/ A. Krause Drawings 1–29: © ÖAI/L. Rembart, S. Ladstätter, N. Math CHAPTER 12 Wine from Southern Gaul in Syene, the Southernmost Town of the Roman Empire

Stefanie Martin-Kilcher

Abstract ف ق ة أ ة ة ة ة � ٢٠٠٤ ع�ث� ع�� ا ع�د � ��م��ف�� م�ا ن�� م��ست�� د � �م� ن ا � غل��ا ا �ل�ن�� )ا � غل��ا ل ( مخ�ت�� م�� ـ ي� ر لى ور رو ي ور � ل ج وبي� ِي ّ�4 و ب QCA ف ن أ ف ف � د � �م� ن ا �ل�ع��ص ا �ل �م�ا � ا �ل��تم�� خ� � ا �ل��م � ا �ل��م � د � ل ا �ل�ن�� م� ن ا �ل��م�ع��د ا ��ل��ط��لم ل� �ز �� ي� ر ي�م � � ر رو ي� ري� ربع و ج و إى ج و ب � ب ب �ي� إي�ي س ي� ن ن ق ة ��س��ي� �ه )�م��ط��1(. ق ذ ف ً أق ف � ث ت � ن�� ن ا � غ ا �ل�ن � � � � ن ال ��س��كن ة�ش� ل � ل � � ا �ل�ن � ا �ق ا و��د ��ب�� و ج ود بي�� م�� ل��ا ل ج��وبي� ي� م��ص ر م�� إ� ��د ر�ي�� م�ا ا إى ��صى ج��و ب� ي� ل��و ع�د أ ن ن ة تق ة ق �� ن ق ة � ح ذ � ن ا �لرو�م�ا ��ي�� ا �ل��م��د �م�� وع��لى ا �ل��طر� �إ لى �يم��و س �هور�مو س وب�ر��ي�� ع��لى ا �ل�ب��ح رال� �مر و�ك�� ل�ك ع��د �مو��س ن أ ً ف ق ة ف ة ف ن ً ن أ ك�ا د ��ا � �� , � كل�� ن �� ض��ا � �� م��ل��ك�� م � خ��ا ال� �م�� ا ط �� ا �ل��س د ا ح�ا ��ل��ا. � ت�� خ ل و ي و س و � ي� ي� بور ي ي� روي� ر ج� إ بر وري ي� و � ي إ� ري� أ ف ة ف ة ق ف ن ف ن ن ال� �م�� ا ت� ا �ل��م��ست�� د � ا �ل��م�ع �� ط�ا ا �ل � ا ��لث��ا � �م�ن��ت��ص ا �ل��ق� ا ��لث��ا � ا �ل��م�� ا د � . ور ور رو يع ي�إ ر ربع ي� و �� ر� ي� يل ي�

Since the year 2000, the Swiss Institute of Architectural and Archaeological Research on Ancient Egypt in Cairo has carried out regular excavations and rescue excavations in Aswan, the ancient town of Syene.1 The operations have been conducted in a joint mission with the Aswan Inspectorate of the Ministry of State for Antiquities, which, for seven years, was under the direction of Mohamed el-Bialy.

1 Director C. von Pilgrim is responsible for the excavations on behalf of the Swiss Institute. From 2003–2010 the undersigned conducted the ceramic-project at the university of Berne (Switzerland) and worked on pottery from stratified contexts annually together with stu- dents. From 2003–2007 J. Wininger took care of the Berne project on-site. A publication of the most important ensembles from the 1st century BC to the 7th century AD is currently being prepared. Since 2012, after the retirement of S. Martin-Kilcher, S. Ladstätter from the Austrian Archaeological Institute, Vienna, is now in charge of the field project.—Translation of the texts Andrew K. Lawrence, University of Berne.

figure 12.1 Aswan (Syene). Base fragment of a Gauloise 4 amphora from southern Gaul, found in the quarter in Area 1, close to the temple of Isis. Scale 1:3. Drawing and picture author/S. Fünfschilling

In the excavations of the year 2004, in area 1, in the quarter to the south of the Ptolemaic temple of Isis, in a Late Roman backfill underneath House 9, the base fragment of an imported Roman amphora was discovered (fig. 12.1).2

2 Findspot FS 4-1-60-6.—I would like to thank both K.-Ch. Bruhn, the then site excavation leader, and J. Wininger, who is working on important Late Antique structures and finds, for further information regarding the find spot of the amphora. I drawed and photographed the amphora in the campaign of February 2009 together with stud. phil. D. Tretola Martinez. 152 Martin-Kilcher

The amphora consists of a light beige, when broke a light-brown beige fabric, is well fired and features a small amount of dark and light inclusions. The surface shows numerous fine cracks, indicating that the clay was quite dry before it was fired. The flat foot stands on a ring of almost 9 cm diameter. Ca. 5 cm above the foot, before firing, a stamp, either of metal or hard wood, with three embossed letters QCA was pushed in at an angle. Due to the vessel’s curve the Q is not completely visible, conversely the A is set in to far. A slip to the right, between the C and the A, shows that the stamp was applied rapidly by a right-handed person. On the flat underside of the base, a mark was engraved after firing: VI. It most probably represents the number 6, a graffito in Latin script. The flat-footed amphora in question belongs to the form Gauloise 4. These amphorae were produced in large amounts from the 3rd quarter of the 1st century up until the later 3rd century AD in southern Gaul and served as packaging for the wine produced in the large estates.3 The export of wine from southern Gaul begun from the Augustan period at the latest, but in different amphorae. The development in form of these 25–30 litre strong vessels can be followed thanks to numerous stratified contexts from the provinces in the Roman Empire.4 From the 3rd quarter of the 1st century AD up until the 3rd century AD, the form Gauloise 4 is the most common and most widespread wine amphora from southern Gaul. Parallels show that the amphora found in Syene can be dated to the 2nd quarter of the 2nd century AD. (fig. 12.2). The fine, calcareous clay from the area to the west of the lower course of the Rhone down to Narbonne has not yet been identified in one of the numerous pottery centres. However, the stamped amphorae which have been analysed seem to mainly have come—albeit bearing other stamps— from production centres and thus estates from the lower Rhone valley.5 The three letters of the stamp QCA stand for the tria nomina of the estate owner, a Roman citizen named Quintus C( ) A( ). The packaging was produced in the related pottery workshop. Up until now, over a dozen stamps have been identified.6 However, the production site or sites are still unknown. The

3 See Fanette Laubenheimer, La production des amphores en Gaule Narbonnaise sous le Haut-Empire (Paris, 1985); Fanette Laubenheimer and Anne Schmitt, Amphores vinaires de Narbonnaise. Production et grand commerce. Création d’une base de données géochimiques des ateliers (Lyon, 2009), with older bibliography. 4 Stefanie Martin-Kilcher, Die römischen Amphoren aus Augst und Kaiseraugst. Forschungen in Augst 7/2 (Augst, 1994), 351ff. fig. 136.138. 5 Laubenheimer and Schmitt, Amphores vinaires, 129f. 6 Figures with this stamp can be found in Georges Amar and Bernard Liou, “Les éstampilles sur amphores du golfe de Fos,” Archaeonautica 4 (1984), 196 plate 7; B. Liou and J.M. Gassend, “L’épave St-Gervais 3 à Fos-sur-Mer (milieu du 1er s. ap. J.-C.) Inscriptions peintes sur Wine from Southern Gaul in Syene 153

figure 12.2 Comparisons for dating. 1 flavian ( from Horath); 2 late first/beginning 2nd century (Mercin-et-Vaux); 3 mid 2nd century (Trier). Scale 1:10. Note 4. published letter shapes show that several stamps were used, contemporarily or consecutively. In each case, the stamp is applied twice, and current information suggests that they are always located above the foot. In this period, the custom of apply- ing an impressed stamp in the foot area can be found in several other examples.7

The Export Regions

The distribution of the stamp QCA gives an insight into the export regions of this wine.8 Four hail from the Golfe de Fos, the port basin to the north of Marseilles, which led directly to the fossa Mariana thus connecting the Mediterranean shipping via Arles with the Rhone. If the estate of Quintus C( ) A( ) lay to the

amphores de Bétique. Vestiges de la coque, Archaeonautica 10 (1990), 214 fig. 73; Jean-Pierre Brun, Pierre Lecacheur, Michel Pasqualini, “Les amphores du port antique de Toulon (Telo Martius),” in Les amphores en Gaule, production et circulation, ed. Fanette Laubenheimer (Paris, 1992), 130, fig. 4, 9. 7 E.g. Jean-Pierre Brun, “Amphores égyptiennes et importées dans les praesidia romains des routes de Myos Hormos et de Bérénice,” Cahiers Céramique Egyptienne 11 (2007), fig. 12. 8 The CEIPAC database (University of Barcelona) gives a quick overview. Many thanks to J. Remesal for the access to the database and to F. Laubenheimer for additional information (see Laubenheimer, La production des amphores, 432).—A further stamp comes from Ostia (here fig. 3; cited by Amar and Liou, “Les éstampilles,” 164). 154 Martin-Kilcher west of the lower Rhone valley, the exports to the north would have been shipped directly via Arles and Orange. However, productions from the western Narbonensis intended for the northern provinces travelled via Istres/Fos to the Rhone. An amphora bearing the stamp QCA from the fort of Newstead in northern Britain fits into this trade route.9 Several Gaul. 4 in the wreck of St-Gervais from the Golfe of Fos, amongst them one bearing the stamp QCA, applied likewise twice above the foot (fig. 12.3a) are of particular interest. A graffito post cocturam on the shoulder of this amphora indicates that the wine therein was used for on-board supplies. The association with other amphorae and a plate of North African origin Hayes 3 points to middle of the 2nd century. A precise date is yielded through the connection with consul-dated tituli picti of the year 149 AD on Baetican olive-oil amphorae Dressel 20 from Rome, mentioning the same merchant as on the ship St-Gervais.10 Five further stamps hail from the area of the antique harbour of Toulon, to the east of Marseilles and finally one each from Fréjus and Respeldio near Fréjus.11 The finds from the harbour of Toulon indicate a market in the Mediterranean. At first, the importation of wine during the early and mid Roman Empire to regions with their own wine-growing tradition may appear peculiar. However, in the urban centres but also in the capital Rome, there was a need and a desire for imported wine. This is why the amphora with the QCA stamp from Ostia, Rome’s harbour city, is not surprising12 (fig. 12.3b). In addition to this current market of western goods, now comes the find from Syene, the southernmost city in the Imperium Romanum located in the far-away province of Aegyptus, roughly 4000 km from the production centre. A shipwreck from southeast Cyprus also contained several amphorae Gaul. 4, which—depending on the ship’s route—were intended as exported goods

9 James Curle, Newstead. A roman frontier post and its people: the fort of Newstead in the parish of Melrose (Glasgow, 1911), 268.—On the Rhone-Rhine axis see Armand Desbat and Stefanie Martin-Kilcher, “Les amphores sur l’axe Rhône-Rhin à l’époque d’Auguste” in Anfore romane e storia economica: un decennio di ricerche. Collection Ecole Française de Rome 114 (Rome, 1989), and many other points of reference as for example in the annual proceedings of the Société Française pour l’Étude de la Céramique en Gaule SFECAG. 10 Liou and Gassen, “L’épave St-Gervais 3 à Fos-sur-Mer,” 177. 11 Laubenheimer, La production des amphores, 432; Brun et al., “Les amphores du port antique,” 129; Daniel Brentchaloff and Lucien Rivet, “Timbres amphoriques de Fréjus—2,” SFECAG, Actes congrès Saint-Romain-en-Gal 2003 (Marseille, 2003), 82. 12 Clementina Panella, “Appunti su un gruppo di anfore della prima, media e tarda età impe- riale,” in Ostia III. Studi Miscellanei 21 (Rom, 1973), fig. 264. A further example from Ostia is mentioned in Laubenheimer, La production des amphores, 432. Wine from Southern Gaul in Syene 155

figure 12.3 Parallels from the shipwreck St-Gervais 3 (1) and Ostia (2). Scale 1:3. Notes 5 and 8. 156 Martin-Kilcher for the Levant and/or Egypt.13 The ship is evidence that this wine didn’t just travel as on-board supplies but could also be transported as trade goods for foreign customers and consumers.

Wine from Southern Gaul in Egypt

Wine in Egypt from southern Gaul has been documented several times, but usually as a rarity. From Alexandria14 to the South, wine amphorae from southern Gaul have been registered in Roman outposts and on the roads to Myos Hormos and Berenike on the Red Sea,15 at Mons Claudianus likewise.16 Now Syene follows. The dating of the known imported goods falls to the 2nd quarter and the middle of the 2nd century AD. Even if Syene is the southernmost point of the wine exports of the estate of Quintus C( ) A( ), it is not the southernmost point of wine from southern Gaul on the African continent. In Syene, located before the first Nile cataract, all goods had to be reloaded and transported over land to Philae. This is the reason why Syene was also a very important transhipment centre for goods from and to the south. Precious goods from Nubia travelled via Syene into the Roman Empire, and vice versa the Nubian elite supplied themselves with Mediterranean goods necessary for a befitting holding of court. Amphorae of this kind have been discovered in several rich graves in Meroe (fig. 12.4). Their typological characteristics and accompanying finds (if datable) all point to the 2nd century AD again. These amphorae came to Nubia via Syene. The amphora from southern Gaul from the densely populated quarter around the temple of Isis in Syene (fig. 12.1) was not destined for Nubia, but there are different explanations for its presence and the Latin grafitto on the underside of the base: It could be an amphora, whose content—similar to the ship from St-Gervais—was used for provisions of a merchant or for a crewmember

13 Justin Leidwanger, “Amphoras from an early imperial shipwreck at fig tree bay, Cyprus,” Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautorum Acta 41 (2010). 14 Laubenheimer and Schmitt, Amphores vinaires, 141. 15 Brun, “Amphores égyptiennes”; the Gauloise 4 shown belongs to the middle of the 2nd century; in it’s context it was an obsolete object.—The amphora identified by Colin Hope and Anne Ross, “Imported Amphorae from Dakhleh Oasis,” Cahiers Céramique Egyptienne 11 (2007), 464 fig. 1a as a southern gaulish amphora from the Dakhla oasis is probably a Dressel 30 from Mauretania Caesariensis dating to the 3rd century AD. 16 Roberta Tomber, Mons Claudianus III. Ceramic Vessels & Related Objects (Cairo, 2006), 159f. fig. 1.63 (type 40). Wine from Southern Gaul in Syene 157

figure 12.4 Examples of Amphorae of the form Gauloise 4 from rich Meroitic graves W 106 (1) and Beg. N. 17 (2). In Beg. N. 18, a further import from the West was found, namely an amphora from Forlimpopoli in central Italy (3). All date ca. to the 2nd quarter and mid 2nd century AD. Scale 1:10.

from the West (and later re-used in town as a vessel). The amphora may also have been imported to Syene by a Roman from the West, who was on service— either in a civil or military function17—at the border town of the Roman Empire at the first cataract and whose storage cellar was stocked with Gaulish wine which—together with other imported goods in numbered vessels— guaranteed for his usual standard of living. Also in the Roman period, the river Nile, transport axis and lifeline, enabled to carry goods and people to the ends of the known world in that time.

17 See Michael P. Speidel, “Nubia’s Roman Garrison,” in Roman Army Studies 2. Mavors 8 (Stuttgart, 1992), on the garrisons in and around Syene. Many thanks to M. Reddé, Paris, for his advice. Chapter 13 Les travaux de la mission archéologique espagnole de l’Institut d’études de l’ancienne Égypte-iEAE à Deir el Bahari (Saisons 2003-2008)

Francisco J. Martín Valentín and Teresa Bedman Instituto de Estudios del Antiguo Egipto-Madrid

Abstract ق ق ة ن ذ أ ��ا �م��عه�د د ا ��س�ا ت� �م��ص ا �ل��د �م�� )�م�د ��د( �� ع�د ا د �م�ش�� س��ن��م ت� ا �ل�� د � م � ر � ر ي ري بإ روع و )TT 353( ي� ب ف أ ت ة ف ن ف � � � �ح� ت ال د ا � ا ل ش��ت��ة � �ل� �م� ن د � ا � �س�� س�ك �م�ا ت� ن ��ا �نل��ت�� ن ت� �ز ا ي� بري��ل ٢٠٠٢ � إ� ر م� رك� ك�ل � . ر � ي� و ج�. ر��ي� ي� و��يري� ن ق ت ة أ د �م�ا ��د � ��س��م ل�د � �م ا ��س �م�ن ا �ل�ح�ف��ائ� ال �ع�م�ا ا لم �ة خ� ا ا �ل��سن�� ا ت �م� ن ب�� . و إ ر م ٦ و م � ر و � ل مك��ل� ل ل و � � ٢٠٠٣ ت ذ ة ف �حت � �ع��د ا ل ش�� من�� ا ��ل��د ا �ة ع�� ا �د �ع ا ل�ا ل �ل ز ا � ا ��لث��ق�ا ��ة ال ��س��ا ن��ة �ع� ن ط �ق �ى ٢٠٠٨. إ م م� روع ب ي�� لى ل� م م ي� و� ر إ� ب ي � ري� ت ن ق ف ض ف ة ق ة �م�د � �ه�ا ا �ل�ع�ا �ل�� ص�الا ت� ا ��لت��ع�ا ا ��لث��ا � ��ال� ��ا �� ل د �ع �م��عه�د د ا ��س�ا ت� �م��ص ا �ل��د �م�� ير م لإ � و و� ي� ب إ � إى م � ر � ر ي ذ أ أ ف � � د �ع �مؤ��س��س�ا ت �م� ن ا �ل��ق�ط�ا ا �ل�خ�ا � ت� ع�ا ت � خ� � �م� ن � � ا د IEAE وك�� ل�ك م � � � ��ع ص و��بر � ر ى � ر . ق ت ف ن غ قت آ ��ا ا �ل�د �ك�� محد ا �ل��ل � �� ع�ا ٢٠٠٢ – ك�ا ��ش�� ه�ا �م�ن��ص�� م�د � ع�ا �ث��ا ا �ل�� م ور م بيي� ي� ربيع م � ي ل و � ب ير م ر بر أق ف ض ف ة ا � غل�� ال� ��ص �� ض ��ا ء ا �ل��ط�ا � ا �ل ��سم ع�� ع � ا �ل� ل��م��عه�د ن��ا � ا لم��ق�� . ر بي� ب � ر – بإ� بع ر ي� لى ر � عم�ل � ي� بر TT 353 ُ أ ف� ن � �ق ت ة � ة ��س � ت ��س ة ة ذ � ق �ي� ٨ ي�� اير ٢٠٠١ ��د �م�� ا لم��سود � ا �ل�عم�ل ال�و�لي�� ر مي��ا �ل��ل��ج��ه�ا � ا �لر مي�� ا لم��صر�ي�� و� �ل�ك ع�� ب� ن ة أ ض ق ة �م�ع�اي�� ل�ل� ر�� وا لم��ب�ر�.

* Membres de l’équipe, de 2003 à 2008 : égyptologues : Dr. Francisco J. Martín Valentín ; Teresa Bedman González ; archéologues : Isabel Prieto González ; Francisco Vivas Fernández ; architect : Luis Abad Esteban ; architects Techniques : Juan Martín Rojo ; Pilar Dávila Dávila ; ingenieur Géologue : Dr. Ayman Hamed ; photographie et documentation : Víctor Capuchio Rivero ; Noelia García Asenjo ; Jorge González García ; auxiliaires : Yago Martín Orte ; Inés- Regina Basail de Torres-Solanot, Patricia Martín Hidalgo ; informatique : Daniel López Navarrete, José Hurtado Zaragoza, Desiré Dominguez Carmona, Roberto Corralo ; traductrice : Ana Quesada Galán ; coordinnateur adjoint : Walid Badr ; inspecteurs du SCAE : Yasser Yussef Ahmed ; Abd El Rahman Ahmed Hassan ; Omar Ahmed Abuzaid ; Amru Abu el Safaa.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ��5 | doi ��.��63/9789004293458_014 Les travaux de la mission archéologique espagnole 159 ت ن ئ أ آ أ ف � نع��د �م�ا ت� ا �ل� ص ع�� ا �� ا خ�� ا �ل��ق�ا � ن��ة �م� ن ا ��ل��ن��ة ا �د ا ��ة ��لم��ل ال ع�� ثا د � � م ح��ول لى ل�ر ي��ص وي � ل�� ج ل� م ل��ج ��س � لى ل�ل �� ر ب�� ي� ن ف ف ن ف أق ق � ��م�� ا � � �مش�� س��ن�� م ت � نع��د ا �د � ا �ل��ح� � � ا �� ا � غل�� ال � ص ��د و بر ٢٠٠٣ ل�عم�ل ي� � روع �و� ل� ير ب�� ر ي� ي� ل�بر ر بي� ب�� ر. و ت ق � ��س��م ت ا ل ا ��س ا لت��ع�ا ��ة خ� ا ا �ل��سن�� ا ت إ ر� مو م م ب ل ل و � ٢٠٠٤، ٢٠٠٥، ٢٠٠٦ ، ٢٠٠٧ و ٢٠٠٨. ن ذ ف ق ف أ ث آ � ا � ا �� ت� � ا ��سط��ة �َ �ع�م� �م� ه�د د ا ��س�ا ت � ص ا �ل��ق��د ��ة � اح�د �م� ن �� ثا إ� ل�عم�ل ل� ي� م بو �� ِر� ل �ع� ر � م�� ر يم ي� و � ك�ر �� ر ف أ أ ة ة ف ة ق ف ة ت ض ا ��لن��ص� ال� ل �م� ن ال� ��س � ا ��لث�ا �من�� ع�ش�� م��ص ا �ل�ع��ل �ا دلا �ل�� د �عن� � �ص�� لا ��ا �ه �ل�ع��ل و � ر ر ي� ر ي ي� ر ى م آ أ ن ذ أ ف ق ذ ذ ف ال ثا ا ل ص �ة ال ��س��ا � � � ل �ع ض ��ا ء �َ �ع�م��لن�ا ا �� ن � �ل ا ع�� م�د � �م ا ��س � � �� ر م�� ر�ي� � ب ي� وك�� ل�ك � �� ِر� ل� ي� ب�� و – لى ى ٦ و م – ي� ة تق ق ة أ ف ض ف ن ت��ل�ك ا ��ل � ا د ا ��ل��ع��د � �ح�� ث� �� ا لم�� م�ا �ل�د ��ه�� م� ن ��ه�د �ع�م� �مت��ا . ب ل ب ي ي ع بر TT 353 �ل ي�م � ج � و ل �

L’offre faite au nôtre Institut pour y travailler sur l’hypogée TT 353, elle a été officialisée au printemps de l’an 2000 par, alors, le Directeur Général des Monuments dans la rive Ouest de Louxor, le Dr. Mohamed El Bialy. Nous devons remercier toujours au Dr. Mohamed El Bialy pour l’occasion, qu’il nous a donnée de collaborer à l’étude et la conservation des monuments pharaoniques. Qu’il peut être util, cet article, en tant qu’expression de gratitude, d’hommage et d’amitié !

Objet et développement du ‘Projet Sen-en-Mout (TT 353)’1

En 1999, l’Institut d’Études de l’Ancienne Égypte (IEAE) il fut convoqué par les autorités du Conseil Suprême des antiquités d’Égypte sur la rive Ouest de Louxor, pour prendre en charge la proposition, le développement, et mise en œuvre de plusieurs travaux relatifs à la Tombe Tebaine nº 353 de Sen-en-Mout (XVIIIéme. Dynastie) à Deir El Bahari et ses environs, y compris la soi-disant ‘maison en pierre’ qui se trouve prés de l’hypogée. Les priorités des autorités égyptiennes elles étaint la reexcavation et nettoyage des débris à l’intérieur de l’hypogée, restes qui avaient été déposées là, á cause des inondations soufferts dans la rive occidentale par la pluie qui est tombée en 1997. C’étais aussi l’intérêt des autorités égyptiennes l’excavation

1 Francisco J. Martín Valentín, Teresa Bedman, “La Misión Arqueológica española en Deir El Bahari. ‘El Proyecto Sen-en-Mut’ (Campañas 2003-2007),” in 120 años de arqueología española en Egipto (Madrid, 2009), 98-115 et 268-269) ; id. “New Considerations Regarding Senenmut’s TT353 at Deir El Bahari,” Kmt. A Modern Journal of Ancient Egypt 22, number 3 (2011), 58-79). 160 Martín Valentín and Bedman du terrain adjacent à l’entrée de la TT 353 et la consolidation des monuments qu’existent là. Tout ce, prenant en compte le caractère particulier et fragile du terrain, composé fondamentalement d’une roche fragmentable et argileuse, appelé Tafla. On avait également proposé l’exécution de travaux de génie civil pour la complète protection contre probables arrivées futures d’eau de pluie, ou de roches provenants des glissements de la montagne existente autour de l’hypogée. Avec telles prémisses, l’Institut d’études de l’Ancienne Egypte il a procédé d’élaborer un projet qui prévoyait les lignes d’action suivantes : a. La re-excavation et restauration de la TT 353 b. Le relèvement architecturale, ainsi qu’archéologique et égyptologique du monument c. L’exécution d’œuvre civile à l’extérieur de la TT 353, pour y établir solu- tions pour la protection contre la pluie et des éboulements de rochers d. L’installation à l’intérieur de la TT 353, de rampes de descente et d’élé- ments d’éclairage, conformément aux besoins et exigences plus appro- priés à la nature et à la conservation du monument e. L’enlèvement des matériaux accumulés par les fouilles successives, pro- vénants du Temple d’Hatchepsout à Deir El Bahari, aussi que l’exécution de fouilles dans la partie Ouest du plateau, à l’entrée du monument, y compris les travaux d’excavation, de consolidation et d’ultérieure documentation de la soi-disant ‘Maison de Pierre’, existant dans cet endroit.

FIGURE 13.1 Le soi-disant « carrière » et l’entrée de la TT 353 en 2000. Les travaux de la mission archéologique espagnole 161

Résultats des saisons 2003-2008

Le travail accompli par la mission archéologique du IEAE, au sein du projet Sen-en-Mout (TT 353) à Deir El Bahari, il a permis le développement d’une nouvelle documentation archéologique de l’aire de la concession, en redéfinis- sant la fonctionnalité religieuse de la TT 353, au sein de l’ensemble du ‘Temple des Millions d’Années’ d’Hatchepsout à Deir El-Bahari, ayant prouvé qu’ il y a un parfait alignement de l’axe de la Salle ‘A’ à l’intérieur de l’hypogée, avec le sanctuaire de la chapelle de Hat-Hor, prés du temple2. On a accomplie une complète documentation photogrammétrique du hypogée TT 353, ce qui suppose la connaissance de son état actuel en considé- ration d’un éventuel étude ultérieure du même. D’autre coté, la nouvelle traduction intégrée des textes existants sur les murs de la Salle ‘A’ de l’hypogée de Sen-en-Mout, elle a permis mieux comprendre la fonctionnalité religieuse du monument, en relation avec la transformation spirituelle de Sen-en-Mout. En outre, on a découvert le lien entre les inscriptions hiératiques, inscrits sur les murs de la Salle ‘A’ de l’hypogée, et ses textes hié- roglyphiques, ainsi que la relation de tous eux avec le ‘Plafond Astronomique’ du monument.

Travaux et fouilles

Le travail accompli dans la première saison de l’année 2003, il a consisté à effectuer les tâches de documentation photographique à l’intérieur de l’hypogée TT 353 avant le commencement des fouilles. On a établie les limites physiques de la concession et les préparatifs ont été mis pour y effectuer le travail nécessaire de vérification, afin d’identifier le terrain, aux fins de l’exécution des travaux de protection contre les arrivages d’eau de pluie et les glissements de terrain dès la montagne. Les travaux ont été accompagnés avec l’apport nécessaire des données topo- graphiques pour produire la cartographie géophysique correspondante du site externe à la TT 353. En 2004, on a travaillé à l’intérieur, fouillant, faisant la consolidation et pré- parant la documentation, depuis l’accès de l’hypogée, jusqu’à la Salle ‘A’. Provisoirement, on a fait un fossé autour de l’entrée de la TT 353 de (0,50 m de large, 0,60 m de profondeur), pour fournir un système provisoire pour le

2 Teresa Bedman, Francisco Martín Valentín, Sen-en-Mut. El hombre que pudo ser Rey de Egipto (Madrid, 2004), 167. 162 Martín Valentín and Bedman drainage des eaux de pluie en cas de tempête, pour les empêcher de pénétrer à l’intérieur. Cette fouille, elle a produit des vestiges archéologiques de nature diverse, dont un fragment de linteau, de calcite (albâtre), brisé en deux mor- ceaux avec le signe (Gardiner M23) sw (0,45 m de hauteur de 0,20 large)3. Aussi, on a découvert restes de bandages de lin et divers fragments céramiques avec la même typologie et la décoration de ceux qu’on a trouvés à l’intérieur de la tombe des parents de Sen-en-Mout dans la colline de Sheikh Abd El Gournah4. On a développé, par la suite, un relevé topographique des alentours de la TT 353. Dedans le monument, on a préparé de la documentation des données complètes, pour l’élaboration d’un nouveau plan de l’hypogée. Il y ont a fait également vérifications au moyen d’instruments de précision (station totale topographique à l’aide du GPS) pour déterminer les orientations du monument en relation avec le Temple de Deir el-Bahari et le TT 71, à Sheikh Abd El Gourna. Au cours de la saison du 2005 a été achevé le retrait des restes du couloir ‘b’ d’accès à la Salle ‘B’, de la rampe ‘c’ d’accès à la Salle ‘C’, et de la Salle ‘C’, elle même, y compris son puits. Tout aussi, on a documenté les restes archéo- logiques trouvés lors des travaux d’extraction des matériaux existantes à l’intérieur du monument et ceux autres obtenus dans l’excavation ménagé à l’extérieur. Enfin, ont été installés les systèmes de contrôle de température et d’humi- dité, dans le but de préparer les rapports à venir pour la surveillance de la sta- bilité de l’environnement à l’intérieur du monument. On a fait des canaux de drainage des eaux (zones B et C) à côté de la maçonnerie de brique d’entrée de l’hypogée, lesquels ont été déblayés à nouveau et ont été légèrement agrandies. Au cours de la Saison du 2006, parmi les actions menées à l’extérieur du monument, on décida de commencer les travaux de nettoyage et d’excavation des zones numérotées 1, 2 et 3 de la zone indiquée en bleu sur le plan accompagné. Dans l’exécution de ces travaux dans le talus situé à l’Ouest, sur le plateau de ‘la Carrière’, ont été découverts divers matériaux déposés sur la Voie Processionnelle d’accès au Temple d’Hatchepsout, près du plateau où se trouvent les restes de la vieille maison, documenté par Winlonck comme ‘Maison de pierre’. Conséquence de ces travaux de fouilles ont a été trouvés plusieurs briques avec le cartouche de la Reine ‘Ah-més Néfert-Iry’, ainsi que d’autres avec le

3 No d’enregistrement 2004 E 013P. 4 No d’enregistrement 2004 E 016C. Voir A. Lansing, W.C. Hayes, “The Tomb of Ra-Mose and Hat-Nufer,” Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art 52, part II (1937), 12-39. Les travaux de la mission archéologique espagnole 163

FIGURE 13.2 Les travaux archéologiques dans la zone de concession. (Saisons 2004-2008) estampage du nom de Coronation d’Amen-Hotep I, Djoser-Ka-Rê, (1525-1504 av. J.-C.) et certains briques crues sans inscriptions de la XIème dynastie (2055- 1985 av. J.-C.), aussi bien que nombreux vestiges de céramique de différentes époques5. Parmi les trouvailles il y a une amulette de ‘Horus, le Sauveur’ consistant en un morceau d’argile crue avec une empreinte représentant Horus et avec sept cordes sortantes de son intérieur. On a été constaté l’existence de niveaux de débris de l’époque des fouilles menés dans le Temple par Edouard Naville, qui on produit une énorme

5 No d’enregistrement 2005 D 039A ; 2006 A1 067V ; 2006 A1 54A-2006 A1 62A. Herbert E. Winlock, Excavations at Deir el-Bahri, 1911-1931, (New York, 1942), 88-89, 136 ; Dieter Arnold, The Temple of Mentuhotep at Deir el-Bahari. (New York, 1979), Pl. 42-44. Barry Kemp, “Soil”, in Ancient Egyptian materials and Technology, ed. Paul T. Nicholson, & Ian Shaw (Cambridge, 2000), 79-92. Herbert E. Winlock, XVIII Dynasty Temple Architecture. Booknotes (unpublished, 1924), 14-16, 189. 164 Martín Valentín and Bedman

FIGURE 13.3 Exemplaire de brique crue avec le nom de la reine Ah-Més Nefert-Iry. N ° d’enregistrement 2005 D 039A. quantité de matériaux de rebut transportés à cet endroit à la suite des travaux dans le Temple d’Hatchepsout, au long plus d’une centaine d’années. Pour sécuriser les pentes excavées on est construit un périmètre du mur de dix-huit mètres, délimitant le domaine de la construction. Le travail de documentation et de traduction des textes ont montré certaines spécialités philo- logiques en ce qui concerne les formes traditionnelles dans certains fragments des textes funéraires religieuses existantes dans la Salle ‘A’ de l’hypogée de Sen-en-Mout. Les travaux de la mission archéologique espagnole 165

Travaux de fouilles et de consolidation réalisées dans la ‘Maison de Pierre’

Pendant la saison 2006, on a fouillé à l’extrémité nord de la vieille maison en pierre (UE 100)6 appelée dans les rapports de Winlock, ‘la Vieille Maison’, dont la fonctionnalité n’avait pas été attribuée. L’objectif était de déterminer ses limites. On a réalisé une exploration archéologique, d’après laquelle on a montré l’état actuel de la destruction des murs de pierre et brique crue en comparant avec celle de Winlock. On a fait un nouveau plan de la maison pour obtenir une documentation précise de ces restes. Après, la zone fouillée, elle a été couverte avec terre de différente couleur à ce du sol original. Au cours de la saison du 2007 se sont terminés les travaux de fouilles á ce lieu. On a retiré á peu prés 200 m3 de restes de débris et de sable déposés sur la pente du plateau au long de la voie d’accès au Temple d’Hatchepsout. Nous avons travaillé à l’intérieur de la maison, en faisant la consolidation des vestiges de plâtre avec de la peinture blanche existants dans ses murs. Le travail réalisé a conduit à la preuve de ses limites et on a spécifié l’emplacement de la base du dépôt de fondation n° 2 de la TT 353, découvert par Winlock, et situé un peu plus au nord de ce qui se reflète dans sa documentation. Il a été vérifié le bon état de la cimentation de la maison. La plate-forme sur laquelle se dresse la maison, elle montre que le bâtiment a été construit complet d’une fois, avec quatre chambres (UE 140 ; UE 150 ; UE 160 et UE 170). La salle central (UE 150) montre évidences de la base d’une colonne. À l’Ouest, on entre dans le Hall doté d’un mur semi-circulaire (UE 140). Dans la chambre Nord-est (160 UE), dans ses parois Nord et Est, ont été trou- vés les trous pour deux fenêtres. La perte d’éléments en pierre sur les murs, en ce qui concerne la documentation antérieure effectuée par Winlock est notoire7. Ces pertes ont été observées surtout dans la partie Sud-est du bâti- ment (UE 120 / UE 150). Il a été élaborée une nouvelle carte archéologique en documentant l’état précis des murs. Ils ont été identifiés aussi remaniements postérieures datables à des moments différents. Lorsque les travaux ont été achevés, on a couvert les pavés originaux à l’intérieur de la maison d’un géo- textile, pour bien en protéger contre d’éventuelles attaques et les dommages

6 P.E. Dorman, The Tombs of Senenmut. The Architecture and Decoration of Tombs 71 and 353 (New York, 1991, 158-159). 7 Dorman, The Tombs of Senenmut, Pl.40, Photo 40a. 166 Martín Valentín and Bedman

FIGURE 13.4 Plan avec des unités de fouille (UE) dans ‘La Maison de Pierre’. causés par des agents extérieurs, couvrant tout cela avec une terre de couleur différente de celle du sol d’origine. Les fouilles et l’enlèvement des matériaux accumulés là bas près de UE 180, ils ont livré nombreuses semences perforées de la plante Balanites aegyptiaca (UE 120 et UE 180), fragments de perruque (UE 190), nombreux cordons végé- taux tressés (UE 190/UE 200) ainsi que de nombreux restes de bandes de lin de très bonne qualité (UE 180) et d’autres matériaux, en tout semblables à ceux découverts par le Professeur Michalowski en 1974, parmi les ruines du temple funéraire de Thoutmosis III à Deir El Bahari. Après l’excavation des restes de la ‘Maison de pierre’, il a été conclu qu’il avait subi un changement, à partir de l’état initial de sa construction, comme en témoigne l’existence d’un plate-forme unique sur laquelle on a levé le reste de l’édifice. L’installation qui compose el bâtiment montre, au moins, trois chambres et un espace central de distribution. Une de ces chambres, disposées dans la partie Sud du bâtiment a une forme semi-circulaire. Les travaux de la mission archéologique espagnole 167

Le matériau de construction composé de blocs de calcaire irréguliers, gréé avec un mortier de boue et de plâtre, ont tous indiqué une similitude marquée à la construction, trouvé par Michalowsky en 19748. En outre, se sont conservés à l’extérieur du seuil d’accès, et dans les parois intérieures de la maison, des restes de mortier d’enduit de plâtre, identiques à ceux de la construction, découverte par l’équipe polonaise. La pièce centrale et la salle C ont été équipés de trous pour les fenêtres, situées à environ 60 cm du sol. Sur le plancher de l’espace aménagement inté- rieur a montré les restes d’un trou pour accueillir la base d’une petite colonne centrale. A côté de la salle semi-circulaire, elles ont été découvertes les traces de deux trous creusés dans le sol, et une marque arrondie et profonde, peut-être destiné à servir de logement pour une grande pièce de poterie pour déposer liquide, semblable à celles trouvées dans les maisons de Deir el Médina. Tenant part dans la construction de la maison et servant de support à la construction du mur Ouest, se trouvait enfoui dans le sol un grand fragment de pierre, probablement un reste de la statuaire9. Ces données nous ont informés au sujet de la chronologie de l’édifice qui, par cette raison, et par être le mur Ouest situé pratiquement sur le dépôt de fondation n° 2 de la TT 353, on peut en dater du règne d’Hatchepsout. Alors, si nous avons une date approximative ‘post quem’, c. à d. l’an 22 de Thoutmosis III, comme la dernière dans laquelle Hatchepsout est cité dans les documents, et nous savons que la date ‘ante quem’ doit être fixée dans les années de préparation Djeser Akhet de Thoutmosis III, ce qui s’est passé au cours de l’année 43 du roi, nous avons la certitude que la vieille maison a été construite entre ces dates. La raison de la construction de cet édifice, presque identique au constaté par Michalowsky parmi les ruines du temple de Thoutmosis III, il y n’aurait eu autre que fournir au clergé que devrait continuer à développer le culte de la déesse Hat-Hor dans ce lieu d’un nouveau atélier de perruques, pour substituer l’autre qui avait été démantelé pour faire place à la construction du Djeser Akhet.

8 E. Laskowska-Kusztal, “Un atelier de perruquier á Deir el-Bahari,” Études et travaux, X (1979), 84-120. 9 Herbert E. Winlock, In search of the woman Pharaoh Hatshepsut. Excavations at Deir El Bahari 1911-1931 (London, New York, Bahrain, 2001), 141. Il le décrit comme ‘le reste probable d’une statue de Hatchepsout, parmi les nombreux fragments jetés dans ‘la Carrière’, pendant la persécution de la mémoire de la Reine, après la fin de son règne, datant de l’anée 40éme. de Thoutmôsis IIIéme.’ 168 Martín Valentín and Bedman

FIGURE 13.5 La ‘Maison de Pierre’. Fouilles Saison 2007.

D’après la nature de nôtres trouvailles dans l’excavation à côté de la maison (UE 180) (restes du matériel nécessaire pour fabriquer des perruques) on a été possible fixer la fonctionnalité le bâtiment. De plus, il est très vraisemblable la vinculassion de l’édifice au culte de la déesse Hat-Hor, ayant compte de cette possibilité dès un point de vue logis- tique. Il faut considérer la courte distance existante entre la « maison » et l’aire sacrée du temple de Hat-Hor, (trois cents mètres). Donc, nous sommes en mesure de dire que la datation de la pièce d’origine du bâtiment, se correspond avec le règne de Thoutmosis III (1479-1425 avant J.-C.), et en ce qui concerne sa fonctionnalité, sans doute, il a été uti- lisé comme atelier pour la fabrication de perruques, lié au culte de la déesse Hat-Hor10. Enfin, les abondantes restes trouvés de céramique de type Tjehenet, indiquent, entre autres choses, des preuves du culte avec de la bière, en Deir El Bahari pendant le festival de l’ivresse, célébré en l’honneur de la déesse Hat-Hor11.

10 Teresa Bedman, “Un Taller de pelucas en Deir El Bahari,” Revista de Arqueología 337 (2009) : 54-57. 11 Ph. Germond, “Sekhmet et la protection du monde,” Aegyptiaca Helvetica 9 (1981), 258-260. Les travaux de la mission archéologique espagnole 169

Les travaux d’épigraphie et la traduction des textes. Les textes religieux de la Salle ‘A’ de l’hypogée TT 353 de Sen-en-Mout à Deir El Bahari

Depuis l’année 2003 on avait commencé les travaux pour l’étude épigraphique des textes existants à l’intérieur de l’hypogée TT 353. Ont a été faites diverses vérifications et études détaillées, lesquelles ont été continuées jusqu’à la fin du projet, en 2008. D’après la technique choisie, ont a comparé les dessins réalisés par Charles Wilkinson12, faites d’après les photos de Harry Burton13, prises au début du XXe siècle, avec l’état actuelle des inscriptions hiéroglyphiques dans l’hypogée. Dans l’étude on a été révélé le bon état général des inscriptions (y compris le sculptés sur des plaques de plâtre à différents endroits dans les parois de la Salle ‘A’), à l’exception de les lignes en encre N124, NW70 et S70, presque com- plètement disparues sous une couche de ciment qui a été appliqué sur la partie inférieure du mur de la Salle ‘A’. L’ensemble des textes disposés sur les murs de la Salle ‘A’ de l’hypogée TT353 constitue un corps unique, parmi les autres versions des textes connues dans la littérature religieuse funéraire égyptienne. Il est composé par un choix fait à partir des grandes collections écrites de la doctrine religieuse égyptienne : les Textes des Pyramides, les Textes des Sarcophages et le Livre des Morts. Cette collation est augmentée avec d’autres compositions d’ordre rituel qui ont reçu le nom de ‘Liturgies14.’ Le critère de sélection des fragments textuels nous échappe, étant donné que la décoration globale de l’hypogée n’a jamais été achevée. Toutefois, on peut conclure a partir des inscriptions contenus dans les parois de la Salle ‘A’, qu’il est un corpus textuel dont le but était, entre autres, garantir que le Majordome d’Amon Sen-en-Mout, il aurait son destin après la mort comme un esprit glorieux’ (Akh). Les spécialités de cet traité religieux, elles sont multiples, mais il faut sou- ligner, parmi les plus notoires, sa claire liaison avec une très solide tradition, qui est née à la fin de l’Ancien Empire, dans laquelle on a été utilisé les ‘Textes des Pyramides’ ainsi que d’autres textes nouveaux, qu’ont arrivé finalement à constituer ce que aujourd’hui nous appelons ‘Textes des Sarcophages’.

12 MMA 84.105.52 y AM 861-871. 13 M8C 176-204, 207. 14 Jan Assmann, “Verklärung,” in Lexikon der Ägyptologie vol. VI, ed. W. Helck & E. Otto (Wiesbaden, 1986), col. 998-1005. 170 Martín Valentín and Bedman

FIGURE 13.6 Sen-en-Mout, il reçoive purifications et offrandes. Mur sud. ‘A’ Chambre. TT 353.

Dans notre cas, dans la TT 353 on trouve le même phénomène, étendu à un certain nombre de chapitres du Livre des Morts, dont les versions ont très peu de temps avec ceux connus dans la XVIIéme. Dynastie15, qui sont les plus anciennes textes de cet ensemble textuel religieux funéraire (exception faite de quelques autres inscriptions clairement plus anciennes, comme la Stèle de Sa-Renpout I, à Éléphantine, ou les inscriptions sur le sarcophage, aujourd’hui perdu, du Prince Herou-Nefer)16. En fait, les premiers exemples de l’utilisation généralisée des ensembles de chapitres du Livre des Morts pour particuliers d’origine non royal, ils viennent du règne de Thoutmosis III, et il est plus que probable que quelques-uns des exemples dans le TT 353, ils sont, donc, les plus anciens connus. Par exemple, la TT 353 fournit la première version dont nous avons connaissance du chapitre 110 du Livre des Morts, dédié à ‘Les Champs des Offrandes’. Cependant, nous pouvons dire que dans le cas des ces textes commentés, est perçue l’intention de conférer à Sen-en-Mout leur personnalité liée à la royauté. Le contenu compilé apparaît comme un ‘tout’ qui prend la complète

15 Erik Hornung, The Ancient Egyptian Books of the Afterlife (Ithaca, 1999), 13. 16 Labib Habachi, Elephantine IV : The Sanctuary of Heqaib (Mainz am Rheim, 1985), 35 ; I. Munro, “The Evolution of the Book of the Dead,” in Journey through the afterlife. Egyptian Book of the Dead, ed. John H. Taylor (London, 2010), 55. Les travaux de la mission archéologique espagnole 171 personnalité d’une composition homogène et individualisée, intégrée avec d’autres parties des productions littéraires religieuses, mais avec sa propre per- sonnalité unique. Par conséquent, il a été décidé d’appeler le groupe de textes qui composent ce recueil de Sen-en-Mout dans la salle ‘A’ de la TT 353, comme ‘Le Livre des Transformations lumineuses de Sen-en-Mout’, en donnant une corporéité qui est conforme à sa nature. En fait, il s’agit d’un livre écrit sur les murs de pierre de la Salle ‘A’ de l’hypogée de Sen-en-Mout.

Les texts y existants sont17 :

Textes des Pyramides : Formules (ou fragments) 61C, 94-95, 220-222, 364, 364A, 626-627, 634-635, 638, 769-774, 1259-1262, 2028 Textes des Sarcophages : Formules (ou fragments) de 63 à 69, 67B, 72-74, 74A, 723, 751, 832, 834, 1030 Le Livre des Morts : Chapitres (ou fragments) 110, 136A-B, 137B, 144-146, 148-150 Liturgies : 7, # 6-11, 17, 21, 28 Hymne au soleil

Le reste des inscriptions hiéroglyphiques sont leurs propres compositions, probablement écrites par l’auteur intellectuel de la création littéraire, se référant à la Reine Hatchepsout, à Sen-en-Mout, et à la famille de ce dernier. La mise en page des textes dans les murs de la Salle, elle permet de dis- tinguer l’évolution de la personnalité, physique et spirituelle, de Sen-en-Mout, après la mort, dans l’ordre suivant :

A) Le voyage de Sen-en-Mout, dés la nécropole, jusqu’à ‘le Beau Occident’

I – Au Mur Nord-Est : Sen-en-Mout momifié : Textes des Sarcophages, Formules 67B, 69, 68, 74A) 73 et 72)

II – Au Mur Nord : a) Sen-en-Mout est soulevé de sa position couchée, pour monter aux cieux : Textes des Sarcophages, Formules 74A, 834 ; Textes des Pyramides, Formules 1259, 61-C, Textes des Sarcophages, Formules 832, 837.

17 Seulement les textes les plus pertinents sont cités. 172 Martín Valentín and Bedman b) Sen-en-Mout est reçu dans la barque solaire, avec Rê : Textes des Sarcophages, Formule 74B, Livre des Morts, Chapitres 136A-B, 149. c) Sen-en-Mout commence-t-il son voyage dans le bateau de Re à travers les quatorze collines de la Douat : Livre des Morts, Chapitres 136A-B, 149, 144.

III – Au Mur Ouest, moitié Nord : a) Sen-en-Mout continue son voyage dans le bateau de Rê à travers les quatorze collines et atteindre le quinzième, ‘Le Beau Occident des dieux’ : Livre des Morts, Chapitres 149, 150, 144 b) Sen-en-Mout il connait les noms des gardiens des sept portes de l’Occident : Livre des Morts, Chapitre 144 c) Sen-en-Mout atteint la quinzième colline, ‘Le Beau Occident des dieux’. Il peut aller et venir à travers la stèle de fausse porte : Livre des Morts, Chapitres 148, 136B

B) Sen-en-Mout transformé en esprit Akh. Son voyage à les ‘Champs des Offrandes’

IV – Au Mur Est : Sen-en-Mout est devenu un esprit Akh, il peut partager la destinée des Rois dans l’Au-delà : Textes des Sarcophages, Formules 63, 64, 65, 66, 67A. Liturgies rituels pour les officiants.

V – Au Mur Sud : a) Sen-en-Mout adore la Couronne Rouge et devient son propriétaire, Textes des Pyramides, Formules 220, 221, 222, 94, 95 b) Sen-en-Mout transfiguré, il reçoive culte avec des offrandes, et il peut prof- iter de toutes les conditions des Akhu : Textes des Sarcophages, Formules 723, 751 ; Liturgies rituels pour les officiants. Textes des Pyramides, Formules 609B, 610B, 638 , 781, 782, 2028. c) Sen-en-Mout entre dans les ‘Champs des Offrandes’ et y réside : Livre des Morts, chapitre 110. d) Sen-en-Mout commence entrer à travers les portes menant à la demeure d’Osiris, dans les ‘Champs des Offrandes’ : Livre des Morts, Chapitre 146.

VI – Au Mur Ouest, moitié Sud : Sen-en-Mout continue son passage à travers les portes menant à la demeure d’Osiris, dans les ‘Champs des Offrandes’ : Livre des Morts, Chapitres 146, 145. C) Sen-en-Mout rejoint la reine Hatchepsout dans le firmament : Les travaux de la mission archéologique espagnole 173

VII – Au Plafond, au centre : Sen-en-Mout, il obtient la protection réservée aux Rois : Textes des Pyramides, Formules 771-774, 626-627, 634-635, 769C et D, 770.

Il augmente la perception que nous sommes confrontés à un réel système liturgique-religieuse, en vue de l’inscription qui se révèle être le début de l’œuvre complète. Ce texte, inscrit dans la partie le plus haute de l’extrémité Sud du mur Sud-est de la Salle ‘A’, il est clairement adressée aux prêtres ritualistes Hery-Hebet qui doivent exécuter le rituel, avec les invocations contenues dans les inscriptions. Il est écrit dans le système d’écriture rétrograde. On fait, il peut être considéré comme le titre du grand livre en pierre de la Salle ‘A’ de la TT 353 : ‘La récitation des Glorifications pour le Majordome d’Amon Sen-en-Mout, Sd Ax.w n imy-r(a)-pr (ny �Imn) Sn-n-mwt, et nous pouvons connaître l’identité des ses destinataires : les scribes et les prêtres ritualistes qui vivent dans les Deux- Terres, et soient connaisseurs des choses (sacrées), et adorateurs de Dieu, anx.w tp(y.w) tA.wy sš.w Xry-Hb.wt rx.w (i)x.wt dwa.w nṯr. Les textes ils sont disposés en colonnes, séparées par des lignes verticales. Les inscriptions sont en écriture rétrograde dés le mur Sud-est, atteignant le mur Sud, jusqu’à la moitié Sud du mur Ouest. Pas le reste des textes qui sont écrits en sa disposition normal. De ce point de vue, on peut comprendre rituellement la Salle ‘A’ comme divisé en deux moitiés, dont les inscriptions, nées dans les murs du Sud-est et Nord-est, vont converger sur le mur Ouest, avec la ‘Stèle fausse porte’ comme séparation entre les deux. Le dessin et la finition des hiéroglyphes indiquent une première étape préparatoire en rouge, une autre en noir, et, enfin, le sculpté en relief dans le creux, avec une attention particulière aux signes, soigneusement sculptés avec coupe oblique sur le mur, touche probablement disposé à causer un plus grand effet visuel en basse lumière. Tous ils sont faits avec une précision absolue par le sculpteur, ou sculpteurs, qui ont participé aux travaux. Dans la partie supérieure des murs, le signe pt, qui symbolise l’espace céleste supérieur, il encadre la limite des inscriptions, les accueillant dans une repré- sentation cosmique bien compréhensible. On note qu’ils existent de nombreuses remarques faites à l’encre noire qui cherchent à compléter ou ajouter des inscriptions non incluses lors de l’exé- cution des travaux, et qui ont été insérés, sans aucun doute, dans les derniers moments, avant la fermeture du monument18.

18 Final de l’inscription SE1 ; et inscriptions C91-C93 ; S70 ; N124 ; NW70. 174 Martín Valentín and Bedman

Le système de la copie de textes dans les murs de la salle ‘A’, fait à partir du hiératique, ou du hiéroglyphique cursive, est l’une des causes des difficultés épigraphiques existants à ce monument. Ils sont fréquentes les modifications dans l’ordre normal des signes, ou confusions graphiques d’unes sur d’autres signes, lesquelles ne peuvent être dues qui à une interprétation erronée des sources correspondantes en hiératique ou en hiéroglyphique cursive19. Une autre difficulté dans la lecture, ce qui représente de nombreux exemples d’omission de parties de mots, ou des éléments syntaxiques et morphologiques des phrases qui composent les textes. Dans ces cas, il est devenu impératif de demander une consultation à partir de textes parallèles comprises dans le monument. Comme supplément ou appendice du ce magnifique livre, écrit sur pierre, la salle ‘A’ accueille l’extraordinaire ‘Plafond Astronomique’ qui se trouve être la preuve de l’une des grandes compétences de Sen-en-Mout : leurs connais- sances de la science du firmament. Il est le plus ancien exemple connu d’une carte du ciel20. Les décorations de la salle, faites sur les murs et dans le plafond, elles sont inséparables, parce que la carte astronomique fixe exactement les moments dans lesquels devraient-ils être lus les fragments des textes religieux inscrits là. En outre, dans les colonnes des textes ils sont une série de graffitis hiéra- tiques lesquels montrent deux dates, les deux répétés à nombreux endroits de la Salle. La premiére c’est le dix-huitième jour du deuxième mois de la saison de Chemou (saison sèche ou récolte), le second, le vingt-neuvième jour du quatrième mois d’Akhet (saison de l’inondation)21. Ailleurs, il figure aussi, parmi les textes hiéroglyphiques, le nom de Sen-en-Mout écrit en hiératique. Et d’après la connaissance de toutes ces données, grâce a la lecture des inscriptions, nous pouvons supposer que la minuit du jour quatorze au quinze, du nôtre mois de novembre de l’année 1463 a. C, se correspond avec la minuit du jour vingt-neuf, du quatrième mois de l’inondation (Akhet), selon l’ancien calendrier civil égyptien. Ça veut dire, l’avantderniére journée avant le premier

19 Dorman, The Tombs of Senenmut, 97-98. 20 Le plafond astronomique il a été publié par R.A. Parker, The Calendars of Ancient Egypt (Chicago, 1950), 42-43 ; O. Neugebauer, R.A. Parker, Egyptian Astronomical Texts. 3 volumes (London, 1960-1969). 21 Peter Dorman, il a lit la date comme jour 19, quatrième mois de Akhet. Dorman, The Tombs of Senenmut, 146. Winlock, il a interprété comme la date de ces graffitis le jour 29, le quatrième mois de la saison des inondations (Akhet), ce qui semble plus approprié. Winlock, In search of the woman Pharaoh, 139, et Pl. 64. Les travaux de la mission archéologique espagnole 175 jour du premier mois de la Saison de Peret, date du commencement du Festival Sed au Nouvel Empire22. Plus précisément, il existe douze endroits dans la Salle ‘A’ qui contient annoté à la main, en écriture hiératique, la date du vingt-neuvième jour, de la quatrième mois de la saison d’Akhet (inondation). Dans un de ces points, au mur Nord de la Salle ‘A’, sont collectés les Formules 221-222 des Textes des Pyramides, se référant à la possession de la Couronne Rouge de la Basse Égypte et, avec elle, à la possession de sa grande puissance magique. Ils sont aussi dédiés à faciliter l’union de Sen-en-Mout avec le dieu soleil, faisant de celui-là un seul avec le dieu. Il faut tenir à l’esprit que les formules des Textes des Pyramides avaient été conçues au cours de l’Ancien Empire pour être utilisées au profit du roi. En fait, la possession de la Couronne Rouge était la prérogative royal, parce que ces formules ne pouvaient pas être utilisés normalement par des particuliers. Ainsi, l’étude des textes existants dans la Salle ‘A’ de la TT 353, ont révélé l’intention apparente de Sen-en-Mout et le but de l’hypogée. L’ensemble des textes nous montre comment est-il le développement des transformations spirituelles de Sen-en-Mout, dés leur état de momie, comme Osiris, jusqu’arriver a la condition d’esprit glorieux, égal aux étoiles impéris- sables dans le ciel du Nord. Autrement dit, en un être divin de nature identique à celle des rois d’Egypte, après la mort. Selon les textes, Sen-en-Mout n’est pas destiné à supporter l’expérience du jugement des morts devant la Tribunal d’Osiris, parce qu’il est, grâce aux rites célébrés par ses prêtres ritualistes, un esprit glorieux qui est devenu l’égal à Osiris. Faites toutes ces métamorphoses de son âme, Sen-en-Mout gagne la capa- cité d’aller et venir, il peut monter sur la barque de Rê, à travers les quatorze collines de l’Am-Douat, jusqu’arriver à la quinzième région, au ‘Beau Occident’, la place des trépassés.

22 C’est absolument déterminée, la date à laquelle le plafond astronomique a été peinte, ce qui permet de dater la tombe avec une précision presque parfaite. Au cours des cinquante années écoulées entre 1505 et 1455 a. C., il y avait une nuit où la planète Jupiter avait une certaine ascension droite, comme est-il représenté sur le plafond, et dans laquelle la planète Mars n’est pas visible, cette date elle était la minuit quatorzième au quinziéme Novembre de l’année 1463 a. C., coïncidente avec les anées quinziéme au seiziéme de la reine Hatchepsout. Chr. Leitz, “Le premier plafond astronomique dans la tombe de Senmout,” Les Dossiers d’archéologie 187 (1993) : 116. 176 Martín Valentín and Bedman

Plus tard, en traversant les vingt et un portiques, gardés par leurs respec- tifs génies, Sen-en-Mout accèdera aux Champs des Offrandes, le Royaume mythique d’Osiris. Une fois acquis leur statut d’esprit glorieux, Sen-en-Mout, il peut mainte- nant, en entrant et sortant du royaume d’Osiris, faire l’expérience de nouvelles transformations glorieuses. Dans le coin Sud-Ouest de la Salle elles sont inscrits les formules qui lui per- mettront acquérir la nature du Roi du Nord, parce qu’il sera reconnu comme maître de la Couronne Rouge. Enfin, le voyage arrive à son fin lorsque Sen-en-Mout, devenu propriétaire de la royauté du Nord, rencontre son destin ultime, être un égal aux Etoiles Immortelles dans le ciel du Nord : la destinée des rois d’Egypte depuis l’époque de Ancien Empire. Chapter 14 The Repit Temple at Athribis after the Worship of Repit

Marcus Müller Eberhard-Karls-Universität Tübingen

Abstract ق ة ة غ ق ف ن �� م�ع��د ا �ل �� ا �ل��ل�ؤ� �� ت� ١٠ ك �� س �ه�ا ��د �ُن� � ��عه�د ا لم��ل�ك ��ط��ل��م �� ا ��لث��ا � يع ب رب ب� ربي م ر ب و ج� و ب ي� ي� � ب ي و س ي� ن أ ن ن ف أ أ ة ن �ع�ش�� . ��س�ت��ط�� ن��س� ز خ� �ت��ه � ل ن��ف�� ا لم��ل� �� ض��ا � ل ا ��ل��ع ض�� م� ن ��ا ط � ا �ل �م�ا ، ر و يع � ب� � ر إى س ك و ي� إى ب � � ب ر رو � أ أ خ ة ت ث ن ت ة نة �� ة ة ن ة ��ا �ص�� ي�ب��ر�يو��س. � ب��ع�د �� ص�ب��ح�� ا لم��س��ي��يح�� ه� ا �ل�دي��ا �� ا �لر سمي�� ل�ل� �مب��را طوري�� ا �لرو�م�ا ��ي�� ُ م ي إ أ ذ ة أ ت أ ة أ ة أ ذ ئ � ��س�ت�� خ��د �ه�� ا ا ل��م�ع�� د ك� �ش�� ص�� ز ءً �م� ن ��ح�ا د � د � � ال� ن��ا �ش��ن�� د � ال� � ا� ا �ل��ص�� ت . م ب ور و � بح ج � � إ ير ب و ول ع �ي� ف أ آ ة أ ف ��ع�د �ح��ف��ائ� ��لن��د ز ت� � ا ل ��ل ال ع�� ثا ت� ا �لت��ن��ق�� م � � خ� � � �م�ن�ط��ق��ة ا ل�م�ع��د وب ر ر � ب��ر ي� و م��ج ��س � لى ل�ل �� ر م ي ب� ر ر ى ي� �� ب خ أ آ أ ف فت ة ت د ا ��س�ت��ه�ا �م� ن �لا ل �م�ش�� ل��لم��ل�� ال�ع��ل �ل�ل�ث��ا � �ش�� ع��ل �ه �ل�� محد ا �ل��ل ��ال� �ش�� ا ك و ر � � روع � ج س ى ر ر� ي ر م بيي� ب إ ر ة ت ة ت ن ت �م ��ا �م�ع�� ن�� ن ��ق��ا د � ك� ��س��ا لا �� . ع ج وبي ج � ب ي ري ي � ي س ُ ذ ف ً ت ض ذ ة ئ أ ت� ك �من�� ز �م� ن ��ت� � �ح ا ل ث��ل� ث ا ل��م�ع��د �م�د � ن��ا ��ع � �ه�� ه ا لم��ق�ا �ل�� ع ض�� ن��ت��ا � �ح�د ث �م ��س ر � � ب ر ي� و ي� � ب و و ر � ب � ج� � و م أ �ت�ن��ق�� ٢٠١٢ ٢٠١٣. � ط ا ا ل��م�ع��د �ه ٧٥ ٤٥ لا �ز ا م�ح��ف�� ظ �ا �حت� � ت��ف��ا ٥ ي ب� – و ل ب ي� x م و ي� ل و ى إر ع م ت ة ق ة ف ذ ت ف ق ك�ا ن�� ت� �مئ��ا ت� ا �ل ك� ا �ل�ح�� م��ل��ا � � ك� ا �ل�ح�� ا ت� �من�� ه�ش�� ا ل��م�ع��د � ا �ل�ع��ص ا �ل ��س��ط ��د و ل ج ري ي� ل ج ر � يم ب ي� ور و ى و أ أ ث ت ن ذ ّ أ ق ف � ز ا ا ل ش�� ا �ل�ح�ا ل �� م� ن �ك��ة � � �ه ا ل�تط��ل� ال ��س�ا ��س �� ا �لش�� ل م� روع ي� ك�ر � ٢٠٠ ل� . وك�ا� ل�ك و م�� ب� � ي� بل � روع ي� ف ة أ ت ا �لت��ن��ق�� ع� ن ا �ل�ح�� ا ت ا ��لت� لات�ز ا �م�د � ن��. � �ث�ن��ا ء �م ��س ٢٠١٢ - ٢٠١٣ � ا �لت��ن��ق�� ا �ل�ك�ا�م� ي ب� � ج ر � ي� � ل و و م م ي ب� ب ل أ ن �ح ت ن ذ ن ز ن ل ش ق ق ف ذ قّ ً ن �ع� ج�ر��ي�� و�ك�� ل�ك �ع� ج�� ء �كب��ي��ر �م� ا م�مر ا �ل��ر �� ا لم��س��و��. � �ل�ك ��د د ��لي�لا ع��ل �� ا ل��م ب�ع��د �ُ � � ي م ى ق أ ة ُ ف ت ف ��د � �ع��د � ��س�ت�� خ��د ا�م�ه ��ع�د �ع��ا د � �� ت : �ح�� ث ع�ث� � ك� ا لمن��ا طق ا ��لت� � ا �لت��ن��ق�� ه�ا ع�� ي إ ب ب ربي� ي� ر ي� ل � ي� م ي ب� ي� لى أ ة خ ة ف َ َ ق ة ف ن أ ن ة � د ا ت� ع�د ��د � �ل�� س�ت��د ا ا ��ل� م ك�ا ن�� ت �م � د � � �م ك��ا ت� �ل��ل� �م��، ك ��ش�� ح� � و ي لإ م يو ي� � و ج و ي� ب �ما ما ي ير ر� � ج ر ت خ ت ّف خ ت ف ة � � ��س�ت��د ا ��مه�ا �ل��ل� ��ن� � �ح مخ��ل��ا ت� ا �ل�ح�� ان��ا ت� � ل � ��س�ت��د ا ا ��لث� ا ث� �ح� ا ت� ا لم�ك��ش�� م إ � عم�ل بيما و ي� يو إى إ م ل ج ر

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ��5 | doi ��.��63/9789004293458_015 178 Müller ظ ئ ت ق ت ت نق ش ئ ة ف ة ت ت ً ف ج�م��عه�ا ك�ح��ا � �ل��ل��ح�� ان��ا �. ��د � ��ه�ش�� ا ��ل�� ا �ل ا��ع�� ح� � �م� ن ا �ل�ح�� ا � ��ه�ش��ا ت��ا �م�ا، � ي � ر يو و م � يم و � ر ي� ج ر � ج ر � يم ي� أ ن غ ة ف ة أ ن ة أ ح�� ن � ��ه�ا ظ ��ل� ت �� م��لم ��س�� ت��ق� ��ا � �ح� � � خ� � . � �ع�ا د � � ��س�ت�� خ��د ا ��ع ض�� ز ا ء ا ل��م�ع��د ي� � � ير �و ريب ي� ج ر ر ى إ� إ إ م ب � ج � ب أ أ أ ش ة ظ ض ف ض غ ة ت ن ت �خ ن ن ت خ ك�ور�� ي��هر ب�و��و �� حوا �� ا �ل��صب��ا �� ا ��ل� ي�م�ك� �� ري��ه�ا ب��ا �ل�ع��صر�� ا �لرو�م�ا �� ا لم�� ر ح ي ي� ُ � ي ي ز ن ف ن أ ن ت تش ف ة ثً أ ت خ ت نت ن ا ��ل�� ط ، � ح�� ا �ل�ح��ج� ا � ا لم�ك�� ح�د ��ا � ��س��د �م�� ع�د � ��ه�ا ء ا �ل� كح� ا �ل �م�ا � و ب ي� ي� ي� ي� ر ي ب إ � م رو ي� أ ً ف ك� ق ة ك� ظ ئ� � ن ت �ق ن ت � � � لم��صر � ��س�ا �� س�ا �م�ك� ب� �ل��ل��ما �م�� وح��ا ر �ل��ل�� يح��وا��ا �. و� �دك�ا� ��د �مي��ر ا ل��م ب�ع��د �ي� ا ل�ع��صور ا لو��س��طى ق ً تؤ ذ ق ت ث ف ة ن ت شّ ة �م��صود ا و��ك�د � �ل�ك ا �ل�� بط��ا � ا �ل�ك��ي�� م�� كل ا ل��م ب�ع��د ا ل�م�ه��م��.

At his office in Western Thebes Mohamed el-Bialy received me with his eager look and unique smile that everyone has in mind when thinking about him. He welcomed me in this way although he had never seen me before and I was not a VIP but just a young student from abroad. Equipped with a letter of introduction, written by Farouk Gomaa, Mohamed el-Bialy took the time for telling me various things about the sites and people. Finally, he issued a paper that allowed me to visit all Theban sites for free. This made my day and I took great advantage of it by visiting numerous temples, tombs and museums the following week! Many years later we met again at Aswan and Athribis, this time regularly and many times, and I benefited greatly from his support, encouraging words, stories recalling his long experience and his fine sense of humour. Mohamed el-Bialy may not remember our first encounter in Western Thebes—but I memorized his personality, although it had been long ago. Above all there is his immense care and concern for the Egyptian antiquities— feeling his responsibility to protect them for future generations, not only for his own Egyptian compatriots but for mankind. His approach and winning manner are inspiring!

1 Introduction

The archaeological site of Athribis (Hut-Repit, Atripe) in the 9th Upper Egyptian nome covers more than 30 hectares and it consists of four main zones. The first zone is a settlement area of around 16 hectares with mudbrick buildings for housing and workshops. The settlement is presumably an early Ptolemaic foundation but the 30th Dynasty is also possible due to a limestone block of The Repit temple at Athribis 179

Nectanebo II.1 Secondly, there is the 1,7 km long necropolis of rock cut tombs in the Gebel Adruba directly adjacent to the site in the West. Thirdly, some places on various levels on the mountain were used as quarries. Finally, the centre is occupied by the holy precinct, which consists of a number of features. A long and more than 10 metres wide dromos from the East leads to the gate of Ptolemy IX, the main access to the holy precinct. Further to the West a large pylon faces towards the mountain, but only one corner of the southern wing is excavated.2 This pylon lies close to the mountain, but its temple size suggests a big temple for which there is not enough space in front of the mountain. Thus, it may be the monumental entrance to a rock temple. In the centre of our attention is the main temple built by King Ptolemy XII who did not, however, complete its decoration. This was mainly accomplished by the emperors Tiberius, Caligula, and Claudius, but at few instances also by Titus and Domitian as Altmann3 pointed out. It is dedicated to Repit (Triphis) but the worship of Min-Re was also very prominent. Together with their child Kolanthes these two gods form the holy triad of the 9th Upper Egyptian nome with Akhmim (Panopolis) as its capital. The last testimony for the worship of Ancient Egyptian gods in the temple of Repit is attested from Gessios, an enemy of the famous abbot Schenute I.4 Repit’s temple was first excavated by Flinders Petrie in 1907.5 In ten weeks he worked mostly in the large temple of Ptolemy XII in search for reliefs and inscriptions. Unfortunately, many layers of the re-use were destroyed without documentation. From 1983 to 1996 parts of the temple were investigated by the Sohag Inspectorate for Antiquities; (El Masry Excavations at Athribis, 205–218).6 Since 2003 a project of the University of Tübingen, lead by Christian Leitz, undertakes a research on the texts and the archaeology of

1 R. El Sayed, “Ancient Athribis: The Historical Background,” in Athribis I. General Site Survey 2003–2007, Archaeological & Conservation Studies, The Gate of Ptolemy IX. Architecture and Inscriptions, ed. R. El-Sayed & Y. El-Masry (Cairo: IFAO, 2012), 17, 33 fig. 1.1.10. 2 W.M.F. Petrie, Athribis, (London: BSAE 14, 1908), pl. XIV “temple of Physkon”. 3 V. Altmann, “Zu den in Athribis nachgewiesenen ptolemäischen Königen und Römischen Kaisern”, in Athribis I. General Site Survey 2003–2007, Archaeological & Conservation Studies, The Gate of Ptolemy IX. Architecture and Inscriptions, ed. R. El-Sayed & Y. El-Masry (Cairo: IFAO, 2012), 200–206. 4 H. Behlmer, Schenute von Atripe: De iudicio (Torino, Museo egizio, cat. 63000, cod. IV). (Turin: Catalogo del Museo Egizio di Torino, Ser. 1: Monumenti e Testi 8, 1996), 91f., 247. 5 Petrie, Athribis. 6 R. El Farag, U. Kaplony-Heckel, & K.P. Kuhlmann, “Recent Archaeological Exploration at Athribis,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo 41 (1983): 1–8; 180 Müller the temple. Since 2010 this project has been strongly supported by Mohamed el-Bialy to whom we owe many thanks. Without his support the project would not have been that successful in recent years. Since Petrie’s work still about one third of the temple was left unexcavated (fig. 14.1), thus being presumably the last large stone temple in Egypt to be excavated. This is the unique chance to learn more about the re-use of an ancient Egyptian temple in Coptic and Islamic times. Therefore, I am presenting some results of the excavation undertaken in the winter 2012/13—many of them were only possible thanks to the kind support of Mohamed el-Bialy.

2 Room E6

Room E6 with a debris of ca. 2,20 m height was completely excavated in 2012/13 (fig. 14.2). Underneath some fallen blocks from the walls and the ceiling there were several layers of debris. In the lower parts these are mainly accumulations of mudbrick fragments and fired bricks as well as stones. Above that we found a heap of soil with small pieces of plaster, stones and plants (mainly grass). The upper half of the room was filled with a great deal of sand as well as mixed debris consisting of stones, fired bricks (some of them fully preserved) and plants. Therefore, we may conclude that the room was used as rubbish dump after it fell out of use. After its destruction, drifting sand filled parts of the room whereas other corners were still used as rubbish dump between the fractured blocks of the walls and roof. Unfortunately, the reliefs and texts in the room were almost completely destroyed: Only minimal remains of texts and raised reliefs with pagan religious topics and the accompanying depictions remained in situ. Nearly all reliefs of the finest quality were hacked to pieces or were destroyed by fire. At least some fragments were found in the deposits and they are made of the finest quality. Some show a child god who is most likely Kolanthes, others depict a fries of winged snakes and vultures. A nearly fully preserved cartouche of Ptolemy XII indicates that room E6 was decorated by him unless the fragments belong to another room. The original limestone floor is still largely covered with a finely smoothed plaster whose technique and material suggests a Late Roman date which indicates that it was made in Coptic times. The totally destroyed walls have some niches for oil lamps, which suggests that the destruction of the walls took place

Y. El Masry, “More Recent Excavations at Athribis in Upper Egypt,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo 57 (2001): 205–218. The Repit temple at Athribis 181

Figure 14.1 Unexcavated parts of the Repit temple at Athribis in 2012. 182 Müller

Figure 14.2 Room E6 after excavation (February 2013). very early, when the room was used for secular purposes, perhaps as early as the mid 3rd century when the majority of the Egyptian populace became Christian. For this reason it was preferred to have more light, thus hacking out niches for the lamps. During this period the architecture of the room was fully intact. In the doorway with its preserved ceiling a little wall of fired bricks, about 44 cm high, was built to block the entry. Its purpose is still unclear. Later, this construction was raised with a rectangular stone. However, it became too high to step in and out easily, so one stone at either side was placed which formed one step in L1 and one in the doorway. The stone in the doorway was a re-used round millstone. The oldest layer above the pavement in E6 can be dated past the Islamic conquest in 642. Therefore, this room was kept clean, tidy and well maintained during its Coptic re-use. So we may assume that this re-use of the room needed such a tidy environment, perhaps for food production or cleaning different sorts of objects. A hint to that interpretation could be the round millstone that was used as a step at the door L1-E6 in later Islamic times. Room E6 could thus have been used for grinding cereal. Several layers contained excrements of goats, and a great deal of debris of mudbricks and fired bricks indicates the use of the room as a garbage area for some time. According to the pottery analysis by G. Pyke the layers of E6 most likely date to the 9th century. The Repit temple at Athribis 183

3 Room K1

In the north-eastern corner of room K1 looters destroyed some floor blocks and dug a more than two metres deep hole. Its position seems to have been deliberately chosen because there is a similar hole, by far not as deep though, in the south-eastern corner of the adjacent room E7. Both refer to the vertical shaft entrance of the major crypt which is located in room E5. This undecorated crypt consists of several chambers below rooms E2 to E5.7 Thus, we may assume that the looters already knew about the crypt in E5 and searched for another one in rooms E7 and K1. The contents of crypts seem to have been worth the effort of digging such holes! The looters’ shaft provided considerable architectural information by showing that the floor of K1 was built with two layers of local limestone blocks, together being around 95 cm thick. By contrast, the walls of the temple have got a foundation of twelve blocks. Below the two courses there is a layer of sand (20–25 cm) and underneath we discovered a layer of pressed gravel of local sandstone flakes. The fact that the floor of K1 consisted of only two stone courses explains why it could sink up to 24 cm across the whole room when the heavy ceiling blocks (fig. 14.3) fell down. Although their fragments weigh more than 20 tons, a floor with a foundation of several courses would have been pressed down only where the ceiling blocks blew in the upper course of the floor but not throughout the whole room. The neighbouring room K2 also has a sunken floor with some sloping upper floor blocks which indicates a similar explanation. Similar to room E6 there is also a little wall of around 70 cm height that shuts room K1. It is placed around 20 cm away from the inner side of the room’s northern wall, and it is made of two parallel rows of fired bricks. Unfortunately, the western third is badly destroyed. The construction shows a considerable effort because the wall is accurately plastered. As another similarity to E6 we may point to the re-use of the room. It seems that K1 was also kept tidy in Coptic times but we do not have any hint to its function. Later, most likely in early Islamic times, it may have been used as an animal barn. This is indicated by regularly distributed animal faeces with many plant remains in the two lowest layers, most probably from goats. Finally, the room was used as a rubbish dump, mainly for building material (mudbricks, fired bricks, stones), just as room E6.

7 Another crypt exists in room H5, but its entrance is placed at the bottom of its southern wall. The crypts of Athribis and other temples are being investigated by Stefan Baumann. 184 Müller

Figure 14.3 Ceiling blocks of room K1.

Figure 14.4 Room K1 with a wall fragment restored in Late Roman times.

According to the excellent pottery analysis of G. Pyke the later layers in this room have vessels with a range between the tenth and thirteenth/fourteenth century. Together with other indications I assume that the room was in a complete state during Roman times until the early Islamic period. A little detail may illustrate the care that was taken of room K1—and presumably the The Repit temple at Athribis 185 whole temple—during its re-use in Coptic times: On the northern wall a little fragment of a hieroglyphic inscription was placed back to the wall, attached with opus signinum (fig. 14.4). However, the hieroglyphs were placed in the wrong direction!

4 Room L1

The excavation of the eastern ambulatory L1 was not finished in 2013. In order to get two main profiles (a long north-south profile and a west-east profile) the unexcavated part of L1 (fig. 14.1) was divided in four parts. First, we excavated the north-western quarter, followed by the south-western quarter and the north-eastern quarter, the latter remained unfinished. The preserved debris in this room had a height of about 1,20–2,20 m, increasing from north to south. Especially the lower levels (up to about 1 m height) consist of uneven, irregular layers of mixed materials, which seem to be rubbish dumps. They content numerous objects of daily use, for instance fired bricks, glass, wooden items, beads, cloth, baskets of wicker etc. In the ambulatory L1 two floor levels of mud were discovered in the XIth season (2012–13), they seem to be used in the early Medieval period. Therefore, the room was regularly walked on, which means that there was a continuous use of it. Some concentrations of ash and charcoal are the remains of fireplaces. Directly at the column Y6 a kiln was built of limestones and red bricks. It has got the shape of a beehive with a diameter of roughly 1,20 m. Below a foundation of fired bricks there is a floor of dressed and regularly laid white limestones. Remains of lime plaster at the edge indicate that the whole floor was plastered. The corpus of the kiln consists of several courses of fired bricks, six of which were preserved. Many excrements of animals, perhaps goats, at various spots indicate that most or perhaps the whole eastern ambulatory L1 was used as an animal shelter. This is a parallel to E6 and K1 as well as to the western ambulatory L3. Therefore, at least four rooms were used as animal shelter. After the above mentioned re-uses of the temple as rubbish dump, fireplaces and animal shelter the destruction seems to have been started. This may be shown by a layer of airborne sand in the west-eastern main profile. Above it there are several layers with a great deal of crushed pieces of limestone, which belong to the temple, as shown by reliefs of texts and figurative decoration. In some of these layers there are large remains of the temple building, such as fragments of the ceiling. The fact that the smashed parts of different sizes are spread on many layers proves that its destruction was not a monophase 186 Müller act but a long-term effort—as is expected in such a big temple with very large and heavy blocks. Most likely the ceiling blocks and upper courses of the walls were torn down and then crushed on the spot. We have found no indication that an earthquake destroyed the temple although several severe earthquakes are recorded for Roman and Medieval Egypt according to Poirier and Taher.8 At the end of this persistent destruction sand buried the remains of the once impressive temple of Repit so that travellers of the 17th and 18th century rarely mention it, and the Napoleonic Expedition omits Athribis. The relief decoration of the eastern ambulatory L1 was conducted by Caligula as Altmann9 proved, much later than the construction of the whole temple by Ptolemy XII. However, on the recently discovered block B9076 there are remains of the latter king’s cartouche which means that at least the cor- niche above the columns of the eastern ambulatory seems to have been decorated by Ptolemy XII whereas the walls and columns remained undecorated until the reigns of Tiberius and Caligula. The decoration of the eastern wall of L1 was still almost completely unexcavated until 2013—although there is an old parallel trench of Petrie along the eastern wall (fig. 14.1), so it preserves its chronological evidence for the time being.

5 Perspectives

In the project’s XIth campaign (Nov. 2012–March 2013) there were hardly any new discoveries of the Coptic period. Apart from single finds of daily use, for example oil lamps, the most important feature is the thick and well-made plaster on the pavement in room E6. In the 5th century the temple was converted into a Christian building10 and used as part of the nunnery, which is well known from the texts of the famous abbot Shenute I (385–465), whose main monastery was located 3 km north of Athribis.11 Shenute was very active against pagans: By doing so he

8 J.P. Poirier, & M.A. Taher, “Historical Seismicity in the Near and Middle East, North Africa and Spain from Arabic Documents (7th–8th centuries),” Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America 70 (1980): 2185–2201. 9 Altmann, “Zu den in Athribis nachgewisenen,” 204–209. 10 For the decline of Egyptian temples see Frankfurter, D., Religion in Roman Egypt. Assimilation and Resistance (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998), 27–30, 178f., and Bagnall, R., Egypt in Late Antiquity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), 261–268. 11 For Shenute see C.T. Schroeder, Monastic Bodies. Discipline and Salvation in Shenoute of Atripe, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007); Behlmer, Schenute, lv–lx; S. Emmel, Shenute’s Literary Corpus (Leuven: Peeters, 2004), 6–14; id., “Shenute the Monk. The Early Monastic Career of Shenoute the Archimandrite” in Il Monachesimo tra eredità The Repit temple at Athribis 187 was responsible for the damnification and probably even the destruction of several temples,12 one of them being located at Athribis. This temple is commonly identified with the temple of Repit which is the largest temple at the site, especially because literary evidence13 points out that Shenoute infringed the temple of Athribis and the Archimandrite himself reports of arson14 at a holy place of Athribis. However, a large stone temple cannot simply burn down because there are not enough wooden parts and we have not found big ash or charcoal layers. It is more likely that Shenute has started a purifying fire to turn the pagan temple into a Christian building.15 It has been argued that the Archimandrite re-used some stones of this temple for the large church of his monastery, which was built around the year 445, which is neither supported by texts nor by the latest excavations because the destruction of the temple started in the Islamic period. Perhaps not too long after his death around 465 a large church was built in the court in front of the temple, perpendicular to its main entrance and thus being an unmistakable and very strong statement to suppress the old pagan cult of Repit, Min-Re and Kolanthes. This policy was followed in the whole Christian world when Pope Gregory the Great (590–604) ordered his missionaries in the year 601 to build churches at the places of old shrines.16 A large, three-aisled refectory was built

e aperture, Atti del simposio “Testi e temi nella tradizione del monachesimo christiano” per il 50º anniversario dell’Istituto Monastico di Sant’Anselmo, Studia Anselmiana 140, ed. M. Bielawski & D. Hombergen (Rome: Centro Studi S. Anselmo, 2004), 151–174; S.Y. Labib, “Shenute I,” in The Coptic Encyclopedia, ed. A.S. Atiya (New York: Macmillan, 1991), 2133– 2135; T. Orlandi, “Shenoute d’Atripe,” in Dictionnaire de spiritualité ascétique et mystique XIV (Paris, Beauchesne, 1990), sp. 797–804. 12 S. Emmel, “From the Other Side of the Nile: Shenute and Panopolis,” in Perspectives on Panopolis: An Egyptian Town from Alexander the Great to the Arab Conquest. Acts from an International Symposium Held in Leiden on 16, 17 and 18 December 1998, ed. A. Egberts, B.P. Muhs, J. van der Vliet, 95–113 (Leiden: Papyrologica Lugduno-Batava 31, Brill, 2002); id., “Shenoute of Atripe and the Christian Destruction of Temples in Egypt: Rhetoric and Reality,” in From Temple to Church. Destruction and Renewal of Local Cultic Topography in Late Antiquity, ed. J. Hahn, S. Emmel, U. Gotter (Leiden: Brill, 2005), 161–201; Hahn, J., Gewalt und religiöser Konflikt. Studien zu den Auseinandersetzungen zwischen Christen, Heiden und Juden im Osten des Römischen Reiches (von Konstantin bis Theodosius II.) (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, KLIO Beiheft 8, 2004). 13 Emmel, “Shenoute of Atripe”, 4. 14 Behlmer, Schenute, 7. 15 Emmel, “Shenute and Panopolis,” 113; for purifying fires see F.W. Deichmann & P. de Labriolle, “Christianisierung der Monumente,” in Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum II (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1954), 1231. 16 A. Demandt, Vandalismus. Gewalt gegen Kultur (Berlin: Siedler, 1997), 51. 188 Müller along the east side of the temple, next to it a fine hall with six pillars and a hospital. It is remarkable that there was a considerable secondary usage of many rooms as workshops. The most striking re-use of this kind is located in the inner sanctuary D3, which is the strongest possible desacralization. Many basins for dying cloth were built in the rooms C1, C2 and D3 as well as in some rooms around the temple, not to forget the laundry at the northern wall of the temple. This kind of economic and domestic use of Ancient Egyptian temples is common in Late Roman times.17 Destruction of Egyptian temples by Copts can be seen from the 4th century onwards. They systematically destroyed reliefs, which means that the shift of identity from a Pagan to a Christian building was considered more important than the fact that they destroyed works of their own ancestors—due to the Exodus story they identified the pre-Christian Jews as their ancestors and the Egyptian people of Pharaoh as enemies.18 After the end of the worship of Repit and the other gods the temple was deprived of its holiness by re-use and by destruction. Four types of violation of the reliefs and texts were discovered. Firstly, in some rooms the old decoration was simply covered with white colour, sometimes in two layers. Secondly, some pagan reliefs depicting Min, Repit, Kolanthes and many other gods as well as the Ptolemaic king or the Roman emperors in Pharaonic ornate were only plastered over. Thirdly, at other locations only the figures of gods and kings were effaced. Finally, some walls or even complete rooms of the temple were fully destroyed, for instance room E6. Usually, these violations are one of the first steps of re-use in order to deprive the building of is pagan holiness and make it thus usable for people of other belief. Therefore, I assume that these actions date not later than the 5th century.

17 For the re-use of temples see F.W. Deichmann, “Frühchristliche Kirchen in antiken Heiligtümern,” in Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts 54 (1939), 105–136; M. Jullien, “Le culte chrétien dans les temples de l’ancienne Egypte,” Les Études 92 (1902), 237–253; R.G. Coquin, “La christianisation des temples de Karnak,” Bulletin de l’Institute Français d’Archéologie Orientale 72 (1972), 169–178; P. Grossmann, “Tempel als Ort des Konflikts in christlicher Zeit,” in Le temple lieu de conflict. Actes du colloque de Cartigny 1991 (Leuven: Peeters, Les Cahiers du CEPOA 7, 1994), 181–201; id., Christliche Architektur in Ägypten (Leiden/Boston/Köln: Brill, Handbuch der Orientalistik 62, 2002), 44–48; id., “Christliche Einbauten im Tempel des Mandulis von Kalabša,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo 47 (1991), 143–150. 18 Demandt, Vandalismus, 121. CHAPTER 15 A Newly Discovered “Soul House” in Assuan

Wolfgang Müller Swiss Institute for Architectural and Archaeological Research on Ancient Egypt in Cairo

Irene Forstner-Müller Austrian Archaeological Institute Cairo Branch

Abstract ت ف أ ذ ق ُ ف َ ذ ُ ��عّ� ا � �ل�ك�ات�� ال� ��له�� ا ا لم��ا ع�ا ٢٠٠٥ع�� ا لم��تح�� ه ا �ل�� ك� ��س� ت �ل� هك� �م��ق�الا ت� ر� ب� ول � ل م لى ى ب ي� ر � ل ذ ذ أ آ ة أ ن ة �ه�� ا ا لم��ل�د, � �ل� � نع��د �م�ا �ع��ن��ه ا لم��ل�� ال�ع�� ل��ث��ا ا لم��ص �� ك�م�د � ع�ا ل� ��س ا ا ��لن� ��. ج و ك ي ج س لى ل ر � ري ير م و � و وب ً ً ة ة ة ة ف أ ن ة ت ن �� فص��ت� �م�د � ا �م�ش��ا ك�ا �ل��ل� ث�ع�� ا �ل��س ��س �� ا لم��ص �� ا لم�ش��ت��ك�� س ا ا �ل��ق�د �م�� ا ��لت� �ه ��ع�ا �� ن وب� ي� ير ر ب وي ري � ري ر ي� و � ي ي� ي� و� بي� آ أ آ ً أ ز ة ة � �ث ة � � �ث ق � � � � ث و� ار� ا �ل�د و �ل�� ل�ل ��ا ر ا لم��صر�ي�� )ا لم��ج��ل��س ال�ع��لى ل�ل ��ا ر ��س�ا ب��ا( وا ل��م��ع�ه�د ا ل��سو�ي��سر�ي� ل�ل بح�ا � أ ة ث ة ق ة ق ة ف�ق ن ئ ق ً ز تف ً ن ا ل��م�عماري�� وال� �ري�� لم��صر ا �ل��دي�م�� ب��ا �ل��ا �هر� �� دك�ا� د ا �م�ا �ص�د �ي��ا ط�ي�ب��ا و��يم��لا �م��ه��م�ا. ولا ي�م�ك�� ت آ � �ع ف� � � ة � ظ �ف � ة ت ة ن ة ش ف � ن ث ف� ن �ل� ة ج��ا �ه�ل د �م�ه �ي� موا ج��ه�� ا ل��رو� ا ل�� بص�ع�� ا ل��م�ع��ا د � ب��ا �ل��سب�� ل��ل�ك�� ع�� ال� ��ا ر �ي� ا لم�د � ا يح�� ذ ذ ة ث ف ن ق ة أ ن ة �ك�� ا �ح�ف��ائ� ال� ن��ق�ا � ا �ل�ض�� . ا �ل��ك�� م� ن ا �ل�ح�ف��ائ� � ��ط�ا �م�د ��ن�� س ا ا �ل��د ��د � ل ت��ك�ن و ر إ � روري ير � ر ي� � ي و � ج ي م � ف ة ذ خ ً ً ئً ت �ل�ت��ح�د ث� �ل لا ح� �� د.ا �ل��ل ا �ل�� لا ��ك� لا �م� ل ��د � ��ه�د ا � نم�ع�� ا د ا �م�ا �م�ا ��ع�ا �م� و ِر ي بيي� ي� ي ل و ي ل وم ي ر ج � وي و ل ة أ ً ف ت ث ً ئ ذ � ا ء � ل ��ت��ه ��د ا �م� ن ا �ل��ص ا � ص�ا �ل � ث �م��ص ا �ل�� ا � . ت��ق�د � ا �ل�ن�ت��ا � �ه�� ا ا �ل� بج ر وم ي �ر ب� ب � � رع ي� � ح إر� � ر ر ي� و ير ج� عم�ل ذ أ ت ش ت ن ض� ف� ق ة ت ش ف ت ا لم��ر ك ��عر � �ي� �ه�� ه ا لم��ا �ل�� ح�د ��ل�ك ا لم�ك��ا �. ت أ ُ تق ت ت ة ث ن ة ق ة ة ن ت ن ق � ��ل�� ا � �ل�ك�ا��ب�� ا ��ل��ا ��ي�� ل��ل�م��ا �ل�� ب��ا �ل�د �ك��ور حمد ا �ل�ب��ل �ل��ل�مر� ال�و لى �ع��د �م�ا د �ع�ي�� م� � ب�� ا ل��م��ع�ه�د إ يي� ُ � ل ذ أ ت ف � ة خ�ز �ف � ة � � ش ف � � ف ئ� � ثة � ة ا ل��سو�ي��سر�ي� �ل�د ر ا ��س�� ع��صر ا �ل�د و �ل�� ا لو��س��طى ا �ل�� ي� � ك�� ي� ح��ا ر ا �لب��ع�� ا ل��سو�ي��سر�ي�� آ ة ت ة ف أ ن ق خ ت ث ت ذ آث ة ذ ذ ا لم��ص �� ا لم�ش��ك�� س ا�. �ل��د �� هك��ا � ��مه� � � ع��ل �ع�م��ق ��ال� ��ا ا لم��ص ��. � نم�� ل�ك ري ر ي� و بِر ر ي� � م ي� م ي� ب ر ري ُ ً ً آث ف ة ُ ن ة ا �ل�ح�� ن �م ت� ا �ل��سن�� ا ت� ع�� ن د. محد ا �ل��ل �م�د � ا ع�ا �م�ا ل� ��ا �م��ص ا �ل�� ع ن�� ع�� ت� ا � �ل�ك�ات�� ي� ر و و ي� م بيي� ير ر ر ر وي و ي ب ة ة ن آ ة ف أ ا ��لث��ا ن�� م�د � � �ل�ف�� ا ل��م��عه�د ا �ل�م��س�ا � �ل��ث��ا ��ا �ل��ق�ا �ه �. ع�� ا � �م� ن ا لم�ش�� ع�ا ت ا ��لت� ��د � ي ير رع � و ي� ل ر ب ر و ر � رو � ي� ب

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ��5 | doi ��.��63/9789004293458_016 190 Müller and Forstner-Müller ن آ ف ف ذ ف ن ق أ ن ت ق ن ف ّ ا ل��م��عه�د ا �ل�م��س�ا � �ل�ل�ث��ا � ت��ن�� ه�ا � ��ط�ا � ��س ا ل ت��ك� ن �ل�ت��ح��ق ��د د �ع د. ا �ل��ل ا �ل��ع�ا ل � و ي� ر ي� ي ي� � و � م � � ب و� م بيي� ة ق ة ة ز ة ق ُ ً �م�ش�� ت��ه ا لم�ت�� خ�� ص��ص��. ��د � ��س�ت��ط�ا �ع� ت ا � �ل�ك�ات�� ا ��لث��ا ن�� ع�د ��ا � ��ا ��ه�ا ا لم��تح��ف�� ه �مؤ خ� ا � ل و ور � � و إ � ب ي ب �ي ر م ب� ى ب � ر إى ة أ ن ت ق ف ق ت�� ا �ل�ض��ع�� ظ�� هت� �م�ه ��ا ��له�ك��س �� ع�ا �صم�ت��ه�� ش�� ا �ل�د ��لت��ا. ل � ب � و إ ما ب � و س و �م ي� ر � أ ت أ ت � ن � ف � ن ة ن ت م� ة � ل ن � ن ت � ثة � ة ة ش ت �ة ن � �سوا� ا ل��رعو��ي� �ك�ا�� ج��هو �ل�� م�ا �م�ا, �إى �� م�ك�� ا �لب��ع�� ا ل��سو�ي��سر�ي�� ا لم��صر�ي�� ا لم��رك�� م�� ف ة ف ئ نق ذ ت ق ة ا �ل �ص � ع�د � �ح��ا � ��ا � � ل ط��ق�ا ت� � �� ل�ع��ص ا �ل�د ��لت�� ن ا �ل��د �م�� ا �ل ��س��ط . ��ن� �م�ك� ن و ول ي� ر إ إى ب ر جع � ر و ي� ي و و ى بيما ي � ت ف ة ت ة ق ة ذ ة �ث��ا ت� � د ��ه��ز ا ت� � �ش�� ا لم�د ��ن�� ل�ع��ص ا �ل�د �ل�� ا �ل��د �م�� ك�� ل�ك �ل�ع��ص ا �ل�د �ل�� إ ب و ج و ج �ي� ي� ما ل ي ر جع � ر و ي و � ر و أ ت ئ ذ أ ن أ � � � نق �ل� ن ت ض �ل� � ن �ق � ن ه ل �ع ف� ن��ن � ن ا لو�س��طى ل�ك��سر و�إع�د ا د و��ل ا ج�را��ي�� و��ي��ا موي� ا ل��ا مي�� ب��ه�� ا � �م�ا ل، ��إ ��ا ج�د �� ة ف ن ق ف ق ق ة ت ً ا �ل�ح�ا �ل�� ط�ا �ش��ا �ع��ا �� د ا �ل ا �� نع��د ا لم�� خح� ا �ل�ن�� ل��ل��س ا �ل�ح�د �� ث مخ�ت��فل�� م�ا �م�ا ي� � رع ب س ري و ع ل ج و بي� و� ي� أ أ أ ث ن ت ت ن ق ن ة ق ة ن ت � ق ة ث ة �ح�ي�� ه ��ك�اد لا �و ج�د �ه��ا ك ب��اي��ا �م�� ع��صر ا �ل�د و �ل�� ا �ل��دي�م�� إلا ��ه ��ك�د و ج�ود بط�� ري�� ت ة ت ف ف ة أ ة � �� ل�ع��ص ا �ل�د �ل�� ا �ل ��س��ط . ��ا ��لت��ا ل � ا �ل�ك�ش�� م�ن��ط��ق�� ٤٥ ل� �م � �ع� ن ��ق�ا ��ا � نم��ز ر جع � ر و و ى وب ي� م � ي� ول ر � ب ي �ل ة ت خ ة ة ت أ �م� ن �ع��ص ا �ل�د �ل�� ا �ل ��س��ط . �مث�� ا ��لن��ص � ا �ل��ص�� ، خ��ا ص�� ت��ل� ا ��لت� � �� ل � ا خ� � � ر و و ى و ل �و ص � ري � ك ي� ر جع إى و ر أ ً آ ت أ أ � ة �ث ن ة � ش �ث �ثة � ش ن خ� ن � ش ف� ت غ ة ف� �ه ة خ� ال� �سر� ا �ل��ا ��ي�� ع��ر وا �ل��ا �ل �� ع��ر �وع�ا � �ر �م�� الإ� ك��ا ��ا � �اي�� ي� ال� �مي�� وع��لى ال� ��ص ت ف ة ق ة ت��ل� ا ��لت� � �د � �ن�� ا لم�د ��ن�� ل ا �ل�ش�� ا �ل�ش�� م� ن �م�ن��ط��ق�� . ك ي� و ج ي� ج و ب� ي إى ما ل و ر� � 3 أ أ ُث ف ن ق ة ف خ ن ن ة ث ثة ع��ر �� م��ط�� ٤٥ �� د ا � � ��س�ا ��س ��سور �م� ا �ل��طو� ا �ل��ل�ب�� ي�ر ج�� لى �ع��صر ال� ��سر� ا ��ل��ا ��ل �� ي ي ل � ُب ِ ع إ ف ن ق أ ذ ذ �ع�ش�� ع�� ت �ل��ل � � ��س�ت�� خ�د ا ث��ا � � . ��د � ��س�ت�� خ�د �ل ا �ل��ق� ا�� ن �ه�� ا ا �ل�� ُ ض � ر لى بي� ر وح ي� إ م و ي� و م وح ر بي� و ي� و ِ�ع ق ش ً أ ف أ ��س��ط��ح�ه ا لمن�� م�ت��ه�ا � ل � ��س�� م �ك��س � �ل ا �م� ن ا �ل� ان�� ت� ا �ل�ح�� ا�ل �م��ل �ل��ل �ص ل � ل و � ج � إى ل ع ر وح � ج ر ي و ج ر ر ي� و و إى ت ق ف ة ة ة أ أ ُ ذ �ح��ق ح�ا �� ع��ل �� م��س��ط��ح�� ل�� س�ا �� ا �ل�ح�� ال�ح�د ث�. �صن�� ه�� ا ا �ل��ل ا �ل�ش��ه �م � �م� ن ي� وي ل س ج ر ي� �ع وح ب ربع � خ ض ف ئ ق ت غ ف ة ق ط��م ن��ل ��ش��ن ��ع�� د � ا �ل�ح ، مم�ا ��ع� �ن��ش��ا �ل�ه �� مم�ك� ن �لا � �ص � ��ط ي� ي ي� � و� ي ور � ر � ج ل إ ير � إ ي� ور ع ة ظ ف ً ة ف ف ع�د �. ��ه ��ا �ل��ل ا �ل�ت�� ا ل��م ت�ع��ا د �م � ا �ل�ش��ك� �م ت��ط�ا ��ف�� ه��. � ط � ��س��ط�� ا �ل��ل ي �ر ب وح ج وي� ربع ل ر ب ب و ي� ر� ح وح ة أ ن ذ ة ة ق ُ ذ ن ذ ا لم��ق�ا �� ل��فل�� ه�� د ع�� ال� �� ق�ا ��ا �م � لم��ق��ص � �م��ق��. ��د �ح�ف��ظ�� م� ن �ه�� ا ا �ل�م � ��ق�ا ��ا بل و يو ج لى رجح ب ي و ج� �ور بي و � و ج� ب ي أ ة ف ة ش ت أ ن ذ أ غ ف ة ��لث� ا ث� � �ع�م�د � � ا �ل ا��ه�� ع �� ا �ل�د ا خ� . � �د ��م�ا ا �ل��ن��ا ء ا لم�� غص�� م�ا � �ل��ق� ا�� ن ك�� ل ي� و ج � و ر � ب ل وو ج م ب � ر ج� ر بي� ر أ أ أ ن َ ف ة ا �لخ��ز � �ع��ة ع�� د��ة � �ز ا ء �م� ن �ح�� انا ت ك � � نه��ا ��ق�ا ا �د � � ن�ا�� ا ل��ق ص � ب� و و ي لى ِ ك� و ج � � يو �� . ما � ك ب ي�� ل� ر ج� ي� ج ب� م��ور ت أ ن ف أ ً أ ن �ث�� خ��ا �ص��ة � � ة � خ� � �� ت ا �ل � ال ص� �م��ل نا �ل�ك� ن ��ق�ا ا ال �ل ا ا �ل��ق��ل��ة م ل � ي م�عماري�� ر ى. وك�ا� ب��ي� روح ي� � �ل و�� و � ب ي�� و � ي ل� ت ة ت ض أ لا ��س��م�� ع�ا د � ��ص ا �ل � ال� ص��ل �ل�ه. ح بإ �ور و�ع � ي� A Newly Discovered “Soul House” in Assuan 191 ف ً ف ُ ف أ غ ف �� ت ا �ل �م�ع ��ة ��د ا � �ع ص ا �د ��ة ا �ل �� ع�ث� ع��ل�ه�ا � ال ��ل� � ا ل �� م ع�ا ت بيو� روح رو ج ي ي� �� ر ل� و ل� و س��طى. وي ر ي � ي� � ب� ي� م��ج �و � أ ف �ل�ن ئ�ز ة � ن ُ ت ض � � ت ن ت � ن ا ج��ا �ي�� ول��ك��ه�ا و جِ�د � ��ي��ا ي� م��س��وط��ا � وح��صو�. ن ض ن ة ث ة ��ت�� ت ا �ل ا ل��م�ع � � نه��ا � ل � �م� ن ا ��لت��ص��م� ت ا لم�ت��م��ز � �ك�� ا ��لت�ف��ا �ص�� . �م�ا �م�ك�ن ي مي� بي� روح رو � إى وع � � يما � ي� ير � يل ورب ي � أ ن تُف ق ة ف ة ة ق ة أ ن ق ف ة أ ن ن خ ة ت � ��ه�� ا ��ا ا �ل�ع � ا �ل�ح�ا �� ا لم��س��ح �� ل �ع�� )�م�ا ع�د ا ��ط�ا ا �ل�� ه��( ع�� ه�ا ��س�� ح�اك � �م ب ي مار و وب ب و إى لى � و لى � ي� ف خ ن ذ تق ف ق ف ذ �ن��ا ء د ا��ل لم��ز ل ا �ل�� د ��ه ا �ل�� ا�� ن �ل��لمت�� ا �ل��ا �ل�� ع��ل �ع �ش��ه. �� ت� ا �ل ا �ل�� ي� � و ي� م ي ر بي� � و ى ج س ى ر بي روح ي� ن ن ة ة أ ة ة ذ أ ف �ح� ن ��ص�� ه � نه��ا ��ت�� لن� �ؤ خ ع�ا د � �� د ا�� ع��ص ال� ��س � ا ��لث��ا ن�� ع�ش�� . �ه�� ا ال��م � � ب� ي مي� وع ي�ر� بب ي � ر ر ي ر و ر ي� ذ ت ف أ ف أ ن ً ف ذ فت ة ح�د � ا��ه لا �� ت �ل�� هت� �ح�� ث �ن��ه � � ��س ا ن��ا د ا �م�ا ص�ا د �ن��ا � د ط��ق�ا ت� �م� ن �ه�� ه ا �ل�� لإ ما م ي� ي� و � ر � و ج و ب � ر ت آ ن �ح�ى ال� �.

The first author has known the scholar honoured in this volume since 2005, when he became General Director of Aswan and Nubia. As co-director of the Swiss-Egyptian Joint Mission in Old Aswan he was always a dear friend and real colleague. His support was crucial due to the difficult nature of our work, mostly rescue excavations in a dynamically developing urban environment. Many archaeological investigations would have been impossible were it not for the often ferocious energy of Dr. el-Bialy, who never avoided conflict for the sake of archaeology. The object introduced in this paper is just a small example of the results the mission was able to achieve up to now in a spirit of true cooperation. The second author met Dr. Mohamed el-Bialy for the first time when she was invited to work on the Middle Kingdom material retrieved by the Swiss Egyptian mission in Aswan. She discovered him to be a dedicated archaeologist who shows a deep and honest interest in Egyptian archaeology. After that, Dr. Mohamed el-Bialy became Director General for all Pharaonic antiquities throughout Egypt and the second author became head of the Austrian Archaeological Institute/Cairo Branch. Several projects recently initiated by the Austrian Institute in the area of Aswan could never have taken place without the immense support and good advice of Mohamed el-Bialy. As the institute has broadened its research so has the venerated broadened the horizon of his interest to include the study of the Hyksos after a most pleasant visit in Tell el-Dab’a, ancient Avaris. He has become a good and loyal friend to both authors. 192 Müller and Forstner-Müller

The Swiss-Egyptian Joint Mission1 has been engaged in an urban archaeological project in modern Aswan since 2000. The joint mission consists of the Swiss Institute of Architectural and Archaeological Research on Ancient Egypt and the Aswan Inspectorate of the SCA. The project’s focus on rescue excavations is still very rare in Egypt. The aim of this project was to initiate “Urban Archaeology”, a branch of archaeology which is well established in Western and Central Europe but was then and still is with few exceptions a pioneer project in Egypt. Over the last 12 years excavations have taken place, 75 of them salvage excavations. Thus more and more of the history of Aswan, one of the most prominent towns of Egypt throughout the ages is being unearthed.2 Until recently Pharaonic Aswan was practically unknown. First observations of Old and Middle Kingdom layers in Area 18 were followed by the excavations in Area 23 where a succession of installations for granite processing and transport were uncovered.3 More recent work in nearby Areas 72, 73 and 74 further enriched the picture of temporary installations connected to quarrying.4 Both workshops and bakeries, evidence of centralized food production for the expeditionary workforce, were discovered.5 Further to the south, in the vicinity of modern Sh. Abbas Farid, the situation is significantly different. While Old Kingdom traces are very scarce,6 mostly pottery and small stone artefacts, domestic structures dating to the Middle Kingdom were observed here for the first time. Due to the small size of the excavated areas, Area 45 and 58,7 a more

1 The Joint Mission is a cooperation of the Swiss Institute for Architectural and Archaeological Research on Ancient Egypt in Cairo and the Egyptian Ministry of State for Antiquities (formerly SCA)—Aswan Inspectorate. Directors are Cornelius von Pilgrim and Mohamed El-Bialy (followed now by Nasr Salama). The work is made possible by a close and fruitful cooperation with the Aswan Inspectorate of the MSA. 2 For further information on the project cf. www.swissinst.ch. 3 Cornelius von Pilgrim, in Cornelius von Pilgrim et al., “The Town of Syene—Report on the 5th and 6th Season in Aswan,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo 64 (2008): 307–311. 4 Cornelius von Pilgrim and Wolfgang Müller, “Report on the Twelfth Season of the Swiss— Egyptian Joint Mission in Syene/Old Aswan (2011/2012),” Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte forthcoming (http://swissinst.ch/downloads/SwissInst_ReportAswan2012.pdf.) (2012): 17–21. 5 von Pilgrim, and Müller, “Report on the Twelfth Season,” 19–21. 6 Wolfgang Müller, in Cornelius von Pilgrim, and Wolfgang Müller, “Report on the Eighth Season of the Joint Swiss-Egyptian Mission in Syene/Old Aswan (2007/2008),” Annales Du Service Des Antiquités De L’Égypte 84 (2010): 324. 7 Wolfgang Müller, in Cornelius von Pilgrim, and Wolfgang Müller, “Report on the Tenth Season of the Swiss—Egyptian Joint Mission in Syene/Old Aswan (2009/2010).” Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte forthcoming (2010): 7–8. (http://swissinst.ch/downloads/Report ontheTenthSeasonoftheJointSwiss_EgyptianMissioninSyene_OldAswan(2009_2010).pdf). In A Newly Discovered “Soul House” in Assuan 193

figure 15.1 Aswan in the Old and Middle Kingdom, overall map. detailed interpretation of the findings is currently difficult. The most remarkable discoveries dating to Dynasty XIII were several rock-inscrptions found to the south and east of Area 3.8

Area 58 parts of a building dating to Dynasty XIII but no traces of XII Dynasty architecture were found. 8 von Pilgrim, in von Pilgrim and Müller, “Report on the 5th and 6th Season,” 311–312 fig. 1 (Area 16); Marcel Marée, in Cornelius von Pilgrim and Wolfgang Müller, “Report on the Ninth Season of the Swiss—Egyptian Joint Mission in Syene/Old Aswan (2008/2009),” Annales Du Service Des Antiquités De L’Égypte forthcoming (2009): (http://swissinst.ch/downloads Report9thSeason_2008-2009.pdf): 41 fig. 18 (Area 46); Wolfgang Müller, in von Pilgrim, and Müller, “Report on the Tenth Season,” 14 figs. 33–37; Wolfgang Müller, in von Pilgrim, and Müller, “Report on the Twelfth Season,” 17 fig. 26 (Area 71). The rock inscriptions are studied by Marcel Marée. 194 Müller and Forstner-Müller

figure 15.2 Middle Kingdom house in area 45.

The larger part of Area 45 had to be abandoned regrettably early after the discovery and partial investigation of an extensive cemetery from the Late Roman and Roman Imperial Periods. Only in a small eastern extension of the site (approximately 25 sqm) was the mission able to excavate down to the surface of the bedrock. It was here that substantial architectural remains of Late Dynasty XII and Dynasty XIII were found.9 While the structures dating to Dynasty XII, a room with a bakery installation and a courtyard containing several ovens and workplaces, probably for silex processing, were quite well preserved, 1.40 m of a north-south wall (W45-7) was all that was left of Dynasty XIII architecture.10 Of the almost completely destroyed (by Roman burials) mud-brick wall only

9 13th dynasty means the time span from the beginning of the 13thy Dynasty (more or less contemporaneous in Egypt) until the beginning of the 17th dynasty in Upper Egypt, following among others Anne Seiler, Tradition & Wandel. Die Keramik als Spiegel der Kulturentwicklung Thebens in der Zweiten Zwischenzeit. Sonderschriften des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo 17 (Mainz: Harrasowitz, 2005), 123–160. 10 Wolfgang Müller, in von Pilgrim and Müller, “Report on the Ninth Season,” 3–8; Irene Forstner-Müller and Wolfgang Müller, “Function and Reuse of Pottery within a Middle Kingdom Baking Area in Syene/Aswan,” in Functional Aspects of Egyptian Ceramics in their Archaeological Context. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 217, edited by Bettina Bader and Mary F. Ownby (Leuven: Peeters, 2012), 99–118. A Newly Discovered “Soul House” in Assuan 195

figure 15.3 Reused “soul house” within a Middle Kingdom house in area 45. the foundation was still preserved within the excavated area. The foundation was 0.8 m wide and consisted of carefully placed and levelled sandstone and granite slabs, and the “Soul-House” that is the subject of this paper. The object (9-45-359-1/1), made of coarse Nile clay and very fragile due to the humid environment, was positioned face-down and used in a purely construc- tional way. Prior to its secondary use it had obviously lost all sacral meaning, but may have been positioned face-down out of respect. A more profane interpretation would surmise that the smooth underside was much more practical for the construction of a flat surface. The almost square rectangular main body of the offering plate measures 39–40.5 × 39.5–42 cm, and the spout measures 6 cm. The overall height of the object is 6 cm. It is handmade and smoothed, and vestiges of this smoothing are clearly visible on the inner surface of the plate. The piece was found broken into fragments and could be almost wholly restored. The object consists of the plate itself, an enhanced rim and a spout.11 In the front part slightly to the right of

11 These three components are typical for this kind of objects cf. Andrzej Niwinski, “Seelenhaus,” in Lexikon der Ägyptologie V, edited by Wolfgang Helck and Eberhard Otto, 806–813 (Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, 1984), 807. 196 Müller and Forstner-Müller

figure 15.4 Soul House of the early Middle Kingdom.

figure 15.5 Detail of the Soul House of the early Middle Kingdom with traces of colour. A Newly Discovered “Soul House” in Assuan 197

figure 15.6 Detail of the early Middle Kingdom “Soul House”. the extended axes a modelled square feature with an opening on the side closest to the spout was added. To the left and behind this square, again modeled by the potter from the fabric of the plate, several clay objects are arranged in an irregular row. These represent symbols of food offerings: a cattle leg, bread and jars. At the right edge is a rectangular bench originally with three modeled jars, one of which is broken away. The three round objects in the second back row whose upper parts are broken away are somewhat enigmatic at first glance. They seem to represent architectural features (three columns), and are parts of a funerary cult place. Behind these columns is the modeled vaulted (?) shrine 198 Müller and Forstner-Müller with a throne which may symbolize the funerary chapel belonging to the deceased. The feature in the back left corner may be interpreted as a staircase. The offering plate was originally painted, but the colors are almost completely weathered, with vestiges of red and white painting still visible on some parts. Offering platters made of clay12 are popular from the 11th dynasty well into the Late Middle Kingdom. They are found mostly within cemeteries—not necessarily those of the elite—and also in non-funerary areas such as within the Nubian fortresses and the workers settlement at Illahun.13 Most probably they were a less expensive alternative for the offering platters made of stone for the funerary chapels of the Egyptian upper class.14 Three different groups of offering platters can be distinguished:15

1. The simple offering platters consisting of the platter itself, the enhanced rim and the spout. On top of the platter different objects belonging to the sphere of food offerings are modeled in clay. These platters substitute for

12 For general literature on this find group cf. William M.F. Petrie, Kahun, Gurob and Hawara (London: Hazel, Waton and Viney, 1890), 24–25; William M.F. Petrie, Gizeh and Rifeh. British School of Archaeology in Egypt and Egyptian Research Account 13th year (London: Hazel, Waton and Viney, 1907), 15; Charles Kuentz, “Bassins et tables d’offrandes égyptiennes,” Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale 81 (1981): 243–282; Ray A. Slater, The Archaeology of Dendereh in the First Intermediate Period (Pennsylvania: University Microfilms: 1974, 301–315); Angela M.J. Tooley, Middle Kingdom Burial Customs. A Study on Wooden Models and Related Material (Liverpool: Unpublished PH.D, 1989), 249–304 and in detailed discussion Andrzej Niwinski, “Plateaux d’offrandes et ‘maisons d’âmes’: Genèse, évolution et fonction dans le culte des morts au temps de la XIIe dynastie,” Études et Travaux 8 (1975): 75–112. François Leclère, “Les ‘maisons d’âme’ égyptiennes: une tentative mise au point,” in Maquettes architecturales de l’Antiquité, edited by Béatrice Muller (Paris: de Boccard, 2001), 99–121 and recently Andrea Kilian, “Pottery Offering Trays. General Observations and New Material from Asyut,” in Seven Seasons at Asyut. First Results of the Egyptian-German Cooperation in Archaeological Fieldwork. Proceedings of an International Conference at the University of Sohag, 10th–11th of October, 2009. The Asyut Project 2, edited by Jochem Kahl et al. (Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, 2012), 105–118, pl. 8–9. 13 Kilian, “Pottery Offering Trays. General Observations and New Material from Asyut”, 110 and table 1 with further bibliography, cf. Kate Spence, “Air, Comfort and Status: Interpreting the Domestic Features of ‘Soul Houses’ from Rifa,” in Under the Potter’s Tree. Studies on Ancient Egypt Presented to Janine Bourriau on the Occasion of her 70th Birthday, edited by David Aston, Bettina Bader, Carla Gallorini, and Paul Nicholson (Leuven-Paris- Walpole: Peeters, 2011), 908–909. 14 Niwinski, “Seelenhaus,” 806. 15 After Niwinski, “Seelenhaus,” 806–809. A Newly Discovered “Soul House” in Assuan 199

the (more expensive) examples made of stone. Whether they developed from a more complex shape to a simpler16 or became more complex in their development17 is still discussed.18 A chronological development is visible: the earlier ones are rectangular, and are more similar in their shape to the stone tables. Over time they become rounder. Niwinski’s thesis that they emerged from stone prototypes19 is has been questioned recently by Kilian who suggests they might have developed independently.20 2. More advanced offering platters including architectural features representing a funerary chapel.21 The cult place is always at the back wall of the platter. Architectural features can show a throne, a false door with a statue and an offering table, a vaulted chapel with a seat, or—the most elaborate version—a column hall. 3. The most complex version are house models made of clay—the so called “soul houses”.22

Elements of the contemporary domestic architecture are represented in the funerary cult.23 The platters are the courtyards of the houses in which the modeled food offerings are deposited. These models are of special interest as they give the modern viewer information on the house architecture of this time.24 The object presented here seems to fall in the third group. It is a very basic version of a soul house: a courtyard with food offerings, a small bench to the left, in the left rear corner a staircase and at the back a funerary chapel with a single row of columns and the funerary chapel proper with a seat.

16 Niwinski, “Plateaux d’offrandes et ‘maisons d’âmes’,” 97. 17 Slater, The Archaeology of Dendereh in the First Intermediate Period, 307, 312 and 402. 18 Kilian, “Pottery Offering Trays. General Observations and New Material from Asyut,” 110–111. 19 Niwinski, “Seelenhaus.”, 806. 20 Kilian, “Pottery Offering Trays. General Observations and New Material from Asyut,” 112. 21 Niwinski, “Seelenhaus,” 808. 22 This name was introduced by Petrie and Quibell (Petrie, Gizeh and Rifeh, 14–20) who interpreted these objects as houses for the soul of the deceased. 23 Cf. recently Spence, “Air, Comfort and Status,” 901–908. 24 Cf. also Dieter Eigner, “Domestic Architecture, Evidence from Tomb Scenes, Middle Kingdom Models,” in Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt, edited by Katherine Bard (London: Routledge Chapman & Hall, 1999), 255–257. 200 Müller and Forstner-Müller

Offering platters made of clay begin in the First Intermediate Period25 and are very common in the 12th Dynasty all over Egypt.26 According to its rectangular shape it belongs with the oldest examples of these objects27 and might date to the early 12th or even the 11th Dynasty.28 Similar examples for this type of soul house are known from Rifeh.29 Until now all the known Middle Kingdom layers investigated in Aswan date to the later 12th dynasty and to the 13th dynasty, and the example from Aswan was found reused in a domestic context of the 13th dynasty. The appearance of this early type of offering plate is even more striking, as almost no 1st Intermediate and early Middle Kingdom activity has been found in Aswan until now. This may well be due to the nature and limited area of salvage excavations. Thus only a glimpse of the whole picture can be gained from each excavation. On the other hand any new investigation adds a new piece to the jigsaw-puzzle, so the overall picture may well change with further research. A tomb dating to the 6th Dynasty found in Area 2 was reused in the First Intermediate Period and in late 12th Dynasty. This secondary burial is the only evidence of Middle Kingdom funerary activity found in Aswan until now.30

25 Cf. Leclère, “Les ‘maisons d’âme’ égyptiennes” against Niwinski, “Seelenhaus,” 810 and idem, “Plateaux d’offrandes et ‘maisons d’âmes’,” 95–98 who wants to date all objects into Dynasty XII. 26 Cf. for instance Rifeh, Petrie, Gizeh and Rifeh, XIV and XV, for Aswan Elmar Edel, Die Felsengräbernekropole der Qubbet el-Hawa bei Assuan, 1. Abt., 3 Bd. + Tafeln. Aus dem Nachlass verfasst und herausgegeben von K.-J. Seyfried und G. Vieler (Paderborn/ München/Wien/Zürich: Ferdinand Schöningh Verlag, 2008), 1196, 1289 and 1310, recently cf. for Mo’alla (http://www.yale.edu/egyptology/ae_moalla_necropolis.htm), accessed June 1, 2014. Most examples are known from Upper Egypt, however this is due to the status of excavation. For Lower Nubia and Dakhla cf. also the list in Leclère, “Les ‘maisons d’âme’ égyptiennes,” 103–104. In 2012 a fragment was found in Tell el-Dab’a (area R/III, unpublished). 27 Niwinski, “Seelenhaus,” 806; Regina Hölzl, Ägyptische Opfertafeln und Kultbecken. Eine Form-und Funktionsanalyse für das Alte Mittlere und Neue Reich. Hildesheimer Ägyptologische Beiträge 45 (Hildesheim: Gebrüder Gerstenberg, 2002), 52. 28 Marcel Marée personal communication, s. also Spence, “Air, Comfort and Status,” 900 no. 22, Leclère, “Les ‘maisons d’âme’ égyptiennes,” 118. 29 Petrie, Gizeh and Rifeh, pl. XIV 1–13. 30 W. Müller, in Cornelius von Pilgrim, and Wolfgang Müller, “Report on the Eleventh Season of the Swiss—Egyptian Joint Mission in Syene/Old Aswan (2010/2011),” Annales Du Service Des Antiquités De L’Égypte forthcoming (2011) (http://swissinst.ch/ downloads/ReportontheEleventhSeasonoftheJointSwiss_EgyptianMissioninSyene_ OldAswan(2010_2011).pdf), 8–9. A Newly Discovered “Soul House” in Assuan 201

Thus the question of the origin of this soul house arises. Are there earlier Middle Kingdom deposits in Aswan? Until now no good parallel for the soul house has been found in this area. No published example is known from settlement contexts or the tombs of the early Middle Kingdom cemetery at Elephantine.31 In the rock tomb cemetery of Qubbet el-Hawa offering platters appear within the tombs, but all of them are of oval shape and simple in decoration. The origin of this soul house therefore remains mysterious. Hopefully more work in the region of Aswan will provide us with more knowledge of this topic.

31 For this Middle Kingdom cemetery at Elephantine cf. Stephan Seidlmayer, “Nordweststadt und Friedhof,” in Werner Kaiser et al., “Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine, 8. Grabungsbericht,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo 36 (1980): 280–289; Stephan Seidlmayer, “Nekropole, Keramikwerkstatt und königliche Anlage in der Nordweststadt,” in Werner Kaiser et al., “Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine, 9./10. Grabungsbericht,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo 38 (1982): 284–306; Stephan Seidlmayer, “Nordweststadt und Nekropole,” in Werner Kaiser et al., “Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine, 11./12. Grabungsbericht,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo 40 (1984): 181–184; Cornelius von Pilgrim, “Stadtgebiet nor- döstlich des Späten Chnumtempels: Mittleres und Neues Reich,” in Werner Kaiser et al., “Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. 17./18. Grabungsbericht,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo 46 (1990): 185–249. CHAPTER 16 Images of Power in Neferhotep’s Tomb: Between Tradition and Renovation

María Violeta Pereyra Buenos Aires University – National Council for Scientific and Technological Research

Abstract أ أ ف ت ض ة ف �ح�د ال��ه�د ا � ا ��لت� ك�ا ن�� ت �ؤد � � ل � خ��ت��ا �م � ع�ا ت ا لمن��ا ظ� ا لم��ح�ف�� ظ �� م��ق�ا � �م ظ��ف�� ي� � � ي� إى إ ي ر و�و � ر و ي� بر و ي� أ ف ة ة � ت ز ن غ� ة � ت� ض ش � ة ل� ة ت � ا �ل�د و �ل�� ب��ط�ي�ب�� و� ��س�ا ل�ي�� ب� �و��ي��ع�ه �اك�ا� ا �لر�ب�� ي� �إ ��س��ح��ار �م��ا �ه�د ا ل��ط�ب�ي��ع�� ام��ح��لي�� و��صوير�ه�ا ة ة ة ذ أ ن ت ذ ة ة ��ط ��ق�� ن��ا � ض�� ا �ل�ح��ا �. ��ه�� ا ا لم�ف��ه �م�ك� ن � �ؤ خ�� دلا �ل�� ع ض�� نم��ا ظ� �م��ق�� ن��ف�� ح�ت�� ب ري ب� ب ي وب� �وم ي � � � ب � ر بر ر ب� ذ ن �ت ن خ � ن �ت � ة ة � ن ��ل ئة � ة �ذ )TT49( ب��ع�ي�� الإ� ع��ب��ار، و�م�� إ د ��ا ل ا ل�ع��ا �صر ا �ل��صويري�� ا ل��م�ع�ب�ر� ع�� ا ب��ي�� ا ل��ط�ب�ي�� ي�ع�� وك�� ل�ك ت ن ة ف ن ذ ة أ ��ص � ا لم��ا � ا لم��ق�ا �م�� ع�� ض �ف��ت� ا �ل�ن�� ل� � �ح ��ا �ل�ح ا لم��ق��د �� ل��ط��. ��ا ��لت�� ك��د �م�ك� ن �وير ب ي� لى � ي� يل إ � ك يو ي� ب رم س ي ب ب ي ي � ة ذ ض ف ة ة أ ن ت ت��ف��س�� مز �� ثم�� ه�� ه ا لمن��ا ظ� ��م� ن � ن��ا م ا �لز خ� �� لم��ق�� ع�� ه�ا ��ع�� ع� ن مم�ا ��س�ا ت ير ر �ي ل ر � بر ج� � ر بر TT49 لى � بير � ر � ن ق ة ن ت ض ة ز ة ��س�ت ن ش ف� �ل� نة ن ظ ً �ت �ل�خ ة ط��سي�� ك�ا�� ر وري�� ولا��م�� لإ� �مرار ا �ل��ا ط �ي� ا ج�ب��ا ��. و��را �ل��ع�د د ا ل��م�ع�ا �ي� ا ��ا �ص�� ن ذ ف �ت � �ل�ن ئ�ز ف� نن تف ن � ن � � ت�ث �ق � ز خ� ف�ة ب��ا �ل��صوير ا ج��ا � �ي� ��إ ��ا ��س��سر �ه��ا ع�� ا �ل�د ور ا لم��ح�د د ا �ل�� ي� ل ب�ع��ه م��ي��ل ا ل��صر �ي� ��ر�� ق ة ت خ ف ً م ت ن ج��د ار ا لم��ب�ر� �م��ي��ا ور ا ء ج�رد ��صو�ر ا لم�ب�� . ُ ي ى ق أ ت ذ ق نق ة ة ة ف ة ة ت ض ف ��د ��خ�� ت� ��لت��ص � ا �ل��ص ��ط�� م�ح �� م� ن ا �ل��ص�ا �ل�� ا ��لن��ا �ح�� ا �ل�ن�� ال� �ع�ت��ا و �وير � ر وري � � ي� ي ج وبي �ع ي� إ ب ر ق ق ظ ة ظ �م �� ا �ل��ص ا لم��ل ك� ا �ل��ط�� . � نه��ا ك ��ه ا لم��ل�ك �ل ك� �ؤد � ا ��ات��ه ا �ل�ع�ا �م��. �م� ن �م�ن�� د وع � ر ي� يبي� ي �ر ي� ي� ي� و ج ب و � ور ور ة ة ة ن ة أ ن ف تت ز ا لم��ل��ك� �� ك�مؤ��س��س�� س��ا ��س�� د �� م�ا ��م�ك��ن��ا ا ��لت��ع � ع�� ع ض�� م� ا م ا لمش��ه�د ا ��لت� ��ا م� د ي � ي ي و ي ي رب ر� لى ب � لح � ي� ج و� ج ر ت أ ف ت ن ت أ ة ة ��ص � � �ز ا ء �م� ن ا لم��ن� � ��ع��ق��د ه ا لم�ك�ا � ��س��م�� ؤ��ت� ه ك� �مز �مث�� ال� ��د � �ل �� ا ل�مه�� نم��. �وير ج � � بى ي� ي ي� و ح بر �ي ر � ي ل ي يو و ج ي �ي تز ذ ؤ ة ث ً ن ن ظ ق ن ث ت ت ت ة خت ف ة و��د ا د �ه�� ه ا �لر�ي�� را ء �ع��د ا ��ل��ر �إ لى ا �ل��صر �م�� ح�ي�� إ��ص�الا ��ه ا لم��ع�د د � وا لم��ل�� ق ن ة ف ئ ق ة ض ف ة ذ ف ن ن ت ب��ب��ا �� ا �ل�ع��ا �صر ا لم��س��ج��ل�� ا �لر��سو ع��ل �حوا��ط ا لم��ب�ر�. وب��ال� ��ا �� لى � �ل�ك �� ه ي�م�ك� �ح�دي��د ي ي م ى ُ إ إ إ � ق غ ف ة ز أ أ خ ف ت ظ ت ف ف أ ف ض ع� ا ��ا ت� ط�� ا �� م �م � خ� � � ��س�ت��د �م� ت� � � �ك�� ا لمن��ا � �ل��س�ا �ه � ��ه�� ل بو ر ي ع ر و� ر ى ي� ر ي ب ر م ي� �م �ل

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ��5 | doi ��.��63/9789004293458_017 Images of Power in Neferhotep’s Tomb 203 ز ت ن ت تن تت ق ً ن ة نت ة ف ئة ة ق �لر�م�� ه. �� ع��ب��ار ا ��ا ��س دلا ��لي��ا �م ي�ك�ا � ط�ي�ب�� “ا لم��صر�” �� ب��ي�� ط�ب�ي�� ي�ع�� م ط�ا ب� �م��د ��س ي إ إ � ع ّ ي ع ع ض ق َ َ ت ز ة ة � ض��ف�� م�ف��ه ع�� ك� �ع�ن��ص ��م� ن ح�د د � ��ل��مه�ا. �ش�� ك� � � ا لم��ق�ا � ا �لخ��ا ص�� ا لم��ل��ك�� ي� ي� �وم لى ل � ر � و إ ي � ل و�يع بر ) � و ي ( ذ ق ً ذ ف ئ ة �ك�� ل� �م ا �� م�ع�ا ��د �م� ا �� ن ا �ل��سن�� ن �ز ء �م� ن ا �ل�خ��ط�ا � ا �ل�� ل� �م�ت��ط��ل��ا ت� ا �ل�د �� ن ا لم� ا �م�� و ك و ع ب ل يي� ي� ج � � ب ي� بى ب � ل ظ ف ذ تق ف ن ة ف ف ة أ ف ن �ل��لم �� ن �ك�� ل�ك �م�ت��ط��ل��ا ت� �� ال� �تح��الا ت� ا �ل�د �� ا لم��ح��ل . � ك�ا�� ال� �ح ا ل �� ا لم��ل�ك �و ي� و ب ويم إ ي ي ي� ي� و إ � أ ً ن � �� تف ت ف ض ن � ت � ؤ� ن � ة � ن ة �ت ك�ا� ير� س الإ� ح��الا � ب�و�ص��ه ��ا �م��ا �ل��ل�م�ا ع�� م�ا ي ج��ع��ل�ه �ي�ك�د ا �ل�دي��ا يم��كي�� ا ل�كو��ي�� وب��ا �ل��ا لي� أ ض ً ت ة ��ي��ا الإ� ج��ما �عي��. ذ أ ة ة ة ت فأة ز ة ة ك � ��د ��سؤا � � �ه�م�� خ��ا ص�� ع� ن دلا �ل�� م�ث�� م ا ��س � �م�ك�ا�� ص�ا �ح� ا لم��ق�� ا ��لت� ما يو ج � ل و ي � � يل ر م � و ج � ب� بر ي� ُ أ ش ت � ن ظ � ف� ة ن ف �ت ذ ت ف� �ا �ه ن ��خ ة ف�ة ف� ة �صور� �إ لى ج�وار �م��ر �م�ك�ا �� ر ح�� ب� � ا��ه. ��ك�ل �م �اك�ا� ��صي�� م�عرو�� ي� ا �ل�د و �ل�� ت ئ ة ذ ة أ ة ا �لظ��ه ال� ��س��ث�ن��ا � �ل��لز �� ه�� ا ا �ل�ش��ك� ��ع� ا �ل�ت��ح��ل � ص�ع��ا �ل� غ��ل��ا �� ل�ع�د � د � �ثم��ل�� و �ور إ ي� � و ج ب� ل ي ج ل يل � ب ي م و ج و أ خ ن ظ ة � �ر�ى �م��ا �ر� �ل�ه.

Personal Note

I met Mohamed El-Bialy in his office of the West Bank many years ago, when the first campaign of the Argentine Mission in Luxor was just starting. He was sitting at his desk dealing with a lot of papers and giving orders to everybody. Observing him I quickly realized what it means to see “Mohamed in action”. Clear and generous in his considerations, very friendly then, as well as now, his helpful and skilled advice was some of the best support we received for our work in TT49. Mohamed’s interest and love for the necropolis was the essential factor enabling us to pose questions and to share doubts, to put forward projects, in addition to crafting plans for the future of the site. Apart from that, we had the opportunity to invite him to our university. In this way we were able to discover the man behind his academic activity. Enjoying the week he spent in Buenos Aires with us, we had the opportunity to show him our city and return some of the kindness received from him in Luxor. Some scholar suggested that being born on the same day as the pharaoh could be one of the reasons for being a member of the kȜp. In my case this was an additional motive to have something else to celebrate together with Mohamed and the companions of the kȜp, and to create a durable relationship. 204 Pereyra

The Funerary Monument of Neferhotep and its Decoration in Context

The wealth and opulence of imperial Thebes, and especially of the Amun temple, during the New Kingdom is a commonplace of Egyptology, and the end of the 18th dynasty testifies to its continuity after the Amarnian period. Neferhotep, son of Neby, was an official of the great temple of Amun, and his tomb in the Theban necropolis (TT49) is a very illustrative monument of this period. Dated to the time of Theban restoration after Amarna, and considered representative of the 18th Dynasty’s end, a discussion about every element that was chosen to decorate it is justified from the point of view of its art as well as its historical significance. The decoration of the funerary monument of Neferhotep reflects the wealth of the elite, and the iconography attests both to their exaltation and the changes which occurred, at least from an ideological perspective. However, the iconography was used to express themes and figurative treatment from prior periods, including the Amarnian, which were integrated into a speech of innovative meaning. Selected representation of human figures and buildings expressive to state power was applied as part of the narrative stage that gives notice of continuity. This transcends the merely aesthetic and was renewed through various resources. These issues can not be explained only by the identity of the artists who made the representations, many of whom were those who had decorated the graves of Akhetaten. In a controlled social system like that of ancient Egypt, the aesthetic and thematic nature of the decoration of elite mortuary monuments left little room for the individual creativity of the artists who executed them. Neither were the subjects to be represented chosen by the beneficiaries. Quite the con- trary, the decorative program of each monument merely aimed to meet state requirements and it is probable that tomb owners only negotiated some questions according to their rank and personal power. A first grant to an official at the time of awarding a tomb was normally its location in the cemetery in a favorable spot for his posthumous participation in the celebrations of the necropolis; this means in the vicinity of a processional way or a temple on the West bank of the Nile. However, such a location would be defined primarily by the institution in which each official served the Egyptian state.1

1 Luc Gabolde, “Autour de la tombe 276: Pourquoi va-t-on se faire enterrer á Gournet Muraï au début du Nouvel Empire?,” in Thebanischen Beamtennekropolen, ed. Jan Assmann et al. (Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag, 1995), 155–165. Images of Power in Neferhotep’s Tomb 205

Secondly, social representation and exaltation of his prestige would have been the objectives of the members of the elite in the negotiations carried out with the state to build and decorate their mortuary monument. Several more or less fixed patterns of decorative programs were available, according to the hierarchy and the nature of the services provided by each official throughout his career. Melinda Hartwig2 has underlined the consistent relationship between the use of certain motifs in the decoration of a tomb and membership of its owner to a specific area of the state. She distinguished between graves decorated in the ‘Palace Style’ and the ‘Temple Style’, according to the scenes that occupied the focal points in tombs of the elite during Thutmose IV and Amenhotep III’s reigns. In her approach, the motives of the wall paintings were taken into account, but also the syntax of the scenes must be put it in relation with the tomb’s owner’s career. She considers the scenes represented in focal points “as the most sensitive indicator of the identity and social position of the tomb owner and his world.”3 According to Hartwig’s approach, the tomb of Neferhotep should be of the ‘Palace Style’, although some new features were introduced regarding the icons used to show the owner’s social position.4 The followings scenes were placed on the focal walls of TT49’s hall: to the South side the official reward by the king from the windows of appearance, and to the North side Osiris enthroned (Fig. 16.1). The nature of the icons used is remarkable; they were aligned with royal and funerary post-Amarnian renewal. Moreover, and taking into account the fact that the main focus inside the monument was the statue niche at the rear of the chapel, the depiction of the Karnak temple on the North wall of this room must be noted. We can therefore ponder about the inclusion in this space of another icon in order to exhibit the tomb owner’s relationship with the institution he served as ‘great of Amun’, ‘Overseer of the Cattle of Amun’ and ‘Overseer of the neferut of Amun in the Upper and Lower Egypt.5 According to this, it would be expected that TT49 was a ‘Temple Style’ tomb.

2 Melinda K. Hartwig, “Style and Visual Rhetoric in Theban Tomb Painting,” in Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-first Century. Proceeding of the Eighth International Congress of Egyptologist. Cairo, 2000, vol. 2, ed. Zahi Hawas. (Cairo–New York: The American University in Cairo Press. 2003), 300–306. 3 Hartwig “Style and Visual Rhetoric,” 298. 4 The ‘Kiosk Icon’, with the tomb owner presenting objects evoking life and protection to the enthroned king, next to the ‘Career Icon’ where aspects of the official’s services to the king were shown (Hartwig, “Style and Visual Rhetoric,” 301). 5 The most complete record of Neferhotep’s titles in TT49 is in the hall ceiling inscriptions, where his father’s title was also recorded (Norman de Garis Davies, The Tomb of Neferhotep at Thebes, vol. I (New York, 1933), pls. LVIII–LIX. 206 Pereyra

So a clear link between Neferhotep and Amun is shown in the chapel, where the great temple of the god and its domains and wealth were depicted on the North wall.6 The scene is the largest representation of Karnak in a Theban tomb wall painting, with Neferhotep receiving the bouquet of life, an icon identified by Hartwig in ‘Temple Style’ tombs (2003: 303). Neferhotep served Amun during the reign of Ay and was likely to do so under Tutankhamun.7 The tomb’s conception and the titles of its owner indicate that he was involved in the management of the Amun temple, and he could have been a key player in the recovery of the Theban god’s primacy. Nothing is known of this career from the information provided by his grave, but his services merited his being distinguished by the sovereign with gold and his tomb being decorated with themes not common in Theban necropolis: the royal palace and the great temple of Amun. Noteworthy for the originality of its elements, the scene of the royal reward is structurally complex and polysemic. It is located on the south side of the West wall of the hall and its composition was developed on the whole of that surface, organized into two registers. In the main register, whose dimensions were defined by reaching the window of appearance, the ceremonies of Neferhotep and his wife Merytra being rewarded were represented (Fig. 16.1). Figurative elements were used in characterizing this topic. The narrative sequence allows us to first acknowledge the palace window from which the sovereign appears, and before which Neferhotep is standing. It is in a focal point and highlighted by its size and its location in the most illuminated sector of the wall. Outside of the space where the ceremony took place, the exit from the palace by Neferhotep triumphant in his car was displayed in a manner similar to that recorded in some private tombs in Akhetaten.8 A similar treatment is also given to the transfer of goods received on the occasion by the rewarded noble, present in TT49 and Amarna. However, it is possible to recognize some innovations that allow us to infer changes in the socio-political conditions of the time in Merytra’s scene. The most significant

6 Davies, The Tomb of Neferhotep, I pls. XLI–LXIX. 7 Neferhotep father’s career was, at least in part, contemporary to transference of the court to Akhetaton. His family would not have been part of the Akhenaten ‘new men’, and titles of all his relatives indicate that they had served Amun for three generations (M. Violeta Pereyra, “Redes sociales e iconografía”, Trabajos de Egiptología 5/2 (2009): 151–161).). The titles of the grandfather and great-grandfather were recorded in the hall, on the Eastern panel of the South wall (Davies, The Tomb of Neferhotep, I, pl. XIX). 8 In the tomb of Meryra II (Norman de Garis Davies, The Rock Tombs of El-Amarna. I. The Tomb of Meryra. (London: Egypt Exploration Fund, 1903), pl. XXXIII) for example. Images of Power in Neferhotep’s Tomb 207 49 (Davies 1933, II , Pl. I ). 1933, (Davies in TT 49 Reward Royal

1 6. 1 figure 208 Pereyra is the representation of Queen Tiy appearing from a window and giving the noblewoman a shebyu necklace.9 Unique in its depiction, the recording of this scene in the overall composition of the wall can be interpreted from the actual role of women at the time, but integrated into a speech whose meaning refers to the events that marked the end of the eighteenth dynasty.

The Royal Palace of TT49 in the Theban Landscape

The scene of Merytra’s reward could be analyzed as unit of significance by itself, but keeping in mind the meaning of the parallel representation of Neferhotep. The general setting of the ceremonies was the royal palace, depicted in the hall of TT49 as formed by two buildings sharing a common space (fig 16.1). The inclusion of Ay’s palace in the decorative program of the tomb has been an issue which was analyzed before,10 and the presence of the noblewoman’s reward in the scene as well,11 Nevertheless, in this paper we try to interpret both of them in connection with the sacred space of the Theban necropolis and its significance. We know that royal cities were government and ritual centers in which the most important features were the palace and the temple of the main local god. Lacovara12 has considered that as a residence of the king, the first one was the focus of the community and the basis for its existence. Nevertheless, other authors have proposed distinguishing among residential palaces, government palaces and ceremonial palaces,13 or among private palaces of the king, official palace and ritual palace,14 and between palaces of reigning kings and palaces of deceased kings.15

9 Davies, The Tomb of Neferhotep, I, pl. XIV. 10 M. Violeta Pereyra, “El palacio real en el umbral del Más Allá,” in Novos Trabalhos de Egiptologia Ibérica, vol. II, ed. Luís M. Araújo and José M. Candeias Sales (Lisboa: Unversidade de Lisboa, 2012), 871–883. 11 M. Violeta Pereyra, “A Noble Woman Rewarded in TT49,” in Les civilisations du bassin Méditerranéen. Hommages à Joachim Sliwa, ed. Krzysztof M. Cialowicz and Janus A. Ostrowski (Cracovie: Université Jagellonne, Institut d’Archéologie, 2000), 173–184. 12 Peter Lacovara, The New Kingdom Royal City (London–New York, 1996), 24. 13 David P. O’Connor, “City and Palace in New Kingdom Egypt,” Cahier de Recherches de l’Institut de Papyrologie et d’Egyptologie de Lille 11 (1989): 73–87. 14 Rolf Gundlach, “Horus in the Palace: The Centre of State and Culture in Pharaonic Egypt,” in Egyptian Royal Residencies. 4th Symposium on Egyptian Royal Ideology. London, June, 1st–5th 2004, ed. Rolf Gundlach, and John H. Taylor, 45–67 (Wiesbaden, 2009), 62–64). 15 Gundlach, “Horus in the Palace,” 60–61. Images of Power in Neferhotep’s Tomb 209

The cosmological symbolism of royal palaces and their roles within Thebes and Amarna were discussed by O’Connor,16 who pointed out the complex phys- ical and organizational structure and the hierarchical division of the palace community into the royal family—or at least leading members—, and other people involved in different kinds of activities. He also emphasizes the existence of some similarities between palace and temple, which were designed as microcosms on earth; and so rituals carried out within them, or emanat- ing from them as festivals, “gained authority and effectiveness by mimicking, within this model of the cosmos, the workings of the cosmos itself”.17 Sacred buildings were planned as parts of areas in which ceremonial landscapes needed to be created. They were also orientated according to the natural environment, which means first the Nile and other landforms like el Qurn peak in Theban necropolis, but also by astronomical observations;18 and so their depictions on temples or palaces walls would be expected to evoke these connections. Moreover, governmental Theban palaces, and replicas of them as well, kept a strong relation with the Karnak orientation, and the representation of Ay’s palace in TT49 was carried out in accordance with this topographical location.19

16 With focus on Memphis (David P. O’Connor, “Mirror of the Cosmos: the Palace of Merenptah,” in Fragments of a Shattered Visage. The Proceeding of the International Symposium on Ramses the Great, ed. Edward Bleiberg, and Rita Freed (Memphis: Memphis State University, 1991), 167–198, and “Beloved of Maat, the Horizon of Re. The Royal Palace in New Kingdom Egypt,” in Ancient Egyptian Kingship, ed. David B. O’Connor and David P. Silverman (Leyden–New York–Köln, 1995), 263–300. 17 O’Connor, “City and Palace,” 73. 18 After Belmonte Avilés and Shaltout, the heavenly and earthly landscapes were intentionally combined to shape the most important sacred landscapes of ancient Egypt. Karnak and Thebes, for example, were placed where the Nile is perpendicular to the sun rising in the winter solstice, and temples of the West bank were aligned following this direction (Juan Antonio Belmonte Avilés, and Mosalam Shaltout, “Estableciendo mȜ῾t en el Egipto antiguo. La orientación de los templos,” Trabajos de Egiptología 5/1 (2009): 84–85). 19 Pereyra, “El palacio real”, 909. Redford has suggested a location of Amenhotep IV’s government palace to North-West of Karnak, as since Hatshepsut’s time (Donald B. Redford, “Studies on Akhenaten at Thebes I,” Journal of the American Research Center in Egytp 10 (1973): 89–90), although he proposes that it was later built to the east of Karnak (Redford, “Studies on Akhenaten,” 77–94). We can consider that Ay’s government palace was to the North-West of Amun temple. This makes sense if, as O’Connor points out, this topographical relationship shows that the government occurs “at the very core of the universe, where the two axes cross”, on the East-West axis Amun’s temple and on the North-South axis the royal palace (O’Connor, “City and Palace”, 81). Furthermore, replicas of government palaces on Thebes’ West bank kept the same topographical relationship, standing 210 Pereyra

From the point of view of the symbolism of space palaces were conceived as places of creation and renewal, and the king portrayed in the window of appearances from the reign of Akhenaton was equivalent to the sun shining forth and revitalizing the cosmos. As O’Connor argued, “A ceremonial palace was one in which the king underwent highly ritualized ceremonies, sometimes in connection with equally ritualistic ceremonies in adjacent structures; these palaces had no other function”.20 As an icon, the window of appearance evoked the palace and its royal inhabitant, and it could be considered as a development of the royal iconography of the “Horus in the palace”. This is an image that was analyzed by Rolf Gundlach21 and based upon the mythical identification of the Horus sun god and the Horus king. The second took the place of the original sovereign sun god in order to play his role on earth, and as a consequence he was also the one who dealt with the tensions between political and cultural worldly reality and divine kingship.22 According to this interpretation, Neferhotep’s reward symbolizes the action of the ‘reigning king’, who is in his palace but projected to the afterlife. Akhenaton used this topic in the new funerary context created in Akhetaton, and later it was part of the iconographic program of TT49, although reveal- ing links with Theban cultural landscape. In the arrangement of the rewarding scene, two ceremonies were depicted: one performed by the king; the second one by the queen. We have analyzed the last one,23 which is unique in the iconographic repertoire (fig. 16.1), to argue that the representation of the queen giving a shebyu necklace to a noblewoman must be understood with regard to the importance of the first one in the political circumstances of Ay’s reign. The scene was composed as being complementary to the king’s reward and could be recognized as expressing the powerful position of the queen, whom we identified as Tiy. The ceremony, after TT49’s depiction, would be held in the palace outbuildings of Ay, linked to it through a door clearly represented in the upper register. Therefore, the window from which the queen appears shares the solar symbolism of the king’s window of appearance.

on the right side of processional roads and even inside the temples of million of years themselves. 20 O’Connor, “City and Palace”, 78. 21 Gundlach, “Horus in the Palace”, 45–67. 22 Gundlach, “Horus in the Palace”, 46. 23 Pereyra, “A Noblewoman,” 173–184. Images of Power in Neferhotep’s Tomb 211

In the TT49 representation of the palace the queen’s window might be part of the palace area where the royal family accomplished their own duties and not a merely residential area. According to Lacovara,24 the most important feature of the royal city was the palace, because of its functional and symbolic importance. Nevertheless, the Theban palace represented in TT49 was an administrative and ceremonial center,25 focus of political and cultural life. Therefore, it could be expected that the scene discussed here described the most significant features of the royal palace in becoming an icon of the reign. The addition of icons representing the most powerful institutions in the decorative program of the Theban tombs of the nobles must be assessed in connection with socio-political processes verified throughout the 18th dynasty, especially from the reign of Hatshepsut on. In that period, arrangements of the covenant relationship between members of the elite, temple of Amun and royalty were redefined at each stage—the reigns of Hatshepsut, Thutmose IV, Amenhotep III, Akhenaten and his successors—and dynamic changes can be recognized in the ritual landscape of Thebes and its iconographic evocations in the monuments of the necropolis. There, ceremonies evoked and royal palaces represented refer to a spatial construction that integrated both riverbanks as a unit of meaning. The landscape of Thebes was mimicked by placing the palace in Neferhotep’s tomb. To fulfill this goal, its topographical position was taken into account in connection with other buildings that were also centers of power. As a consequence, it is possible to recognize the significance of this relationship as a cultural construction created on the terrain according to very strict rules,26 and of the message intentionally elaborated to decorate the tombs of the elite.27 We have also noted that the topographic relationship of buildings in the Theban geography and those existing between architectural structures represented in TT49 are equivalent, but also refer to the effective renewal of life. There, the sovereign became responsible for invigorating through periodical celebrations like the Beautiful Feast of the Valley and other state ceremonies, as would be the reward of officials.

24 Lacovara, The New Kingdom, 24. 25 O’Connor, “City and Palace,” 78–82. 26 Such as astronomical orientation or its relation to some significant points of the natural landscape. 27 Pereyra, “El palacio real”, 907–909. 212 Pereyra

The decorative program of Neferhotep’s tomb evokes this space as a whole and the specific role fulfilled by the palace was the representation of a local landscape where the seat of power was displayed. The palace arrangement in the hall of TT49 is related to the effective topographical position of the Theban royal palace, from which the figure of the reigning sovereign was exalted. This was reinforced by the spatial relationships that can be established with other icons used in the composition of the scenes. This can be explained in semantic congruence with the construction of a Theban geography whose sacred nature was defined by a liturgical calendar, in all cases led by the king. So, regarding political and religious institutions portrayed on the monument, the role played by royalty was dominant. Thus the palace can be recognized as an icon of the prevailing ideology, when considered in its spatial connections with other items registered on the monument. Although the Karnak temple representation in TT49 is the most complete recorded in one known private tomb, we can ponder its inclusion in the chapel decoration in connection with the Hathor sanctuary of Deir el-Bahari, to show the endings of the main processional way of the Nile West bank. Both building depictions were located on the North wall of this room and reveal actual correspondences with topographic locations on the terrain. As a whole, they strongly express the hopefulness of necropolis revitalization, as is mentioned in the pillar inscriptions of Neferhotep’s chapel, without connection to the earthly power embodied by the king.

The Palace Icon

The scene of Karnak’s temple in the pillared hall TT49 is connected with the function of the tomb owner as ‘Great of Amun’, and his above mentioned titles. Conversely, its location is not in accordance with Hartwig’s pattern tomb style—‘palace’ or ‘temple’—nor is the placing of the scenes of the tomb owner’s worldly activities.28 Moreover, as we have seen, TT49 is not a ‘Temple Style’ tomb, in spite of Neferhotep’s appurtenance to Amun’s temple service. On this issue, it is noteworthy that after the Amarnian period the identity of the tomb owners did not show a clear relation between their belonging to any defined institution and their tomb style. From the nine tombs of officials of the late eighteenth dynasty whose titles indicate they were linked to the temple service, four can be dated to the reign

28 Which recur in the hall in T-shaped monuments (Hartwig, “Style and Visual”, 298–300). Images of Power in Neferhotep’s Tomb 213 table 16.1 Identity of post-Amarnian tombs owners

Tomb Name Main Titles Institution

-162- Parennefer-Wennefer First prophet of Amun Temple 275 Sebekmose Head wab-priest, Divine Father in the Temple Temples of Amenhotep III and of Sokari 49 Neferhotep Scribe, Great of Amun, Overseer of the Cattle Temple of Amun and Overseer of the neferut of Amun 150 Userhat Overseer of the Cattle of Amun Temple 333 NN ------324 Hatiay Overseer ofprophets of All the Gods, Chief Temple prophet of Sobek, Scribe of the Temple of Montu 50 Neferhotep Divine Father of Amun-Ra Temple 41 Amenemope Chief Steward of Amun in the Southern City Temple 166 Ramose Overseer of Works in Karnak, Overseer of Temple cattle of Amun

of Ay (TT49, TT150, TT333 and TT324), two can be traced back to Tutankhamun (TT-162- and TT275), and three are later (TT50, TT41 and TT166). Tables 16.1 and 16.2 show the identity and titles of tomb owners and scenes located on the focal walls of their monuments. The attempt to apply to this post-Amarnian monument the pattern used by Hartwig for tombs of the reigns of Amenhotep II and Thutmose IV does not seem possible, at least to officials of the temple, since none strictly corresponds with it, and the same can be seen in the tombs of officials that had served in the palace or the army. TT40, dated to the reign of Tutankhamun (VIb Type), could be an example. In this case it would be expected to be arranged in the ‘palace style’. In the focal points of the hall were placed: on the left (west wall, south side) the reception of Nubian tribute by the deceased;29 on the right (west wall, north side) the kiosk icon was included in the presentation of gifts

29 Norman de Garis Davies, and Alan Gardiner, The Tomb of Huy, Viceroy of Nubia in the Reign of Tutankhamûn (n° 40) (London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1926), pl. XXII. 214 Pereyra table 16.2 Main scenes located on focal walls in post-Amarnian tombs of temple officials

Tomb Type* Necropolis Hall. Left side** Hall. Right side*** Date*

-162- VIIb Dra Abu el-Naga W wall S side: W wall N side: Banquet Tutankhamun- Crossiing of the Nile Horemheb 275 Vb Qurnet Murai Non preserved W wall N side: Tutankhamun Remains of funeral Horemheb procession 49 VIb el-Khokha West wall S West wall S side: Kiosk Ay side: Window of of Osiris appearance 150 Vb Dra Abu el-Naga Undecorated E wall S side: Heap late D XVIII-Ay offruits 333 Vb Dra Abu el-Naga Non preserved N wall W side: Ay 324 Vb Sh. Abd el-Qurna S wall E side: Banquet S wall W side: Western Ay-Sety I (remains) goddess 50 VIIa Sh. Abd el-Qurna West wall S side: West wall N side: Horemheb Banquet Offering of relatives 41 VIIa el-Khokha West wall S side: Kiosk West wall N side: Horemheb- (remains), BD spell 18 Reward (remains) and Sety I and psicostasie procession to temple 166 Vb Dra Abu el-Naga W wall, S side: Kiosk Non preserved Horemheb- of gods Osiris, Isis and Sety I Horus

* After Kampp 1996. ** Symbolizing S side, according to E-W ideal tomb orientation. *** Symbolizing N side, according to E-W ideal tomb orientation.

to Tutankhamun by foreigners,30 and then Osiris worshiping.31 Furthermore, on the South wall of the second passage the adoration to Osiris was arranged,32 perhaps as a sign of reconciliation with pre-Amarnian beliefs. The window of the palace from which the king is leaning to reward Neferhotep was placed on the left focal point of TT49’s hall, and its location

30 Davies and Gardiner, The Tomb of Huy, pl. XX. 31 Davies and Gardiner, The Tomb of Huy, pl. XXI. 32 Davies and Gardiner, The Tomb of Huy, pl. XXXVII. Images of Power in Neferhotep’s Tomb 215

figure 16.2 Palace and Osiris icons in TT49 (Details of Davies 1933, I, Pls. IX and XXX). is symmetric to the Osiris kiosk representation, on the right side (Fig. 16.2). The king, as Ra radiating life on earth, and Osiris, as night Ra giving life in the Hereafter, are portrayed as symbols of power and the eternal renewal of life. So the two gods (Osiris and Ra) assume equivalent and essential roles in private tombs of the period. Moreover, the identification of the sovereign with Ra and Osiris is conceived in funerary figurations and writings as a projection of earthly life beyond death. Osiris’ role turns out to be relevant after the Amarnian period, and solar interpretation of Osirian mythology became common in hymnology. Thus Ra and Osiris were considered as two dependent aspects of the great universal god, Osiris being a nocturnal manifestation of the sun god. These scenes portray gods in their double dimension of divine kings and demiurges. The divine king appears in his palace shining as Ra, which means giving life on earth; Osiris enthroned is above the primeval hill from which life arises, keeping life safe in the Underworld to make rebirth possible every dawn. Thus, the eternity of Ra (nḥḥ) and the eternity of Osiris (ḏt) became accessible to Neferhotep: one as distinguished by the king, i.e. rewarded, and one justified in front of Osiris. Therefore, the official takes part in the cyclic life renovation of Thebes through the king’s action during the Beautiful Feast of the Valley. 216 Pereyra

Opposed to this, the representation of the queen emulating the royal shining figure is presented as disruptive of the ideological discourse that corresponds to the sovereign. Summing up, at the end of the eighteenth dynasty, reward scenes of Neferhotep and his wife33 give some indication of political changes verified after Amarna’s reforms, when a new symbolic power was in elaboration. The location of the temple recalls the depiction of the Aten temple in Meryra II’s tomb of Amarna on the North wall of the inner room,34 and also shows the continuity of the Amarnian conception of tomb space. The permanence of themes and scenes, as well as their distribution after Akhenaten’s reign, must be considered by their efficacy as language, and thus suitable to express Amunian ideology and royal hegemony. Although the decoration of private tombs was developed according to a program elaborated in order to satisfy the requirements of the cult, at the same time it worked as a mechanism of social control by the state. The roles played by elite groups surrounding the royal family could be recognized in the emergence of powerful queens since Amenhotep III’ reign. A network of alliances among relatives gave support to the royalty, but also pro- voked ideological changes by developing parallel concepts that could explain the presence of the Merytra rewards by Ay’s queen Tiy. As a solar complement of the shining king, her appearance in her own windows was intended to express the complexity of the royal power base, the queen being depicted in a suitable setting according to the palace icon’s significance. As Hartwig convincingly argues, “Both the Temple Style and the Palace Style encoded key concepts that reflected two primary institutions in ancient Egypt: the state bureaucracy and the temple precinct. These dominants of culture in Egypt conveyed two distinct messages that comprised part of the rhetoric of the elite. The Palace Style relayed the importance of kingship and service to the ruler; the Temple Style communicated the value of a relationship with the gods. Both ideologies were crucial to the maintenance of order in ancient Egypt”.35 Keeping in mind that in Amarna the judgement of the dead disappeared, the reward scene legitimized the official’s social loyalty and showed the royal retribution expressed in the gold received, which means eternal life.

33 Norman de Garis Davies, The Tomb of Neferhotep at Thebes, vol. II (New York: Metropolitan Museum, 1933), pl. I. 34 Davies, The Rock Tombs, pl. XXV. 35 Hartwig, “Style and Visual”, 304. Images of Power in Neferhotep’s Tomb 217

Regarding the rewarding scenes of TT49, together with the king the queen was represented as a cause of worldly prosperity, and of a lasting life in the after-world. It is not possible to mark a great difference in meaning between the king and queen as icons. It makes sense that the inclusion of such a scene, as a way to reinforce the existing social order as personified by the divine kingship, shows a dual face: masculine and feminine. On the basis of what we have considered above, we suggest that the depiction of the noblewoman reward by Tiy was the means to enhance the exalted position of the queen in a message loaded with an ideological symbolism intended to express her power. As in earthly life, she reinforced the royal figure in a tomb whose owner was an important official of Amun. The location of the scene and its smaller size in relationship with the royal ones seems to point in this direction. She is not competing with her royal husband, but providing him support. We can therefore assume that this was put on a focal representation point as a way to balance the social message, showing predominance of the palace over the temple, and placing royalty ahead of the figure of Amun. The ‘palace style’ of TT49 shows, in any case, the importance of kingship and services given to the ruler, even by a member of the great temple of Amun. CHAPTER 17 An Authentication Sealing of the “Ruler of Kush” from Elephantine

Cornelius von Pilgrim Swiss Institute for Architectural and Archaeological Research on Ancient Egypt in Cairo

Abstract ق ت آ أ ن ة قَ أ آ ف �� ل محد ا �ل��ل �م�ن��ص�� ه ك�م�د � ع�ا ل�ث��ا � ��س ا ا ��لن� �� م� ن �� ا لم��ل�� ال�ع��ل �ل�ل�ث��ا � بل و ى م بيي� ب ير م ر و � و وب � ِ بل ج س ى ر ي� ق ن ة ة ة ة ق أ ع�ا ٢٠٠٤ ��ل � ك�ا ا ل��م��عه�د ا �ل��س ��س � �م� ن خ� ا ا ��ل� ث�ع�� ا �ل��س ��س �� ا لم��ص �� ا ��لن��ا �ش��ئ�� د ��د � م ب يل � � وي ر ي� � ل ل ب وي ري � ري ب ف ذ ذ ة ة ن ق ف أ ن ف ق ة � � � ا ء � �ث�ن�� ن �م� ن �ح��ف��ائ� ال� ن��ق�ا � � ات��ا �م��س�ا ح �� ك�� ط�ا ا ��س � � ��س ا � ��ل� ا لم�د ��ن�� ي� إ ج ر إ ي� � ر إ ب ير و � و ع ي� و � ي� ب� ي ة ن ت ف ف ة ة غ ذ ن ا �ل�ح�د ��ث��. ك�ا ا �ل� �� ظ � ظ� � ��ا �لغ�� ا �ل��ص�ع �� ل�ك� ن ��ا �ل �� م� ن � �ل� ل ��س�ت��ط � ��ه��ا ي و � عم�ل ي م ي� ل رو� ب � وب و � ب رم � ك م ي ع إ �ي ر أ ة أ ض ذ أ ن �ش�� ا � ا �لش�� ا ل��س�ت�� م� ن �م� ا ال ا �� ا � ه��ئ��ا ت � ت��ق�� م� ن د�ع�م�ه و رع و � ك�او ى م �مر � ل ك �ر ي� وك�� ل�ك �ل�ي � � ل�ل � أ أ ث نت ذ ف ا �ل��ف��ع�ا �ل�� ع�م�ا ا ��لت� ��تم��د ت ل��ك�� م� ن ع�ا �م�� ن . �� ع�� ا �ل�ع�ك�� ع� ن � �ل� ك��ل�ه � ا �ل��سن�� ا ت ل ل ل ي� إ � ر � ي� بل لى س ج� � ك ي� و � ة ت ن ق ئً ة ف ً ت ذ ق أ ة ف ن ق ا �ل�ا �ح��ق�� ع�ا �ث��ق ��ا �م�ا ع�� ا ��لث��ق�� م�د � ع�ا ��ا �ل��ق��لق ا لم�ش��ت�� ك ��ا ه � ن��ق�ا � ا لم ا �� ال�ث� �� ط�ا ل و� وي� لى و ب � ر ج إ و ع ري ي� � أ ن ة تن ة ت ة ن ت ة � ��س ا ا ل�مه�د د � ��س�� م�ش��ا � ��م�� ط � ا لم�د ��ن��. �حت� � ل �� دك� ا لم�ش��ا � ا لم�ش��ت��ك�� و � � ب ب ب� ريع ي و وير ي ى وإ� م ج ل ريع ر ق أ ض ق ف أ ً ف أ ن أ ��س��له�ا �ل��ل�ت��ح��ق ع�� ا �ل ا �� ن��ه ل �� ه�د ا � � �ز د �ه � ن��ا م ال��ح�ا ث� ا �لخ��ا � بي � ي� لى ر � و ع إ م ي ل ج � ي� � ي� ر بر ج� ب ص ة أ ن ة غ ف ة ذ ض ��ت��ا �خ �م�د ��ن�� س ا ا �ل��ق��د �م�� ا �ل �� م� ن ك� ا �لظ�� ا لمن��ا ئ�� ا ��لت� ص�ا �ح��ت��ه. �ه�� ا ا �ل�ع � ب ري� ي و � ي ب رم � ل رو� و ي� � ب و ر � ق ة ف ة ن ق خ ة ش ُ قت �ل��ط�ع�� د � �م� ن � ��عه�ا ��ك� ا لم��ا �� ا �ص�� ـ “ح�ا ك ك� �� ” ��مه�د � � ��ل � ه �ك��ش�� ك� �ل�ه ع��ل �ص�د ا ��ه ري � و � ب ل يي س ب م و � � ى إ ي ر ى ف� نً �ع ت و�عر��ا ��ا ب��د �م�ه ا لم��وا �ص�ل. ة أ ن أ خ ت ق ذ خ ت ف ف �ل��ل �ه��ل�� ال� ل �ح� ن ��م�ا �� س��ط �م� ن ط��م ا �ل�ن�� ا لم��ح� . �ه�� ا ا �ل�ت� � ا �ل�ك�ش�� نع��ه � و و ى � م م ب ي � ي� يل ر و � م م ي� ف ُث ف أ ة خ ن ة أ ة � �ل��ن�ت�� ن ع�� ع��ل �ه � �ح�د ث� �م ح��ل�� س�ت��د ا لم��ز �م� ن ط��ق�� ا �ل��ن��ا ء ١١ �م��م�ا ��عن� ت�� خ�ه ��ن��ه�ا �� إ ي� و ر ي ي� ر إ م �ل � ب ب ي ي� ري ب � ي أ ة ة ش ة ث ن ة ش ال� ��سر� ا �ل��س�ا ب��ع�� ع��ر وب��د اي�� ا ��ل��ا �م�� ع��ر.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ��5 | doi ��.��63/9789004293458_018 An Authentication Sealing of the “Ruler of Kush” 219 غ أ ن خ ت ف نق غ ئ أن ذ نق ن ن ة �� س��ط�� ا �ل�� ا �ل��س��ل ك�ا ل��م ت�ع��ا د ��ه ��ش� �ا � �لا ��ه �م � �ل�ك ل ��ش� � �م �اك�ا� ن��ت��ا ط��ع�� ور م ح م ي� ب � ر إ ع م ي � وإ ج� ب غ ئ ة خ ت آ خ تف ف ة ق ة ة خ ت تف ة خ خت �ا � � �ل�� . ��ع� � ��ا ا �ل�ح�ا �� ا لم�� س�� ل��ط��ع�� ا �ل�� ا ل�م ��ع�� حت�ا ل ال� ��س�ت��د ا ك�� ر م ر ويج ل إر ع و ب م ر إ م إ م م ف ً غ ة غ ً غ ة ذ ف أ ق ة ��ع��ل م�ح�د د ا �ل��ل��ا �� ا ��ل��ا �� م�حت� ��ا ل�م �. �ل�� ل�ك ��م� ن ا ل�م �� ن��ن��ا � نه��ا ��ص�د د �م�ا ��س�� ث�� ي� و ي بل ب ير م�ل ب ر � رجح ب� ي مى بوي خ ت ذ خ ت أ ت ذ �لط��ع��ة �� ط��ع��ة � ��س��ت��ث�ن��ا �ئ��ة �م� ن �� م��ة � اتا ن��ق� ش ا ز �� ب م )Authentication-Sealing( ي� ب إ ي � م ومي� �� ب�� ر �. ُفَ َّ ذ أ أ ن ت ة خ ت ن خ ��س �ه�� ا ا ��لن� �م� ن ط��ع�ا ت� ال� خ�ت��ا ع�� ه�ا � �ث��ق �ل�ش��ك� ط��ع�� م�ا, ك�ا ��س�ت��د ي ر وع � ب م لى � وي� ل ب م � ي م أ ��س ف� � ؤ ة ة � ن � ن ت ض ت � ا ت �ت ت ض ف ر مي��ا �ي� م��س��س�� ح�كو�يم��. ل��ك��ه�ا ربم �اك�ا�� ي��ا ��ص�ا ح� ب� ا ل�مرا ��س�ل � وا �ل�وري��د ا � لإ� ��ا ء ة ش خ أق ت ف ذ ذ خ ت ض غ ا �ل�ش�� ع�� ع��ل �� ا �ل ��س ل �ه � � � ال��حت�الا � � ح�ا �ل�ت�ن��ا �ه�� ه. �ه�� ا ا �ل�� ا لم�� ط ر ي ى ص ر و و و ر ب إ م ي� م و أ خ ذ خ ش ذ ت ة ة ش تظ ة �� ش��ك� ا �ل� ط �� ا �ل�� تح�� ع��ل ا �ل ك��ا �� ا ��لت��ا ��ل�� “ا � ن ح�ا ك ك� �� ”. �� ه �� ي ل ر و � ي� ي و ي� ى ب ي ب� رع م و � و ل وي خ ت ة ت أ ن ن ذ آ خ غ ف �ص�ا �ح�� ا �ل�� م��ه��م��. لا �م�ك� ن � ��س��ع�ا د ��حت�ا ل �� ك � �ه�� ا �ه � ��س � � �� م�ع �� ب م ب� و ي � إ ب إ م ي و و إ م ر ير رو آ آ ن أ أ �ت ن خ� � نتق �ث خ ف ت ح �ق ا ن ح�ى ال� � ل� �ر �م��لوك ع��صر الإ� ��ا ل ا �ل��ا �ي �ك�ا�م��س �و ��لي��ه � �م��س ��ص�د ب��ه الإ� ع�ل � ت ة ة أ أ ئ أ ذ ق ة ت ة غ ة �ع� ن � ��س�� د ا د ا ��لن� �� م � � خ� � �� س��ل � د ع�ا � . �ل�ك� ن �م � خ�� ط �� ا �ل ك��ا �� ا ل��م ت�ع��ا د � � إ ر وب ر ر ى ب و ب ي� � ع ري ب ير ف أ ق أ ن خ ت ذ ن ف ق � ال� �ع�ت��ا ��ص�� ال��حت�ا ل ال� � � �ه �� ا �ل�� ل�ح�ا ك ك� �م�ا, ا �ل�� ك�ا� ��ه�د �� ع� ن ط � ي� إ ب ر ي بح إ م و ى و م م ِر ي� ي� � ري� خ أ ة ة ت ف ة ة � ��س�ت��د ا ��س ت� ال� �ل��ق�ا � ا لم��ل��ك�� ا لم��ص �� ل � �ث��ق ا �ل�حق ا ��لن� � � ا لم��س�ا ا � ا �ل��س��ا ��س�� م إ م ما ب ي � ري إى وي� � و بي� ي� و ي ي ع ن ث ق ة ة خ ت ذ ق ت ا لم��ل�ك ا لم��ص � . �م�ا ت��ك � �� ط��ع�� ا �ل�� )Authentication-Sealing( �ه�� ه ��د �ص��ل�� ر ي� ورب و وي ب م و ن � ف نت ن ف� ت ��س �ش ف� ن ة � نتق �ث �إ لى �إ ل��ي�� ي� �إ ط�ار �إ��ص�ا ل د ب��لو�م�ا ي� � بم��ا ��ر �ي� ��ه�اي�� ع��صر الإ� ��ا ل ا �ل��ا �ي�.

In 2004 when Mohamed el-Bialy arrived in Aswan as the Supreme Council of Antiquities’ newly appointed Director-General for Aswan and Nubia, the Swiss-Egyptian Mission was conducting large-scale salvage excavations at several construction sites in the centre of Aswan. However, neither collaps- ing streets nor the constant complaints of contractors and landowners, over and above the normal inconveniences of his office, lessened Mohamed’s cease- less support of these essential (and ultimately successful) excavations. During the years that followed, a fruitful and most effective collaboration developed, enriched with a sense of friendship and a truly joint effort to protect all endangered archaeological sites in Aswan and on Elephantine. In recognition and appreciation of these intensive years I would like to dedicate to him the following brief presentation of a unique and highly unusual object associated with the Ruler of Kush—in every respect, a most appropriate object. 220 von Pilgrim

The title “Ruler of Kush” is found on the base of a roughly trapezoid-shaped object resembling a simple stamp seal. It is made of fine textured, fired Nile clay and measures 5.2 by 2.8cm with a preserved height of 4.8cm (Figs. 17.1 and 17.2).1 Because the tip has been broken off, it remains open whether it was once rounded, perhaps with a hole through it so it could be suspended on a cord. The uneven surface shows slight depressions on both sides, which might have been made by the fingertips of a person holding the lump of semi-hard clay when a seal was imprinted on it. The bulging ridge around the cartouche, which has partially broken away on one side, resulted when the seal was pressed deeply into the clay. Since this ridge is lower on the narrow side, the bottom is not flat. The seal that was pressed into the bottom is cartouche-shaped and measures 4.2 by 1.4cm. Inside the cartouche, the clearly imprinted, sunken hieroglyphs read S3-R‘ Ḥq3 n Kšj. The sun-disk alone is very shallow; only the left and lower half of the circumference is discernible. The details of the rope forming the cartouche are very precisely executed. The orthography of “Kush” is common at the end of the Second Intermediate Period.2 An identical writing including the incorrect determinative is attested on a non-royal stela from Edfu.3

figure 17.1 Sealing 26203P/a-1 from Elephantine (Drawing R. Bußmann/B. von Pilgrim; M 1:1).

1 Find number 26203P/a-1, Elephantine object number K12309. 2 Torgny Säve-Söderbergh, “A Buhen Stela from the Second Intermediate Period (Khartoum No. 18),” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 35 (1949): 52. 3 Cairo JE No. 52456: Battiscombe Gunn, “A Middle Kingdom Stela from Edfu,” ASAE 29 (1929): 7; Sabine Kubisch, Lebensbilder der Zweiten Zwischenzeit. Biographische Inschriften der 13.–17. Dynastie, Sonderschriften des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo 34 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2008), 228, pl. 7. An Authentication Sealing of the “Ruler of Kush” 221

figure 17.2 Sealing 26203P/a-1 from Elephantine (Photo N. Gail).

Archaeological Context

The stamp was discovered in the uppermost layer of a sequence of mud-floors and wind-blown accumulation in an exterior ante-room that was added in front of the main entrance of a building during the final phase of Bauschicht 11. A mud floor that extended over the levelled entrance wall of the structure sealed the layer. Preliminary evaluation of the pottery sherds dates the ante- room to the transitional period of late 17th to early 18th Dynasty. Official buildings and institutions dominate the quarter where the structure was located at the corner of a street branching off the long-lived street running east-west from the main street in the town centre to the governor’s palace, south of the Khnum Temple.4 The building’s function is as yet unclear since only 3m along the exterior at the north end of the entrance wall have been cleared to date while its southern continuation is cut off abruptly at the steep edge of the kom.

Stamp Seal vs. Sample Sealing

The shape of the object does not differ in principle from simple stamp seals known from Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period contexts on

4 Cornelius von Pilgrim, “Elephantine—(Festungs-) Stadt am Ersten Katarakt”, in Cities and Urbanism in Ancient Egypt, Denkschriften der Gesamtakademie 60, Untersuchungen der Zweigstelle Kairo des ÖAI Bd. 35, ed. Manfred Bietak, Ernst Cerny, and Irene Forstner-Müller (Wien: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2010), 258 f. 222 von Pilgrim

Elephantine and at other sites.5 Most are made of steatite or limestone, but fired and even unfired clay is also attested among seals found on Elephantine. An entirely flat base is a prerequisite for producing legible impressions in any given material. In contrast to all other seals, however, our object does not have a flat base, since the inscription is not carved but rather clearly impressed into it. The resulting rim around the design makes its use as a seal highly impracti- cal, since in order to create an impression in another material, it would have had to have been pressed very deeply indeed. Only a mud brick might have provided enough purchase for such a deep impression.6 However, there are significant differences between known brick stamps and our piece. Above all, the elaborate detailing of the rope forming the cartouche is unparalleled in any impression preserved on a brick. Details like this are hardly practical for the rough surfaces of mud bricks. Moreover, brick stamps are usually larger in size, not less than 6cm in length.7 Furthermore, the king’s name is usually inscribed in a simple oval. There are a few examples of a cartouche but not as a “free standing” figure.8 The most peculiar feature, however, is the fact that the inscription was produced by impressing an exceptional seal carved in raised relief, since a characteristic of every sort of seal is the rendering of the design and/or inscription in sunken relief. Given the fact that our piece bearing a seal impression was apparently not attached to anything, it may qualify as a “sealing which does not seal” (Judith Weingarten), a so-called nodulus.9 Such objects are made exclusively of unbaked clay, unlike ours, and they vary roughly in shape from a more or

5 W.M.F. Petrie, Buttons and Design Scarabs, British School of Archaeology in Egypt 24 (London: British School of Archaeology in Egypt, 1925), pl. XXVI. 6 The practice of stamping bricks with a royal name started as early as the reign of Ahmose, cf. A. Jeffrey Spencer, Brick Architecture in Ancient Egypt (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1979), 144. A possible earlier, Middle Kingdom instance is mentioned by Stephen P. Harvey, “The Cults of King Ahmose at Abydos” (PhD diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1998), 190 n. 477. Most of those stamps customarily identified as brick stamps are made of limestone or wood. A fragmentary clay stamp is reported from Buhen, cf. D. Randall-MacIver and C. Leonard Woolley, Buhen (Philadelphia: The University Museum, 1911), 93 and pl. 43. 7 Cf. Harvey, “Cults of King Ahmose”, 487 (brick stamps with Ahmose’s name at Abydos). The dimensions of most published examples, are however not given. 8 Spencer, Brick Architecture, pl. 22–23; Harvey, “Cults of King Ahmose”, 487. 9 Ann L. Foster, “Some Middle Kingdom Sealing Types from the Harvard-Boston Expedition to Mirgissa, 1931–1932,” Cahier de Recherches de l’Institut de Papyrologie et d’Egyptologie de Lille 22 (2001): 134. An Authentication Sealing of the “Ruler of Kush” 223 less regular hemisphere to a teardrop or conical form.10 The base is usually flat and bears a single seal impression. They were never attached to a container or any other object. George A. Reisner classified them as sample sealings used to verify the authenticity of an actual sealing.11 Ann L. Foster recently proposed an additional purpose, viz. that noduli may have been also used to guarantee the authenticity of a message delivered orally by the bearer,12 a function that would perhaps best suit our piece. Then the Elephantine sealing could well have been an official “document” accompanying a message or an envoy, received by the authorities of Elephantine, which certified its/his legitimacy as indeed originating from the “ruler of Kush”.

The Seal Impression

Stamp seals shaped like a cartouche (Cartouche Plaque) are attested with names of Dynasty 12 kings, even if they are often considered non-contemporary and produced in Dynasty 18 or later.13 The closest parallel is provided by a flat stamp seal (or amulet?) with Ahmose’s name, but it is smaller and the rope forming the cartouche lacks elaboration.14 The devices on seals are almost exclusively cut in sunken relief producing an impression in raised relief. Seals with raised-relief designs or inscriptions are extremely rare; a few examples with geometrical patterns are reported

10 Cf. Cornelius von Pilgrim, Elephantine XVIII. Untersuchungen in der Stadt des Mittleren Reiches und der Zweiten Zwischenzeit, Archäologische Veröffentlichungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo 91 (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1993), 239–241, 271 (“Belegsiegel”). 11 George A. Reisner and Norman F. Wheeler, “The Art of Seal Carving in Egypt in the Middle Kingdom,” Bulletin of the Museum of Fine Arts 28 (1930): 51; George A. Reisner, “Clay Sealings of Dynasty XII from Uronarti Fort,” Kush 3 (1955): 28–29. 12 Foster, “Middle Kingdom Sealing Types”, 134. 13 H.R. Hall, Catalogue of Egyptian Scarabs, Etc., in the British Museum. Vol. 1. Royal Scarabs (London: The British Museum, 1913), 13; Erik Hornung and Elisabeth Staehelin, Skarabäen und andere Siegelamulette aus Basler Sammlungen, Ägyptische Denkmäler in der Schweiz Bd. 1 (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1976), 37 and nos. 63 and 70. 14 Percy E. Newberry, Scarabs (London: Archibald Constable, 1908), pl. XXVI; W.M.F. Petrie, Scarabs and Cylinders with Names. British School of Archaeology in Egypt 29 (London: School of Archaeology in Egypt, 1917), pl. XXIII. The identification as a “foundation plaque” in Herbert Winlock, “Tombs of Kings of the Seventeenth Dynasty at Thebes,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 10 (1924): 264 was rejected by James M. Weinstein, “Foundation Deposits in Ancient Egypt” (PhD diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1973), 56. 224 von Pilgrim from Kerma.15 This makes it quite doubtful that the impression in sunken relief from Elephantine was made with a standard type of seal used in an administrative context. Instead, it seems more likely that it was made with an object not primarily used as a seal, possibly a special signet ring or a personal amulet of metal, ivory, or some other valuable material. Because the impression features a royal cartouche, it might be initially supposed that it refers to an Egyptian king with a previously unattested nomen. Thanks to the dating “late Second Intermediate Period/Early New Kingdom” deduced from the find spot of the sealing, and bearing in mind the contemporaneous historical context, Kamose and Ahmose would then be the only viable alternatives. Significantly, comparable s3-R‘ names characterizing them ḥq3-rulers are documented for both kings. Kamose used p3 ḥq3 ‘3, whereas ḥq3 t3.wj is attested for Ahmose—in both cases, written in a cartouche preceded by s3-R‘.16 The military efforts and achievements of these two kings justified the inclusion of ḥq3 in the titulary to emphasize the political and military leadership ability of both. Since it was Kamose who may have initiated the re-conquest of Lower Nubia while Ahmose evidently completed this task, it would not be surprising if, following a lengthy period of political weakness, one or both claimed to be “Ruler of Kush” in a variant nomen.17 But the singularity of the name, the

15 Geore A. Reisner, Excavations at Kerma Parts IV–V. Harvard African Studies Vol. VI (Cambridge, Mass: Peabody Museum of Harvard University, 1923), 77; Reisner, “Clay Sealings of Dynasty XII”, 29. A rare example of a seal with a design in (apparently) raised relief is a signet ring with an ivory scaraboid from Sai, cf. Florence Thill, “Signet ring” in Sudan. Ancient Treasures. An exhibition of recent discoveries from the Sudan National Museum, ed. Derek A. Welsby and Julie R. Anderson (London: The British Museum Press, 2004), 118. 16 Cf. Herbert Winlock, “Tombs of Kings of the Seventeenth Dynasty at Thebes,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 10 (1924): 264–265; W. Vivian Davies, Catalogue of Egyptian Antiquities in the British Museum VII. Tools and Weapons I. Axes (London: British Museum Publications, 1987), 50; cf. also Daniel Polz, Der Beginn des Neuen Reiches. Sonderschriften des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo 31 (Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 2007), 150 (perpetuating earlier miss-readings which had been corrected by Davies op. cit.). 17 Robert G. Morkot, The Black Pharaohs (London: Rubicon Press, 2000), 69. Laszlo Török, Between two worlds, Probleme der Ägyptologie 29 (Leiden: Brill, 2009), 111 and 158 ff. Military campaigns in Lower Nubia during the reign of Kamose, however, have been questioned by Rolf Krauss, “Zur Problematik der Nubienpolitik Kamoses sowie der Hyksosherrschaft in Oberägypten,” Orientalia 62 (1993): 19–25, recently followed by Polz, Beginn des Neuen Reiches, 352. An Authentication Sealing of the “Ruler of Kush” 225 anomalous, anachronistic inclusion of s3-R‘ in the cartouche,18 and the lack of any other attestation of either Kamose or Ahmose as “Ruler of Kush” ren- der this proposal rather unlikely—the more so, as an explicit claim to hegemony over Kush was at no time an element of royal ideology expressed in the royal titulary. The alternative—likewise unparalleled—is to accept the object at face value as an ‘authentication sealing’ of the bona fide Ruler of Kush, the first case (and self-referential to boot) of a Kerman ruler adopting formal elements of royal Egyptian titulary.19 The use of a cartouche and a royal Egyptian title would clearly demonstrates the Kerman pretence to be not only the equal of the Egyptians but also the Kerman king’s claim to the same roots and attributes of legitimation as a sovereign king of Egypt.20 This statement gains significance in the light of the subliminal quarrel about diplomatic protocol expressed in the text of the Kamose stelae. Whereas Kamose consistently refers to the Nubian (and Hyksos) ruler as a wr, Apophis designates the Nubian ruler ḥq3 and Kamose wr.21 This new quality of Nubian self-confidence is taken a step further by the relief on a small limestone stela from Buhen. The only

18 After the early Middle Kingdom (Amenemhat I) the title s3-R’ generally preceded the cartouche, with only very few exceptions such as in Dynasty 13 (King Hor), cf. Jürgen von Beckerath, Handbuch der ägyptischen Königsnamen. Münchner Ägyptologische Studien 49 (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1999), 93 and passim, or—significantly—from the reign of Ahmose, cf. F.W. von Bissing, Ein Thebanischer Grabfund aus dem Anfang des Neuen Reiches (Berlin: Verlag Alexander Duncker, 1900), pl. V (no. 1a) and pl. VIII (no. 17). 19 In this context it should be noted that Egyptian expatriate officials who served the Kerman king naturally referred to him as ḥq3 n kšj, cf. e.g. the stela of Ka from Buhen, W. Vivian Davies, “Stela of the official, Ka,” in Sudan. Ancient Treasures. An exhibition of recent discoveries from the Sudan National Museum, ed. Derek A. Welsby and Julie R. Anderson (London: The British Museum Press, 2004), 100. 20 Cf. also the designation ḥq3 ḫ3swt which the first four Hyksos kings of the 15th Dynasty employed to describe themselves. This title, however, is never concurrently used in combination with a cartouche or other royal attributes, c.f. Kim Ryholt, The Political Situation in Egypt during the Second Intermediate Period c. 1800–1550 BC. Carsten Niebuhr Institute Publications 20 (Copenhagen: Tusculanum, 1997), 123–125. 21 Labib Habachi, The Second Stela of Kamose, Abhandlungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo 8 (Glückstadt: J.J. Augustin, 1972); Ryholt, Second Intermediate Period, 327. For the reference of hq3 cf. John Baines, “The Stela of Emhab: Innovation, Tradition, Hierarchy,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 72 (1986): 47 and David Lorton, The Juridical Terminology of International Relations in Egyptian Texts through Dyn. XVIII (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1974), 27–32. A more restricted application was suggested by Mario Liverani, International Relations in the Ancient Near East, 1600–1100 BC. Studies in Diplomacy (Houndmills, Baskingstoke: Palgrave, 2001), 39. 226 von Pilgrim figure shown is commonly identified as a Nubian king “. . . having ‘adopted in part at least the regalia of Pharaoh, specifically as king of Upper Egypt’ (Smith 1976, 12).”22 The Kermans had evidently adopted a wide range of Egyptian motifs, practices, and technologies for their own purposes.23 The use of seals in an administrative context became also part of the Kerman culture, but a local glyptic developed only to a very limited extent.24 Thus it may come as a surprise that other evidence for the use of a cartouche is not forthcoming from among sealings from Kerma. The unique authentication sealing from Elephantine may have been used exclusively in diplomatic interaction with the Egyptian state. There is no unequivocal evidence in favour of a Kerman origin for the sealing. But the cumulative effect of unusual features—the material (fired clay); the highly unusual technique (raised as opposed to sunken relief); and the defective determinative and unusual orthography (s3-R‘ inside the cartouche)—would support rather than contradict such an assessment. On the other hand, the same singular features impede a conclusive interpretation. It cannot be categorically excluded that the sealing provides evidence for a hith- erto unattested nomen of an Egyptian king (either Kamose or, more probably, Ahmose). But the object’s most likely function as a guarantee of the legitimacy of a messenger (or the message he carried) favours an interpretation of the sealing to refer to the actual ruler of Kush.

22 W. Vivian Davies, “Stela of the official, Ka,” 101; Török, Between two worlds, 108. 23 Stuart T. Smith, “The Transmission of an Egyptian Administrative System in the Second Millennium BC: Sealing Practice in Lower Nubia and at Kerma,” in Administration in Ancient Societies, ed. Piera Ferioli et al. (Turin: Scriptorium, 1996), 67–86. 24 Stuart T. Smith, Wretched Kush (London: Routledge, 2003), 82–83. Török, Between two worlds, 141 assumed that “the practice of sealing was introduced at Kerma between 1650– 1550 BC as a result of contacts with Lower Nubia which was under Kerman rule in this period.” CHAPTER 18 Karakhamun’s Artists

Elena Pischikova South Asasif Conservation Project Researcher, American University in Cairo

Abstract ت ذ ة ظ ة ز ز فة ش �غ��ط �ه�� ه ا لم��ق�ا �ل�� ع ض�� ا لم� ا �ح��ا ت ا لم��د �ئ�� ا ��لت� �ت�ت��ع��لق ��ا �ل� ا ��لت��ق�ن� ط ا خ� �� ا ��لن��ق� �� ي� ب � ل � ب ي ي� � ب عم�ل ي� و ر � � ر و � ف ة آ ن ف ف � ا ل��ق�� ا �ل�ك �ش��ة ا �لخ��ا ص��ة �� ا خ � �م � ��ا ن�ة ا �ل�ع �س�ا ��س�� ا �ل�ن�� ة ُ��د ت ي� م بر و ي � ب ك�ار � و� )TT223( ي� ج ب �� ي� ج وبي . و ج � ذ ة ة ن ن ة ت ف ة ة �ه�� ه ا لم��ق�� م�ن��ه�ا � ��ط ��ه�ا ا �ل��س��ا � نع��د �ع�ا د � � ك��ش��ا ��ه�ا ع�ا ٢٠٠٦ ع�� د ا ��ل� ث�ع�� ا لم��ص �� بر � ر ي وي� ي � إ إ � م لى ي ب � ري أ ة ف ظ ف ة أ أ ت ال��م ��ك�� لم�ش�� ا �ل�ح��ا � ع�� ا �ل�ع��س�ا ��س�� ا �ل�ن�� . � د ت� ��س�� سن�� ا ت� �م� ن � �ع�م�ا ا �ل�� م� ري ي روع لى ي� ج وبي بع و � ل ر يم ف ف � نة �ة � ن � ل ق �ة ل � ش ف � ن ة �ق �ك� � ن � ز خ � وا ل��صي��ا �� و�إع�ا د ا ل�ب��ا ء ي� ام��ب�ر �إى ا ل�ك�� ع�� ر وع�� وب��ه�ا ء ��د ر ب�ي��ر م�� ا ل��ار� أ ة ن ض ة آ ن ف ف أ آث ة ال� �ص��ل�� ا ��لت� �� ت ، مم�ا �� م��ق�� ك�ا ا خ � �م � �م��ص�ا � � �ه ال� ��ا ا �ل��ط�� م� ن ا �ل�ع��ص ي ي� ج � ي�ع بر ر � و� ي� � � م ر يبي � � ر ش ن ق ض ن ق ق تت ق تن ظ ف خ ق ة ا �ل�ك �� . �� ا �ل��ا ��ا ا ��لت� ��ا � ش��ه�ا ا لم��ا ل ا �ل�ح�ا ل ��ع��ل �� ا �ل�ع� � د ا � ا لم�� م� ن �ح�� ث� و ي� إ ي ي� ي � ي� � ب يم مل ي� ل بر � ي ت ق ذ أ ن ق أ �ت�ت��ا � � ��ا ه ا ��لن��ش� �ك�� ل�ك �ت�ت��ع��لق �� م�ا ط لم��س�ا ح�ا ت� ��ه�ا �م��ست�� ع�ا �م� ن ا ��لن��ش� � خ� � بع وإ ج � و � ب ب� و ى ٍل � � و ر ى أ ة ة ف ة ت �م�ن�� خ��ف�� ض�� ت��ا �طه�ا �� ه�م�� م��س�ا ح�ا ت �ح� ا ت �م�ع��ن�� ط�ا ا ل��مغ��ز � ا �ل�د �ن� �ل��لم��ق�� . ��ن��ا � وإر ب � ب ي � و ج ر � ي ي� إ ر � ى يي� � بر ي ول أ ً ً آ ذ ت ق ض � ض خ�ً ف� ق � ف ن ن ن � ن �ع ف� ق ة ز ن �ذ � ز ا لم��ا ل ��ي��ا مو��وع�ا � �را و�هو �ر� ا ل��ا ��ي�� ا �ل��ي� �م��لوا �ي� ا لم��ب�ر� ب��ا �ل��ا�م�� وك�� ل�ك ا ل��طر� ة ة ف أ ن ة ا �ل��ف�� د �� ل ؤ��س�ا ء ا �ل��ف��ن��ا ن�� ن ك �ت�ن��ع�ك�� م� ن خ� ا ا �ل ��س ا لمن��ا ظ� ا لمن��ق� �ش�� م�� ح�ا ء ا لم��ق�� . ر ي ر� ي� ما س � ل ل ر وم و ر و ي� ج يع بر أ ّ ق ن �ق ش ة ذ ة ت ت ز ث �نق �ش� ت ً ق ة� ن نق ش ت ة �م��ا �� ه�� ه ا لم��س�� ل�� ر � ك�� ع��لى �م��ا ل �ل��و � ��صور طي��ور ا �م��د � م�� ك��راب��ي�� ب�وا ��س��ط�� أ ة ف أ ة أ ة ة ت أ ن ف ز ��ا د مخ�ت��فل�� ص�ا ��لت� ال� �ع�م�د � ال� ل ا ��لث��ا ن�� ا لم��ق�� . �� ا �ل�ت��ح��ل � ال� ��ق� � � ا � ط ا ي ٍ ي� � ي� و ى و ي ب بر ويم يل ي وو ج ر ي� و ر � ف أ آ ة ة ف ف ة ا ��لت��ص � � � ط�ا ت��ث� �ه�ا ��ث��ا ��س�ا ��ق�� م��ق�ت� ح�� م�ن��ط��ق�ت� � نم�� ط��. �وير ي� إ ر ر ب ر ب ر ي� ي� � و ي ب

Personal Note

By this modest contribution to the studies in honor of Dr. Mohamed El-Bialy I would like to express my gratitude for his many years of friendship and productive professional relationship. Dr. El Bialy was very supportive of my

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ��5 | doi ��.��63/9789004293458_019 228 Pischikova work in the tomb of the Vizier of Upper Egypt Nespakashuty (TT 312) at Deir el Bahri,1 and recently in the South Asasif necropolis.2 In 2012 Dr. El Bialy, in his capacity as Chairman of Egyptian, Greco-Roman Antiquities Sector, was also instrumental in the organization and running of the international conference “Thebes in the First Millennium BC” organized by the South Asasif Project in Luxor.3 The subject of this article is very broad and cannot be covered here in any considerable depth. Moreover, as the tomb of Karakhamun and its decoration are far from being fully reconstructed we do not have enough information for a comprehensive analysis. Rediscovered in 2006, the tomb of Karakhamun was found completely collapsed, ruined by floods and later occupants. Seven years of excavation, conservation and reconstruction work revealed an enormous amount of decorated fragments still left in the tomb, making it almost fully reconstructible. The reconstruction has already started with the pillars of the First Pillared Hall and the south wall of the Second Pillared Hall. As seen now the tomb consists of an entrance structure, open court, two pillared halls with side rooms, and a spacious burial compartment with a painted main burial chamber. Its size and superb quality of carving place the tomb of Karakahmun among the most significant Kushite tombs of the Theban necropolis. A number of found fragments and reconstructed scenes show that the tomb’s decoration was left unfinished, therefore the tomb provides a great deal of information on all the phases and methods of relief carving used by the artists as well as their personal styles. This article comprises some preliminary observations on the working techniques and styles of carving in the tomb of

1 The tomb of Nespakashuty (TT 312) was first discovered and excavated by the Metropolitan Museum Expedition led by Herbert Winlock in 1922–24. It was re-excavated by the Metropolitan Museum/ARCE mission led by the author in 2001–2005. The sandstone entrance gate was reconstructed on site in 2005. 2 South Asasif Conservation Project directed by the author was founded in 2006 in order to excavate, conserve, and reconstruct the tombs of Karabasken (TT 391), Karakhamun (TT 223) and Irtieru (TT 390), Elena Pischikova, “Reliefs From the Tomb of the Vizier Nespakashuty,” Metropolitan Museum Journal 33 (1998): 57–101; id. “Conservation and Reconstruction of the Tomb of Nespakashuty. ARCE AEF Conservation Grant,” Bulletin of the American Research Center in Egypt 187 (2005): 12–16, id. “Conservation and Reconstruction of the Tomb of Nespakashuty II. ARCE AEF Conservation Grant,” Bulletin of the American Research Center in Egypt 189 (2006): 13–18; id. “Early Kushite Tombs of South Asasif,” BMSAES 12 (2009): 11–30; id. Kushite Tombs of the South Asasif necropolis, Thebes. Karabasken (TT 391) and Karakahmun (TT 223) in the Twenty-fifth Dynast. (Cairo, 2014); Elena Pischikova, Julia Budka, and Kenneth Griffin (eds.), Thebes in the first millennium BC. (Newcastle, 2014). 3 Pischikova, Budka, and Griffin (eds.), Thebes in the first millennium BC. Karakhamun’s Artists 229

figure 18.1 View of the Tomb of Karakhamun from the top. 2012. Photo: Katherine Blakeney

Karakahamun. This kind of research has been done on the basis of examples from some of the tombs and temples of all the periods of Egyptian art but less on Late Period monuments.4 The tomb of Karakahamun can give important

4 Gabriele Pieke, “The evidence of Images: Art and Working Techniques in the Mastaba of Mereruka,” in Old Kingdom, New Perspectives: Egyptian Art and Archaeoplogy 2750–2150 BC., ed. Nigel Strudwick and Helen Strudwick (Oxford, 2011); Melinda Hartwig, “Institutional Patronage and Social Commemoration in Theban Tomb Painting during the Reigns of Thutmose IV and Amenhotep III” (PhD. Dissertation, New York University, 2000); Betsy Bryan, “Painting Techniques and Artisan Organization in the Tomb of Suemniwet (TT 92),” in Color and Painting in Ancient Egypt, ed. W.V. Davies (London, 2001); Rita E. Freed, “The Development of Middle Kingdom Egyptian Relief Sculptural Schools of Late Dynasty XI; 230 Pischikova insights into the decoration techniques applied after the resurrection of the monumental decorated private tomb at the beginning of the Kushite Period. The reliefs were carved on the limestone bedrock. The quality of the bedrock varies in different areas of the tomb, being weaker on top of the walls and in most western parts of the tomb. However, the overall quality of the tomb’s limestone was high enough to allow precise crisp lines in the carving. The whole decoration was executed on the smooth solid surface of the original bedrock without adding slabs of stone from outside the tomb. The first preliminary step before carving involved smothering the wall surface with plaster, thicker in some areas than in others, to cover all irregularities. The next action taken by the artists must have been the marking of register and grid lines. Remains of preliminary markings are visible in numerous places in the tomb especially in the areas of the offering scenes. The marks consist of small splashes of color, as they were made by dipping a cord into red ocher, stretch- ing it across the surface, and lightly snapping it against the surface of the wall.5 Later the lines were drawn over with a brush. It seems that all the major figures, such as Karakhamun himself, his brother Nesamenopet, priests and divine figures were drawn with the help of a full grid. Minor figures of workmen, objects of the multi-register composition, and possibly offering bearers, were drawn freehand without proportional grid lines. No traces of centering lines were found. It seems that the only support the artists had besides the register line was a second line on shoulder level. Karakahmun’s artists used a 21-square grid creating the first known precedent of its usage.6 Scholars have recognized this replacement of the traditional 18-square grid by a 21-square grid as the introduction of a “Late Period canon”.7 Whether this innovation inspired stylistic changes in the art of the Late Period has remained an open question. By no means should the new grid be connected to the proportions of the figures. (Robins 1985, 101–116). A grid is as much a technical tool as a cubit. It helps in measurements and standardizing mathematical proportions but

with an Appendix on the Trends of Early Dynasty XII (2040–1878 BC)” (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1984). 5 Dieter Arnold, Building in Egypt. Pharaonic Stone Masonry (New York, London, 1991), 253. 6 Richard K. Lepsius, Denkmäler aus Ägypten und Äthiopien, Text herausgegeben von Eduard Naville. 5 vols. (Leipzig 1897–1913), LD III, 288, pl. 282d. 7 Gay Robins, Proportion and Style in Ancient Egyptian Art (Austin 1994), 160–164; Manfred Bietak and Elfriede Reiser-Haslauer, Das Grab des ‘Anch-Hor, 2 vols. (Wien, 1978–1982), 230–231. Karakhamun’s Artists 231 cannot influence or change the style of representations.8 Moreover, the new grid could not change the proportions of the figure as the change refers only to the size of the subdivisions inside of the same proportional system. The reasons for switching from the 18-square grid that was in use since the early Middle Kingdom to a 21-square grid remain obscure.9 As was noted by Robins, the older and presumably more cumbersome system, in which a square measured 1.5 palms, had seemed to serve perfectly well for over a millennium.10 A similar kind of alteration happened to the cubit slightly later at the beginning of the Saite Period. The total length of the cubit, 52.3/52.5, remained the same but the subdivisions changed. Surprisingly, the cubit reform appears just the opposite of the grid reform. If the number of squares in the grid was multi- plied, the number of fingers in the cubit was minimized. The old cubit featured seven palms of four fingers (28 fingers); the new subdivision features only 24 fingers but enlarges the measurement of the finger. As Arnold remarked: “We do not know why the old system, which had been used successfully for a thousand years, was suddenly altered”.11 It therefore appears that the new grid should be seen only as an alteration of the geometrical tool used by artists and a change that did not affect stylistic matters.12 The next step in creating the wall decoration was the work of artists who may be called outline-draftsmen, who would convey the whole decorative program of the tomb. They could have used a “map” of the walls on a piece of papyrus and freely transferred the scenes and figures to the walls by marking the exact location of every image. There were definitely a few groups of artists working in different rooms and on the different sections of the walls simultaneously. This first “mapping” was done with thick brush marks of a pale yellow color. The draftsman would not finalize the register lines since the rope marking was an explicit enough indication for the carvers.

8 The concept of a “Late” or “Second” Egyptian canon should be disregarded. Without a grid on the wall, it is impossible to conclude in what grid system the representation was executed. Not even every artist used a grid system. As was pointed out earlier in the text, the artists of the tomb of Nespakashuty did not use grids, limiting themselves to centering lines only. Bietak and Reiser-Haslauer, ‘Anch-Hor, 230–231; Klaus P. Kuhlmann and Wolfgang Schenkel, Das Grab des Ibi, Obergutsverwalters der Gottesgemahlin des Amun. Thebanisches Grab Nr. 36. Band 1: Beschreibung der unterirdischen Kult- und Bestattungsanlage. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen, (Mainz: 1983), 89, no. 406. 9 Erika Feucht, “Hilfslinien,” LAe 2 (1977), col. 1201. 10 Robins, Proportions and Style, 104. 11 Dieter Arnold, Temples of the Last Pharaohs (New York, Oxford, 1999), 67. 12 Arnold, Temples, 44. 232 Pischikova

The next step of the work was creating the second, final drawing of the tomb’s decorative program. It was probably done by more experienced artists, who acted as overseers of groups of draftsmen. The second drawing, done by master draughtsmen is much more precise and detailed than the first. Its main purpose was to create explicit instructions for the carvers. The final drawing never exactly follows the lines of the first drawing. It was done with a thinner brush and red ink over the first drawing, making it sharper and more defined. The sculpting of figures started with work along the inner outlines, which are carved with sharp lines perpendicular to the background surface. Preliminary carving was probably done by apprentices who would not do any advanced work on the figures but would work around them. As most of the tomb was carved in sunk relief the stone on surface of the figures was cut lower than the background. The background was smoothed and polished apart from the unfinished areas where chisel marks are still visible. Master carvers would step in only for the final stage of the carving, which included rounding the edges, modeling the figures and faces, and carving minor details. At this stage of Karakhamun’s tomb reconstruction it is too early to say that we know the order of drawing and carving on every specific wall. If we believe in the influence of Karakhamun’s decoration on the later tomb of Nespakashuty (TT 312), the latter may supply additional information. In the more unfinished and better-preserved later tomb of Nespakashuty, one can see the directions of work very clearly. The unfinished two-register section from the central part of the west wall shows how two teams of artists could work on it at the same time (Metropolitan Museum of Art: 23.3.468). The bottom register is unfinished in its south section, the second register in its north, which clearly indicates that two people or two teams were moving along the wall in opposite directions. The one working on the imagery of the bottom register moved from right to left, while the other group working on the second register went from left to right. Since the upper registers were less finished, it is clear that the group working on the bottom register started first. The unfinished wall in the tomb of Nespakashuty demonstrates that the working process was slightly different from the way described by some other scholars. The work seems to have pro- gressed from bottom to top, not the other way around.13 The tomb of Karakhamun offers diverse combinations of areas marked with a rope, covered in drawings, preliminary carving, and finally carved sections. The presence of various phases of relief carving on the same wall refutes the assumption that the same person or people could have served in more than

13 William S. Smith, A History of Egyptian Sculpture and Painting in the Old Kingdom (London: 1946), 244–245; Freed, “The Development”, 13–14. Karakhamun’s Artists 233 one capacity and been responsible for an entire piece.14 For instance in the case of Nespakashuty, the tasks were strictly divided between separate individuals or teams. The same individuals were probably responsible for both the images and the inscriptions since these were worked on simultaneously. The finished reliefs would have been painted once the decoration was finished. As Karakhamun’s was never finished, paint was never applied on many of the surfaces in the First Pillared Hall. There are no traces of paint on any of the fragments from the north section of the east wall and east pilasters of the First Pillared Hall, even in the areas of the most finished carving. In terms of entire rooms, the most finished rooms in the tomb are the main burial chamber and the First Pillared Hall. The Second Pillared Hall has numerous unfinished areas, the Vestibule was left in preliminary drawings and the Open Court is entirely lacking decoration. The semantic of this pattern of work is yet to be analyzed within the theological concept of the tomb and its rooms. The quality of carving in different areas of the tomb must be part of this discussion as well. Therefore by analyzing the styles and quality of carving throughout the tomb we may get answers to some of the following questions. How many teams of artists worked in the tomb? How many teams could have worked simultaneously? What was the approximate proportion in mixing experts and apprentices within a team? Some other issues are the order of carving on a wall, in a single room, in a tomb in general as the distribution of preliminary drawings and different phases of carving in a tomb may reflect the greater significance of certain areas of the tomb over some others. The distribution of the areas carved by the principal artists and apprentices may contribute to the same subject. Significant differences in the style of carving in different areas of the tomb definitely reflect the difference in individual artistic styles and preferences and therefore may help in the identification of hands of artists who worked on the tomb’s decoration especially the principal ones. Naturally the tomb of Karakhamun was commissioned by the tomb owner. The decorative program of the tomb was probably decided upon with the involvement of Karakahamin himself. The uniqueness of many features of the Kushite and Saite tombs built after the revival of the concept of the monumental decorated tomb at the beginning of Kushite rule allow to assume considerable personal involvement of the tomb owner. However the fusion of the directions given by the tomb owner/designer to the artistic teams and their personal preferences is one of the important issues in tomb creation. Another one is the correspondence between conscious choices, which reflect artists’ tastes, and unconscious rou- tine in depicting minor objects and details, which is the best “signature” of an

14 Freed, “The Development”, 10–12. 234 Pischikova artist. All these considerations may help to recognize and “name” the artists of a particular tomb and look for their hands in other contemporary tombs. There are numerous cases of artists actually signing their creations but not numerous enough to reveal even the leading artists who participated in a tomb’s decoration. The presence of one signature in a tomb does not mean that the whole tomb was decorated by one artist although it may mean that he was the one to make major decisions on the decorative program.15 Hence, the execution of carving is a more sure method of identifying artists than an actual signature, and small objects and details are the best indicators of an individual hand. As noted by Baines “there was evidently no requirement that detailing be uniform over a scene”.16 This practice would leave a lot of room for variations and personal manners and decisions. The present paper reflects some preliminary observations and results based on the analysis of one type of image throughout the tomb. The chosen type of image is offering birds. The surviving fragments of the First and Second Halls’ decoration give a few complete and fragmentary examples of birds being led or carried by the offering bearers. They are mostly concentrated on the pilasters of the east wall of the First Pillared hall and the west wall of the Second Pillared Hall. A considerable number of found fragments suggests a combination of the Old Kingdom type procession of the funerary estates and offering bearers on the pilasters of the east wall of the First Pillared Hall. Most of the fragments feature shallow sunk relief with crisp outlines. The shapes within the outlines are gently rounded. Details are few but well-defined and carved in low raised relief. The iconography of the offering bearers balancing baskets of offerings on their heads and carrying and leading offering animals and birds suggests direct Old Kingdom references.17 This case study will examine only three examples of bird images to illustrate the variety of personal artistic styles and references that could have been used to form them. First is a fragment of a female figure holding a duck by its legs while clasping the body to her and supporting it with an arm. The body

15 Williams Ware. E., “Egyptian Artists’ Signatures,” The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures 43, no. 3 (1927), 185–207; John A. Wilson, “The Artist of the Old Kingdom,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 6, no. 4 (1947), 231–249. 16 John Baines, “Color Use and the Distribution of Relief and Painting in the Temple of Sety I at Abydos,” in Colour and Painting in Ancient Egypt, ed. by William V. Davies (London: 2001), 53. 17 Yvonne M. Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom Studies in Orientation and Scene Content, (London: 1987). Karakhamun’s Artists 235

figure 18.2 Fragment of the Procession of Offering Bearers. Tomb of Karakhmun. West wall of the Second Pillared Hall. Photo: Katherine Blakeney

of the duck is mostly plain with a few carved lines on the wings indicating large feathers and two narrow strips indicating the shape of the tail. The bird is carved in raised relief on the background of the body of the offering bearer, which is carved in sunk relief. Although the edges are rounded the carving is very shallow and flat, which is also noticeable on the hand holding the bird. The second image is a large bird led on a leash, probably a stork. The bird is carved in sunk relief. Although the carving is not deep the body of the bird is much more softly modeled, especially on the beak and around the eyes. The eye and the inner edges of the beak are outlined with well-defined, flexible rims. The wing is covered with an elaborate pattern of small, scale-shaped feathers. The third image is a duck being held by its wings. Carved in sunk relief, this fragment displays the deepest carving out of the three fragments in the case. This allows much more three-dimensional carving on the hand, with soft sculptural modeling. The body of the bird is gently modeled as well. The most 236 Pischikova

figure 18.3 Duck in the Hands of an Offering Bearer. Tomb of Karakhamun. East wall pilasters. First Pillared Hall. Photo: Katherine Blakeney

figure 18.4 Stork being led by an Offering Bearer. Tomb of Karakhamun. East wall pilasters. First Pillared Hall. Photo: Katherine Blakeney Karakhamun’s Artists 237

figure 18.5 Duck held by the wings by an Offering Bearer. Tomb of Karakhamun. East wall pilasters. First Pillared Hall. Photo: Katherine Blakeney

striking feature of this image is its decorative quality. The whole image is covered in carved patterns. The wings have two layers of thin feathers, each carefully carved and rounded. The body is fully covered with oval patterns, with a rachis carved in the middle, designating small feathers with rounded barbs. None of the birds have any traces of color, which distinguishes them from the painted offering scenes in the Second Pillared Hall. Two of the fragments have already been placed on the eastern pilasters of the First Pillared Hall and the third one, recently found in 2012, probably originated from the same area. However, stylistic differences indicate that they were carved by three different artists making individual decisions concerning depth and manner of carving, modeling and details and apparently showing different approaches to references to earlier images. When it comes to cases of archaism, iconography and style should be treated as two separate matters, as quite often they were influenced by different sources. All three offering scenes refer to Old Kingdom iconography. Nonetheless, close comparisons with offering birds in the Old Kingdom tombs show a number of stylistic features not necessarily 238 Pischikova adapted by Kushite artists. It seems that Old Kingdom artists were not inclined to overdesign offering birds. In most cases there are carved details on the edges of wings and tail only, nothing on the body or the rest of the wings. Numerous Old Kingdom scenes of processions of offering birds, poultry yards and ponds feature very little carving on the bodies of the birds or none at all.18 This has nothing to do with the quality of carving and level of detail in the scene. For example, in the scene of the ducks feeding against a background of scattered grain in the Chapel of Kagemni, the grain is carved in an extremely detailed manner while the ducks have only a few strokes on their tails.19 A similar stylistic decision was made in some other scenes in Kagemni where fiber containers and woven baskets carried by the offering bearers are carved with an incredible level of precision and detailing yet the birds in these containers lack any inner carving.20 It seems that in Old Kingdom tombs the level of detailing, even if high in other areas, would not involve the birds. The objects with most patterns applied are usually ropes, baskets, the horns of offering animals, food offerings and flowers. It was a deliberate choice of most artists in royal monuments as well as in private ones.21 Bird images from the Sun Temple of Niuserre at Abu Gurab follow the same pattern of decoration.22 Among the three birds under discussion only the first one follows both Old Kingdom iconographic and stylistic patterns. The others, although they follow Old Kingdom iconography, are considerably more ornate. There is a strong possibility that Karakhamun employed Memphite artists to decorate his tomb. A similar arrangement was suggested for the tomb of Harwa (TT 37).23 It is a known fact that Memphite artists were employed by Taharqo to decorate the so-called Temple T at Kawa using patterns from the royal monuments of

18 Yvonne M. Harpur, The Chapel of Kagemni: Scene Details (Reading: 2006), Pls. 194–208), id., The Chapel of Ptahhotep (Reading, 2008), Pls. 10, 11, 46, 50, 73, 87, 93, 97, 99–102, 110, 357, 354, 276–285. 19 Harpur, Kagemni, pl. 207. 20 Harpur, Kagemni, pls. 407, 437. 21 Zahi Hawass, “Recent Discoveries in the Pyramid Complex of Teti at Saqqara,” in Abusir and Saqqara in the Year 2000, ed. by Miroslav Bárta and Jaromir Krejčí (Prague: 2000), 413–444, pl. 65. 22 Dorothea Arnold et al., Egyptian art in the age of the pyramids (New York, London, 1999), no. 119. 23 Edna R. Russmann, “Harwa as Precursor of Mentuemhat,” in Artibus Aegypti: Studia in Honorem Bernardi V. Bothmer, ed. Herman de Meulenaere and Luc Limme (Bruxelles, 1983), 137–146. Karakhamun’s Artists 239 the Fifth and Sixth Dynasty.24 Kawa images inspired by Old Kingdom temples are very close to their prototypes stylistically.25 Most likely the artists brought with them copies of the decoration of some of the Memphite monuments to be transferred onto the walls of a Nubian temple. In the case of some of Karakahmun’s reliefs, their ornamental quality could have come from the influence of local painted tombs with their high level of detail.26 The Kushite artists were trying to translate the language of painting into relief by carving on the bodies of the birds the patterns painted in New Kingdom tombs. The result is a highly sophisticated relief executed with much more precision and elegance than the New Kingdom prototypes. A similar case was recorded in the tomb of Mentuemhat (TT 34) whose artists copied a few painted figures from the tomb of Menna (TT 69) transforming them into exqui- site reliefs.27 This one case study gives a glimpse of the richness and depth of information on the style and iconography of private Kushite tombs provided by the tomb of Karakahmun. This research is still at the very beginning. Its continuation will considerably increase our knowledge and understanding of the roots and development of the Kushite Renaissance.

24 M.F. Laming Macadam, The Temples of Kawa. II. History and Archaeology of the Site. With Chapters by the late F. Ll. Griffith and L.P. Kirwan (London: 1955), 15, 63. 25 Macadam, Kawa, pls. 14–17. 26 Richard Parkinson, The Painted Tomb-Chapel of Nebamun: Masterpieces of Ancient Egyptian Art in the British Museum (London, 2008). 27 Peter Der Manuelian, “Prolegomena zur Untersuchung saitischer ‘Kopien’,” Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 10 (1983), 221–245. For Mentuemhat, see Brooklyn Museum of Art 48.74 and Chicago Oriental Institute 18828 CHAPTER 19 The Henket-ankh Temple of Thutmosis III in Luxor West Bank: Five Years of Intervention

Myriam Seco Álvarez

Abstract ف أ ذ ة ض ئ أ ة أ أ ة ت ا ��له�د � ال� ��س�ا ��س �م� ن �ه�� ه ا لم�ش��ا �ك�� ه �ع � ا �لن��ت��ا � ال� ��ل�� ل�� ع�م�ا ال�ث� �� ا ��لت� �م� ت � � ي� � ر و ر � ج� وي ل ل ري ي� � ف ت خ ا �ل�خ ن ت ض ة � ا ن � ن ن �ل�خ � ��ت �ل ل ا ��م��س ��س��وا � ا لم�ا ��ي�� )٢٠٠٨–٢٠١٢( �ي� �م�ع�ب��د �م�ل ي��ي� ا ل��س��ي�� ا ��ا ص بح��م��س ذ أ ن ة ق ف ا ��لث��ا �ل� ث . ��ل�ق� �ه�� ا ا لم�ش�� ا �ل�ض�� ء ع�� ال� � ش��ط�� ا ��لت� ��ا �� ه�اك� �م� ن )��ا ��ا ١٩٠٦( ) ��ك�ه � ي ي� روع �و لى ي� م ب� ل � ي ج ل و ري ت ت أ ف ذ �ذ � �� ق � ق ل � �ة � ش ف� ت خ� � م�خز نة � ل ه ١٩٣٤–١٩٣٨( وك�� ل�ك يحر ى ب��ع��م� ا �لب��اي��ا امو ج�ود و�إك��ا ��ا � � �ر ى �� ي� ا��م�ع�ب��د. �ه�� ة ت أ ة ذ ة ا لم��ق�ا �ل�� ش�� ت��ق�د ��س�� ا �ل� ال�ث� � ا �ل��ص��ا ن�� ا �ل�� ك�ز ع�� ا �ل��س ا �لخ��ا �� م�ن��ط��ق�� رح م ير عم�ل ر ي� و � ي ي� ر � لى ور ر ج ي� و خ ت ف ت ذ ن ف ة ئ ة ق ا �ل��ص ��ل�� ك ا لم�ك��ش��ا � ا �ل��ك�� ا �ل�� ت��ك � ��ص�� س�� م� ن ��ط �م� ن ا �ل�ح�� ا �ل �م��ل رح وي ص م ب ير ي� ي و ب ر ي ي � ع � ج ر ر ي� ن ف ت ف ة ذ ت ت ف ة ت ا �ل�� ا ��لت� ��ع�ك�� ح�ا ��ل��ا ع�� ث��ق��ه�ا. ��ال� ض ��ا �� ل � �ل� � � ك��ش��ا � �ع�ش�� م��ق�ا � �ح� ت و ج ير ي� و ي� � ي لى وي � ب إ � إى ك م إ � ر بر � أ ض ة ت ة أق ت ق أ ض ً � �� ا ل��م�ع��د � �� ل ��ا ن�� م� ن �ع��ص � ��د ��س��ت� �م�ن��ا ��ش��ت��ه�ا �ه ��ا ر ي ب ر جع إى ج ب � ر م م � ي� ي .

The excavation, restoration, conservation and site management of the Temple of Millions of Years of Thutmosis III, in Luxor’s West Bank, first started in 2008 through a collaborative project between the Egyptian Ministry of State for Antiquities and the Academy of Fine Arts Santa Isabel de Hungría, Seville- Spain.1 Since the beginning, the project has had the support of the Spanish

1 The members of the actual team are: Dr. Javier Martínez Babón, Fathi Yassim abd el Karim, Ezzedine Kamal el Noubi (Egyptologists), Abd el Gani (inspector from MSA), Ibrahim Noureddine, Antonio Guío (archaeologists), Erin Wilson (osteo-archaeology), Fátima Pazos Hernández (topographer), Roberto García Guerra (documentist), Ma Antonia Moreno Cifuentes, Agustín Gamarra Campuzano, Concepción Lozano Urbano, Inés García Martínez and Fatima Khairi Mohamed (restorers). And we have the collaboration of the University of Granada and the Polytechnic University of Cataluña.

photo 19.1 Dr. Mohamed el Bialy visiting the work on the temple of millions of year of Thutmosis III.

Embassy in Egypt and is sponsored by the Spanish petrol company CEPSA and the BOTÍN FOUNDATION.2 During these years the project has been co-directed by members of the MSA (Ministry of State for Antiquities)3 and Dr. Mohamed el-Bialy,4 to whom this publication is dedicated, and who was co-director during the year of 2011. In this article I would like to present our work at the temple of Millions of Years of Thutmosis III, Henket-ankh, the most sacred place in Thebes. In September of 2008 the cleanup work, excavation, restoration and site management of the temple began. This area had been partially excavated and the findings published by Daressy,5 Weigall6 and Ricke.7 During the five

2 www.thutmosisiiitempleproject.org. 3 Nur abd el Ghafar Mohamed (2012), Dr. Mohamed el Bialy (2011) and Dr. Atia Radwan (2008–2010). 4 Throughout this period he has been a great help and with his understanding he brought light to our investigations and we would like to thank him for all this and to dedicate this article to him. 5 G. Daressy, “Le voyage d’inspection de M. Grébaut en 1889”, ASAE XXVI, (1926), pp. 14 ff. 6 A.E.P. Weigall, “A report on the excavation of the Funeral Temple of Thoutmosis III at Gurneh”, ASAE VII, (1906), pp. 121–141 and ASAE VIII, (1907), pp. 286 ff. 7 H. Ricke, Der Totentempel Thutmoses’ III, Beiträge zur Ägyptischen Bauforschung und Altertumskunde 3, Cairo 1938. 242 Álvarez seasons that have run so far,8 a series of interventions were completed and provided interesting information on the temple’s building design in terraces.9 From an archaeological point of view, we have performed the following tasks: the recovery of the second ramp, including its façade and parts of the upper terrace, excavating the pylon and defining its corners that were still in a good preservation state; cleaning, excavating and restoring sectors of the eastern and southern enclosure wall; and houses of the priests and the sector known as the “chapel of Hathor”.10 Also, part of the first court and part of the peristyle area have been excavated.11 The temple of Thutmosis III was constructed in three different phases. Initially, a monumental enclosure wall of 5 meters thick was built in mud brick, occupying an area of approximately 110 × 90 meters. There was a main entrance in the middle of the eastern enclosure wall that gave access to a court. This court was probably like a garden. Two lines of tree holes where identified, one of them with 4 tree holes, placed two of them symmetrically to both sides of the ramp, and there is a second line of tree holes but only one has been excavated so far. In the middle of the court there is a ramp with 7,5° of inclination

8 M. Seco Álvarez and others, “First Season of the Egyptian-Spanish project at the Funerary Temple of Thutmosis III in Luxor”, ASAE 84, (2010), pp. 1–35. M. Seco Álvarez and A. Radwan, “Egyptian-Spanish Project at The Funerary Temple of Thutmosis III in Luxor West Bank: The results of two seasons”, Memnonia cahier supplementaire n° 2 (2012), pp. 59–71. M. Seco Álvarez, “Recientes descubrimientos en el Templo Funerario de Tutmosis III”, Boletín de Bellas Artes n° 37, pp. 510–520. M. Seco Álvarez, “Trabajos arqueológicos en el Templo de Millones de Años del faraón Tutmosis III en Luxor: campañas 2008–2011”, DJESER n°4, (2012), Revista de Arte, Arqueología y Egiptología, pp. 64–73. http://www .centroelba.es/Revista.aspx?Revista_id=8. Also in Novos trabalhos de Egiptologia Ibériaca. IV Congreso Ibérico de Egiptología, Vol. II, (Lisboa 2012), J. Martínez Babón, “Fragmentos de relieves de carácter militar en el templo funerario de Tutmosis III”, pp. 669–677; E. Mora Ruedas and Ma A. Moreno Cifuentes, “Trabajos de conservación y restauración en el templo funerario de Tutmosis III”, pp. 773–791, and M. Seco Álvarez, “Últimos descubrimientos en el proyecto de excavación, restauración y puesta en valor del templo funerario de Tutmosis III en la orilla oeste de Luxor”, pp. 1065–1075. And In press: M Seco Álvarez and others, “Second and Third Campaigns of the Egyptian-Spanish project at the Mortuary Temple of Thutmosis III in Luxor West Bank (2009 and 2010)”, ASAE 86 (2012), pp. 1–73. 9 Similar to Hatshepsut, see E. Naville, Temple of Deir el Bahari I, London 1895. See also Z. Wysocki, “The Temple of Queen Hatshepsut at Deir el Bahari: The Raising of the Structure in View of Architectural Studies”, MDAIK 48, (1992), pp. 233–254 and pls. 42–47; and Z. Wysocki, “The Temple of Queen Hatshepsut at Deir el Bahari Its Original Form”, MDAIK 42, (1986), pp. 213–228. 10 Identified as such by Ricke, op. cit., p. 21. 11 Plan drawn by Fatima Pazos Hernández. The Henket-ankh Temple of Thutmosis III 243

figure 19.1 Plan of the temple. 244 Álvarez from the horizontal leading to the upper terrace, where a portico with ten pillars was placed. This portico was the façade which gave access to the peristyle, hypostyle and sanctuary areas.12 The peristyle is an open court surrounded by a line of columns. From here to the west we have the remains of the hypostyle hall and the sanctuary area, where the main chapel was dedicated to Amun as in all similar temples. In a second phase, the temple was expanded to the east. The builders enlarged the enclosure wall and built a new court and a pylon on the east, which eventually became the new entrance to the building.13 They also expanded the portico and made some modifications to the main ramp. The new court became the first court and the old one became the second court. The first court has a ramp with 3° of inclination from the horizontal in the wing of the pylon and measures 27.26 meters at the base and is 9.10 meters deep, with an inclination of approximately 10° from the vertical. A low mud brick structure (platform) was located on the western side of both sides of the pylon. There is a difference of approximately 7 meters in elevation between the floor level in the pylon area and the floor level in the sanctuary area. The third phase of construction was for the edification of the Hathor chapel, in the south part, inside the enclosure wall and parallel to the Amun temple. Therefore, it was necessary to open a new door in the southern part of the eastern enclosure wall. This door gave access to the second court of the temple and they built a ramp leading to the upper terrace parallel to the second ramp of the Amun temple. Furthermore, southward and next to the enclosure wall there were built two big houses in mud brick, previously excavated by Ricke14 and identified as houses of the priests. In addition, during our last season in 2012 we found an interesting massive mud brick construction outside the southern enclosure wall. This massive structure could have belonged to an administrative building, but it is under study. Excavation of this area has permitted thorough cleaning of the entire southern enclosure wall. We have observed that the majority of the mud bricks are stamped with the name of the temple, and some are marked to identify the mud brick makers. We do not know exactly which year the building of the temple started and when it ended, but we have several clues that could give us a fairly

12 Similar to Deir el Bahari, see L. Dabrowski, “Temple de Hatchepsout à Deir el-Bahari, 3a terrasse. Projet de la reconstruction du mur ouest de la cour”, ET II, (1968), pp. 39–46. 13 See U. Hölscher, “Der erste Pylon von Karnak”, MDAIK 12, pp. 139–149; and A. Badawy, Architecture in Ancient Egypt and The Near East, Massachusetts 1966, pp. 33–46; see also H. Sourouzian, “L’apparition du Pylône”, BIFAO 81, (1981), pp. 141–151. 14 Ricke, op. cit., pp. 25–27. The Henket-ankh Temple of Thutmosis III 245

photo 19.2 View from the Pylon.

photo 19.3 Mud bricks structures attached to the southern enclosure wall. 246 Álvarez good estimate. The name of the temple is given in the list of shrines erected in the Theban nome, in the list that appears in the first register of the Red Chapel at Karnak. Hout Menkheperre Henket-ankh, the temple of Menkheperre who gives life.15 We know that Thutmosis III celebrated three great feasts of victory in Thebes after returning from his campaign in Syria, after the Battle of Megiddo in year 22 of his reign. The third of these victory festivities was celebrated in the fifth festival of Amun, for 5 days in the temple of Henket-ankh.16 Therefore, the temple was already partly built at the time. In several areas of the temple the cartouche of Hatshepsut appears along with Thutmosis III, which suggests that the work began during the joint reign. According to Ricke,17 the temple began during the co-regency with Hatshepsut and would be completed during the time of Amenhotep II. What we do know is that there were building activities in the temple for a long period of time and, as we have described, at least three phases of construction. Another interesting factor is that the temple was built on a former necropolis. Until now ten tombs have been found. Most of those tombs are oriented east-west; and some were found empty with no trace of the original burial, but other materials of interest were preserved. Among these tombs tomb number 3, located to the south of the second ramp, stands out as a reused tomb where ceramic vessels18 were found and its burial chamber was sealed. Inside this tomb four skeletons of a family were found.19 We found material from the Middle Kingdom, and the tomb was reused in the 17th dynasty. All these tombs have different plans. Some of them consist of a corridor dug into the mountain leading to a chamber with a shaft that has a burial chamber opened to the west at the bottom of it, like tomb number 3. But others have only the shaft dug into the bedrock with a burial chamber, at the end of the shaft, opened to the west. We also found a shaft with a chamber to the east and another to the west at the end of it, similar to tomb number 9, which was excavated during the 2012 season. Another variation consists of chambers located on different levels, like tomb number 10. In this case we have a chamber to the east around the middle of the shaft and another two chambers, one to the east and another to the west at the end of the shaft. Also the depths of these

15 F. Maruéjol, Thoutmosis III et la corégence avec Hatchepsout, París 2007, pp. 239–242. 16 J.H. Breasted, “The Length and Season of Thutmose III’s First Campaign”, ZÄS 37. (1899), pp. 123–129. 17 Ricke, op. cit., pp. 16–25. 18 See Preliminary Report on the Pottery by B. Bader in ASAE 86, pp. 32–37. 19 See Preliminary Study of the Human Bones from the Burial Chamber of Tomb III by E. Wilson in ASAE 86, pp. 11–14. The Henket-ankh Temple of Thutmosis III 247

figure 19.2 Plan of the tombs placed under the temple. 248 Álvarez shafts are different from one tomb to another. For example, tombs number 5 and 6 have a 7-meter depth shaft while numbers 9 and 10 have a 5-meter depth shaft. The deepest one is in tomb number 8, with a huge shaft with a depth of 12 meters and only a burial chamber to the west at the bottom of the shaft. In all these tombs we have material from the Second Intermediate Period and also from the Middle Kingdom. We must emphasize the importance of such materials, which largely contribute to the historical knowledge of this area during these periods. Two nice limestone funerary steles were found in tombs number 9 and 10 respectively. These steles are a source of information concerning the burial owners.20 Throughout the five seasons a large amount of fragments of limestone21 and sandstone22 were recovered. Many of them are small and they are in a bad state of conservation, but others maintain parts of reliefs or inscriptions related to historical, religious or cultural aspects. A hundred large blocks of limestone can provide information on what must have been a great chapel dedicated to Amun. Among other decorative elements, there are fragments of the bodies of this god and of the pharaoh, parts of the god’s barque, list of offerings and ritual inscriptions, all of which have been preserved. The damnatio of El Amarna is noticeable in regards to everything that had to do with the god Amun: name, body and symbols. It should be noted that the numerous fragments found among the sandstone fragments allowed us to develop a tentative list of topics that were part of the decorative design of the temple. According to the materials that have been found so far, the topics include: ritual scenes of the pharaoh; the significant presence of the god Amun and other divinities as Ra-Hor-Akhety or Thot; funeral priest and procession offerings; lists of offerings from offering tables; navigation and fluvial transport; military parades; war scenes and a toponymic list of cities. Additionally, some fragments of inscriptions led us to conclude that on the walls of this temple there were written chronicles related to the life of Thutmose III.

20 These Stelae are under study. 21 See M. Seco Álvarez and others, ASAE 84, (2010), pp. 8–10 and figs. 06, 25 y 32. And M. Seco Álvarez and Attia Radwan, Memnonia cahier supplementaire n° 2 (2012), pp. 63–66 and figs. 1, 2, 3 and 4 and Pl. IIIB. 22 See M. Seco Álvarez and others, ASAE 84, (2010), pp. 8–10 and figs. 26–31. And M. Seco Álvarez and Attia Radwan, Memnonia cahier supplementaire n° 2 (2012), pp. 67–68 and Pl. IIIA. The Henket-ankh Temple of Thutmosis III 249

Some statues were also found in the temple, one of them is part of the head and body of a scribe. The head had already been found by our predecessors, and was rediscovered in 2008 by our mission inside the storage room built by Weigall and located at the site. However, the body was found during our excavation in 2010 in the area of the temple dedicated to Hathor, and both parts fit together.23 Also a fine looking head and torso of a goddess Sekhmet was found in the northern half of the second court. The top of the head with the solar disc is missing; on the back side of the statue there is a still-visible hole to insert the solar disk. The face is complete and it also preserves part of what connects it to the shoulders. We do not know yet why this statue was found there. It could be either a Sekhmet statue existing from the time of Thutmosis III, or Amenhotep III, and the bust was reused in a later period and buried there. Hopefully the next excavation in this area will cast light upon this enigma. The excavations have been accompanied by intensive restoration work in two aspects: mud brick work of the pylon and the enclosure wall so that, in the future, the original plan of the temple can be clearly seen on the ground. Another aspect is the restoration work on materials such as limestone and sandstone focused on preserving shapes and colors. During the past 5 years we have continued building the protective layer over the remaining of the enclosure wall and all mud brick structure; our work was done mainly in the eastern and southern enclosure wall, the pylon and the houses of the priests in the south. This protective volumetric reconstruction has been extended from the area of the southern enclosure wall to the natural rock towards the west reaching the interior corner of the temple. In this southern area we have continued to use the standard measures of mud bricks (40–2 × 18–9 × 12–3cm) for all its sides, and almost the whole body of the structure; sporadically using smaller mud bricks (37 × 16 × 11 and 30 × 15 × 10). The joints or bonds of this wall follow the A2 and A3 parameters.24 A total of 65 meters in rows have been reconstructed, measuring 3.80 meters in width at the top, and a variable height, between 0.60 and 2 meters, depending on the original crests of the remaining wall. During the cleaning of the southern walls that must be restored we have identified three new mud brick-maker marks, thus increasing our collection. In the area of the pylon, the work of consolidation and protection continued in the recently excavated areas. This was achieved by placing rows of mud

23 Drawing done by Manuel González Bustos, student of Fine Arts from the University of Granada. 24 A.J. Spencer, “Brick architecture in ancient Egypt”. Aris & Phillips Ltd. Warminster, wilts, England. 1979. 250 Álvarez

photo 19.4 Head and body of a scribe, drawing by Manuel González Bustos, University of Granada. bricks creating a protective layer over the remains of the original superstructure, following the same constructive techniques and brick sizes. The northern façade of the northern tower of the pylon was found during the 2012 season. It is well preserved and allowed us to determine the original dimensions of its base (27.26 m × 9.10 m), as well as the inclination of the angle of the northern façade, which is also 10° from the vertical. Having determined the dimensions of the pylon, we have been able to compare it to the stone pylon of Thutmose III in Karnak, which has similar dimensions and proportions (26.40 × 10 m). Through this comparison we were able to estimate the location of the second niche for the flags on the northern tower of the pylon. Once its position was determined, the structure was rebuilt for better protection and understanding of this architectural element. On the southern tower of the pylon we also restored a large missing area at its base with the main objective of consolidating the foundations. The Henket-ankh Temple of Thutmosis III 251

During the study of the joints and bonds prior to the reintegration of the northeastern corner of the northern tower we identified the use of Spencer′s A10 bond on the corners,25 and we were able to confirm the alternation and re- orientation of the mud bricks at the core of the pylon. The A10 bonds and the alternation and re-orientation of the mud bricks at the core and the corners strengthen and reinforce the corners and the center of the structure. For the volumetric restoration of this area we used the same materials and building techniques, documented in earlier excavations and restorations. The second aspect of restoration is the work on materials such as limestone and sandstone for preserving shapes and colors. It should be noted that Ricke kept nearly a hundred large limestone blocks, many of which correspond to a chapel of Amun. One of the future objectives of this project is to trace some of the walls when the blocks that are still buried are recovered. In conclusion, I would like to point out the importance of incorporating computer technology and new technologies, like Geo-radar or scan 3D to the site in order to obtain reliable data that could help us understand what the temple was like during its operating phase. We have performed geophysical work with 3D mode Geo-radar.26 Several areas outside and inside the temple were explored in order to locate buried structures from the temple, as well as possible unknown tombs under the temple. We also surveyed the area in front of the pylon looking for any remains of the harbour area or canal in front of the entrance. A new type of work has also started recently which entails the digitaliza- tion of the whole site using 3D Laser Scanner. The scanner is used on all the archaeological areas including some tombs.27 In addition, an orthophotomap of the remains of the pylon was also produced.28 Finally, I would like to highlight the development of a field school program on the site during three seasons with the University of Granada. Several profes- sors from the University taught courses in the technical program to Egyptian inspectors and archaeologists. The courses were offered in multiple disciplines such as: topography, archaeology, technical drawing and photography.

25 Spencer, op. cit., A10. 26 Done by Dr. José Antonio Peña Ruano and Teresa Teixidó from the University of Granada. 27 Done by Dr. Javier Melero from the University of Granada. 28 Work done in 2011 by the department of Topography through collaboration with the Polytechnic University of Cataluña. 252 Álvarez Photogrammetric restitution of restitution of the north wing ofPhotogrammetric University Cataluña. Polytechnic the Pylon,

9.5a 1 photo The Henket-ankh Temple of Thutmosis III 253 Photogrammetric restitution of restitution of the south wing ofPhotogrammetric University Cataluña. Polytechnic the Pylon,

9.5b 1 photo CHAPTER 20 The Quay Walls of Nag el-Tawil Revisited

Martin Steskal Austrian Archaeological Institute

Abstract ف ن ن آ أ � � ط�ا �مش�� ا ��لت��ع�ا ا ل ش��ت�� ن ا ل�م� ه�د ا �ل� �س�ا � � �ثا ا ل�م� ه�د ا �ل �س � �س � � � �ح�ا ث ي� إ ر � روع و� م� ر ك ب��ي� � �ع� م� و ي� ل�ل �� ر و � �ع� � وي� ر ي� ل�ل ب � أ ة أ ن ة ف ا ل �ة ال ث� �ة ل ص ا �ل��ق��د ��ة ا �ل��ق�ا �ه � ت� د ا ��س��ة �ه��ا ال ��ة ا �ل��ق��د ��ة ا ل � د � � �م��ست�� نط��ة ��م�عماري�� و � ري�� م�� ر يم ب�� ر م ر يك�ل �ب ي يم مو ج و ي� و ن تق ش أ ن ذ ق �� ا �ل��ط �� م��ص ا �ل�ع��ل��ا )�� ح ا ل ٢٠ ك ��ا ل � ��س ا�( � �ل�ك ع�ا م ٢٠١١ ٢٠١٢. ��د جع ويل ب ر ي ع و ي� م م و و ي� و و ن ة ت ة ق ظ ف ت ��ص� ��هت� ا لم�ش�� ع�� د ا ��س�� خ��ط��ط ا لم��ست�� نط�� ت��ا �خ ا لم �� ت��ه ا ��لت� ��ع�د ت� إ � ب� إ ما م روع لى ر ي و و ري� وع و و ي ي� ق ة ح�د ود ه الإ� ��ل�ي��يم��.

In the course of a cooperation project between the Austrian Archaeological Institute and the Swiss Institute for Architectural and Archaeological Research on Egypt the ancient structures of the Upper-Egyptian settlement Nag el-Tawil

* I am grateful to the Supreme Council of Antiquities and the members of the Permanent Committee for granting permission to carry out this excavation. I would like to extend special thanks to Fathi Abu Sed, chief-inspector Shazli Ali Abdel Azim and inspector Abir Abdel Radii. I am also indebted to Cornelius von Pilgrim and Wolfgang Müller from the Swiss Institute for Architectural and Archaeological Research on Ancient Egypt for the collegial cooperation. I received extensive support from Sabine Ladstätter, Irene Forstner-Müller, Pamela Rose, Christian Kurtze, Leila Masoud and Iris Mostegel. Special thanks are due to my team from the 2011 and 2012 campaigns: Benedikt Grammer, Neşe Kul-Berndt, Nikky Math and Petra Mayrhofer. Morgan de Dapper also gave me important advice. I would like to thank Nicole M. High-Steskal for the revision of the English manuscript.

(located about 20 km north of Aswan)1 were studied in 2011 and 2012.2 The focus of the project was the settlement structure, history and the supra- regional function of the site. During this project I came to know Dr. Mohamed El-Bialy who fully supported our work—despite considerable impediments on site—and for this I am very thankful to him (fig. 20.1). Ancient Nag el-Tawil is dominated by a monumental sandstone structure on the western bank of the Nile (fig. 20.2) previously described by Horst Jaritz in 19723 and currently a tourist attraction for boat trips. Through the combination of geophysical and geomorphological surveys, an analysis of the surface pottery and selected excavation trenches, research by the Swiss Institute in 2008 and 2009 suggested the existence of a Roman settlement in this location. 40 years after the initial study of the monumental sandstone structure it will again be analyzed here. This is necessary because the structure is endangered through its exposed location. For the first time the structure was completely

1 On ancient Aswan/Syene cf. Wolfgang Müller, “Urbanism in Graeco-Roman Egypt,” in Cities and Urbanism in Ancient Egypt. Papers from a Workshop in November 2006 at the Austrian Academy of Sciences, edited by Manfred Bietak et al. (Wien: Verlag der ÖAW, 2010), 217–56; id, “Domestic Structures in Graeco-Roman Syene (Modern Aswan),” in Städtisches Wohnen im östlichen Mittelmeerraum 4. Jh. v. Chr.–1. Jh. n. Chr. Akten des Internationalen Kolloquiums vom 24.–27. Oktober 2007 an der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, edited by Sabine Ladstätter and Veronika Scheibelreiter (Wien: Verlag der ÖAW, 2010), 429–48; Cornelius von Pilgrim, Wolfgang Müller, and Luise Werlen, “The Town of Syene—Report on the 8th Season in Aswan,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 67 (2011): 125– 62; Cornelius von Pilgrim, Rick Colman, Wolfgang Müller, Jan Novacek, Axel de Pontbriand, and Michael Schultz, “The Town of Syene—Report on the 7th Season in Aswan,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 66 (2010): 179–224; Cornelius von Pilgrim, Kai-Christian Bruhn, and Adel Kelany, “The Town of Syene. Preliminary Report on the 1st and 2nd Season in Aswan,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 60 (2004): 119–48; von Pilgrim, Cornelius, Kai-Christian Bruhn, Jitse H.F. Dijkstra, and Jaqueline Wininger, “The Town of Syene. Report on the 3rd and 4th Season in Aswan,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 62 (2006): 215– 77; Cornelius von Pilgrim, Daniel Keller, Stefanie Martin-Kilcher, Fahmi Mahmoud El-Amin, and Wolfgang Müller, “The Town of Syene. Report on the 5th and 6th Season in Aswan.” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 64 (2008): 305–56. 2 An extended version of this article has been published as Martin Steskal and Pamela Rose, “Research on Roman Nag el-Tawil in Upper Egypt. Field-Work 2011/2012,” Jahreshefte des Österreichischen Archäologischen Institutes in Wien 81 (2012): 277–330. 3 Horst Jaritz, “Eine Kaianlage bei Nag’ el-Hagar,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 29, 2 (1973): 183–93. The name Nag’ el-Hagar was used on the map material available to Jaritz. 256 Steskal

figure 20.2 Quay walls of Nag el-Tawil at the west bank of the Nile. All Photographs: © OeAI The Quay Walls of Nag el-Tawil Revisited 257 documented stone-by-stone which led to the modification and refinement of previous results.

Building Description

The front of the structure is located directly along the river and depending on the water levels of the Nile it is sometimes even under water. Algae growth on the walls demonstrates that the water level reached a height of at least 84,90 m over a longer period of time and the structure was halfway submerged. Inland the structure leans against a steep bank and is partially covered by sand. H. Jaritz discovered further architectural remains to the south of the structure but they no longer exist.4 The monument consists of a southern and a northern platform-like construction made of local sandstone masonry.5 The southern platform (fig. 20.3) measures 21,18 × 5,81 m (in the north) and 5,29 m (in the south); the northern platform (fig. 20.4) measures 7,80 × 2,13 m (in the north) and 4,24 m (in the south).6 Between these platforms is a middle section that is 6,08 m wide in the east; some blocks are rotated out of the axis and the wall becomes wider to the west. At the western end of the wall it measures 6,43 m. The slightly shifted masonry blocks give the structure the appearance of a concave curve.7 In total the front of the structure is 34,98 m long. The shell of the masonry is basically made of isodomic headers and stretch- ers that were not consistently placed throughout. In a couple of places the masonry must be described as pseudo-isodomic. The U-shaped wall was placed against the hill and is 1,70–1,80 m wide. Behind the shell are irregularly placed but layered rubble and ashlar sandstones that backed the ashlar masonry of the shell. The shell consists of ashlar blocks of sandstone with dressed margins about 3 cm wide. The boss was not removed. The ashlar blocks do not have any anathyrosis but fit together well. The vertical joints of the courses above each

4 Jaritz, “Eine Kaianlage,” 185, mentions a possible well (saqia) or a nilometer as well as another wall perpendicular to the bank. Neither one of these two constructions was connected archi- tecturally with the quay wall. 5 The stone-by-stone plans have been presented in conjunction with the complete pottery analysis in Steskal and Rose “Research on Roman Nag el-Tawil.” 6 By the northern platform Jaritz, “Eine Kaianlage,” 185–6, incorrectly reconstructs the same length (“21 m”) as by the southern platform. As a result his calculation for the total length of “about 50 m” is inaccurate. 7 Jaritz, “Eine Kaianlage,” 185, claims that the fronts of both ashlar blocks had a slight concave curve; this could not be verified. 258 Steskal

figure 20.4 Nag el-Tawil. Northern jetty of the quay walls. All Photographs: © OeAI The Quay Walls of Nag el-Tawil Revisited 259 other were mainly shifted against each other in order to assure a high amount of strength and stability. The ashlars of the dry masonry construction8 were shaped either rectangular or trapezoidal. At an absolute height of 84,18 m (the eighth course from the top) the foundation of the southern platform projects out by 20–23 cm. The northern platform is similar and the foundation projects out by 14 cm at an absolute height of 83,88 m (also the eighth course from the top). In general a certain aesthetic approach can be detected in the way the masonry was designed, as for example in the margins and the remaining bosses. Below the projection of the foundation, the masonry is no longer made in a fashion meant to be seen. The ashlar blocks appear to have been chiseled into their final shape on site and any acceptable stone material delivered— irrespective of its size—was used. As a result stones that did not fit the usual height of the courses were also incorporated into the wall. The different heights of the courses9 could only be compensated through the individual dressing of the stones on site. During the placement of the stones special attention was paid in order to avoid unfavorable joins. On the southern side of the northern platform a 0,63 m wide staircase can be identified. The steps are 18–20 cm high and 26–27 cm deep and lead down to the projecting foundation. The upper end of the staircase is not preserved. The sandstone ashlar blocks reveal some weathering. Aside from algae, mold/mushroom growth has been identified. The southern platform was extensively damaged through an ingrown palm tree that cracked open the masonry; it has died in the meantime. Further damage is done because pleasure boats are frequently docked at this place and the stones of the masonry are used as anchors. The uncontrolled exposure of the construction and its surroundings to tourists arriving by boat and using the area as a stop on their trips poses a severe threat. If we compare the situation of the monument in 197210 with today the degree of destruction that has already taken place becomes obvious: around 15% of the masonry has vanished within the last 40 years.

8 The clay between the joins did not function as a bonding agent but instead was washed up. The use of brackets could not be confirmed. 9 The height of the courses at the southern platform (counted from above): layer 1: 24,5 cm, layer 2: 33–35,5 cm, layer 3: 32–36 cm, layer 4: 28,5–32 cm, layer 5: 30–32 cm, layer 6: 32,5–41 cm, layer 7: 20–35,5 cm, layer 8: 30–38 cm, layer 9: 29,5–36 cm, layer 10: 32–34 cm, layer 11: 29–39 cm, layer 12: 31 cm, layer 13: 32 cm, layer 14: 30 cm, layer 15: preserved height 20 cm. Height of the courses at the northern platform (counted from above): layer 1: 27,5 cm, layer 2: 29,5–31 cm, layer 3: 19–26 cm, layer 4: 25–28 cm, layer 5: 25–27 cm, layer 6: 27–28 cm, layer 7: 18–25 cm, layer 8: 19–23 cm, layer 9: 25 cm, layer 10: 29–32 cm, layer 11: 30–34 cm, layer 12: 28–30 cm, layer 13: 25 cm, layer 14: 26 cm. 10 According to the pictures published by Jaritz, “Eine Kaianlage,” plates 76–7. 260 Steskal

The entire construction was built on the geological sedimentation layer and the excavation of a foundation pit was not necessary. It was possible to exactly cut the sediment. Due to the high water table11 it was impossible to reach the bottom of the foundation of the construction in any of the excavation trenches. The trenches were established so that we could gain better information about the foundations of the structure. In front of the northern part of the structure a trench 3,90 × 2,50 m in size was excavated (trench 3/11, fig. 20.5). The stratigraphy of the trench showed a sequence of sandy layers and layers of fluvial sedimentation. The stratigraphy of a similar trench 3,00 × 5,00 m in size in front of the southern part of the structure (trench 1/12) showed the same sequence of sandy layers and layers of fluvial sedimentation. Due to the high ground water table the final layer of sandstone blocks could not be reached. We can say just as little about the original height of the monument as we can about its bottom edge due to its current preservation (current highest point: 86,60 m). Especially the height must have been a lot higher in order to

11 The groundwater level was measured in the trenches along the front (trench 3/11 and 1/12) at an absolute height of 82,45 m and 82,49 m (measured at the end of January 2011 and 2012 respectively). The Quay Walls of Nag el-Tawil Revisited 261 compensate for the difference in levels between the plateau above the bank in the west (absolute height 89,56 m). To the north and south of the monument the bank area recedes back a couple of meters as a result of the continual erosion.

Interpretation

Through the complete documentation of the sandstone monument on the Nile bank, the structure can be interpreted as a quay and shipping peer that consisted of a southern and a northern mole. Earlier theories concerning a possible corridor or entrance that could lead to a temple on the higher level12 or also the existence of a nilometer could not be verified. In respect to its construction, the monumental Roman staircase at the neighboring site of Elephantine13 resembles the monument at Nag el-Tawil: the monument is located north of the temple complex on the edge of the old harbor basin in front of the city of Elephantine and consists of two high, rectangular platforms with comparable masonry of sandstone. An interpretation as a nilometer can be excluded for Nag el-Tawil based on lacking water gauges and markings. The absence of a wide staircase between the two platforms in Nag el-Tawil suggests that the constructions would have had different functions. In order to define the function of the whole structure a trench 5,38 × 6,41 m in size was carried out between the northern and southern jetty of the structure (trench 4/11). Although H. Jaritz assumed a staircase between the two parts of the quay wall,14 neither remains of the staircase nor evidence for the removal of the stairs could be found. Based on the excavation the maximum horizontal extent was established and a staircase or final back wall between the two platforms can be excluded. The building can therefore only be described as a mooring installation.

12 Jaritz, “Eine Kaianlage,” 187, suggests the existence of a temple in the plateau above the sandstone structure but this could not be substantiated. The presumed location is not in line with the central axis of this structure. 13 Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer, Historische und moderne Nilstände. Untersuchungen zu den Pegelständen des Nils von der Frühzeit bis in die Gegenwart (Berlin: Achet-Verlag, 2001), 56. 14 Jaritz, “Eine Kaianlage,” 191. Thus the other comparisons with Kubôsch in the district of Murwaw/West and Ajûala in the district Abû Hôr/East mentioned by Jaritz, “Eine Kaianlage,” 187–91 are not entirely relevant. 262 Steskal

Excavations in the area of the foundation suggest that the structure at Nag el-Tawil dates to the mid-imperial period.15 The find material studied by Pamela Rose16 (OeAI Cairo) is mainly made of local Aswani clays, with a smaller amount made from Nile silt and a concentration of dipping vessels (qawadis) was discovered that were used in connection with a saqia, a well with a bucket wheel. Such a saqia was excavated by the Swiss colleagues in 2009 in the ancient settlement area of Nag el-Tawil. The assemblage of finds from the layers of fluvial sedimentation appears homogenous in character throughout the deposits and mainly dates to the second century AD, perhaps lasting into the early third century. For the quay walls themselves a terminus post quem in the second century AD could be determined. The find spot with its monumental mooring structure was quite likely com- mercially dependent on neighboring centers of the cataract region, Syene, Elephantine and Philae. In Nag el-Tawil agricultural products from the area could be shipped to the centers; the site could also be used for the exchange of draft animals that were needed for towing ships; archaeologically detected shelters for animals support such an idea. The question remains whether Nag el-Tawil had a closed rural structure that was also perceived as such in antiquity based on its administration and infra- structure. It can be assumed that the entire fertile Nile bank up to the cataract region but also downstream was used agriculturally and thus a fragmented but continuous settlement structure must be expected.

15 Similarly already Jaritz, “Eine Kaianlage,” 192–3. 16 Steskal and Rose “Research on Roman Nag el-Tawil,” 287–154. CHAPTER 21 An Accumulation of Dirt: Excavations at the Courtyard of the Tomb of Senneferi at Thebes

Helen Strudwick Fitzwilliam Museum, University of Cambridge

Abstract ذ قة ت ض �ه�� ه ا �ل �� ح� ث �� ا ز ال� ��س�ت�� خ��د ا ا �ل�ح�د �� ث �ل��ف��ن��ا ء �ه�ن��ا ك د ��ل � ا �� ع�� ع�مق ا �ل�ح��ط�ا ور ب � بإي ج � إ م ي� TT99. يل و ح لى � م ذ ذ ة أ ة ن ذ ا �ل�� ت� اك �م�ن�� ا �ل��ف��ت� � ال� خ�� م�ن ا �ل��ش��ا ط �ه�ن��ا ك �م�ا �� ن ١٩٠٣ ١٩٠٧. �� س�ت�� خ��د ا �ه�� ا ي� ر م ر ير � بي� و بإ م ن ق ق فت ف ة ذ ��ص�� ال� � �م�ك�ا � ا �ل��ل � �ع� ن ا �ل�� ا ت� ا �ل��ا ص��ل�� ن �م اح� ��ح�ت�� ا � �ل� ا �ل�ز ء �م�ن ي� بح ب إ � ول يل � ر � بي� ر ل إ ل ل ك ج � � ق ذ ت ت ت خ ة ف ت ا لم �� , ا �ل�� د ه ��ث�� س�ا ؤ لا ت� �ع� ن ط � ا � � ��س�ت��د ا ا لم��ق�ا � ا �لخ��ا ص�� ا لم�ا ئ�� وع و ي� ب ور ي ير � � ول وو ر إ م بر � ي� ي� ة ع�ا ا لم�ا ض�� م � ي .

It was a great joy to hear that a Festschrift was being prepared for Mohamed el-Bialy, who has been a good friend since our first season of work in Luxor in 1984. While thinking about a suitable subject to write on in his honour, I remembered a photograph taken in October 2000 (illustration 21.1), when he was so amused by the amount of dirt I had acquired during the morning’s work that he asked Nigel to photograph us together. This led me to compile the following very preliminary comments on the deposition of dirt in the courtyard of TT99, the tomb on which we were working at that time.1

1 I am very grateful to Nigel Strudwick for his comments on this contribution and helping with preparing the illustrations.

illustration 21.1 The author with Mohamed el-Bialy in October 2000, following a morning working at the tomb of Senneferi (TT99). © Nigel Strudwick

The Courtyard of Senneferi

The tomb of Senneferi at Thebes (TT99) has been the subject of study by the University of Cambridge Theban Mission since 1992.2 The tomb’s courtyard is approximately rectangular and cut into the angle of the hillside of Sheikh Abd el-Qurna, above the tomb of Rekhmire (TT100).3 The façade of the tomb is approximately 11.3 m wide and the courtyard extends out from it, facing the Nile, to between 14.25 m at the southern edge and 15.14 m at the north. The wings of the courtyard were built up in antiquity, presumably as part of the original 18th dynasty design.

2 Reports on each season’s work and much more information about the work of the mission at TT99 is available at http://www.fitzmuseum.cam.ac.uk/tt99/index.html [accessed 4 August 2014]. 3 The tomb faces the Nile and is thus orientated northwest to southeast. However, since the river was perceived by the Egyptians to flow from south to north, I will be using the orientation local to the river, on which basis the tomb has a local east/west axis. An Accumulation of Dirt 265

There is no record of any examination of the courtyard prior to 1903, when Robert Mond carried out some limited excavation in this area.4 He found three shafts in the courtyard, which he marked on the published diagrams.5 He did not, however, publish any clear plan of the location of the shafts. The tomb chapel was apparently inhabited around this time because four years later, in 1907, the people living in the tomb were bought out by Weigall and a door was fitted to the entrance to the tomb chapel.6 There is no record of any further human habitation in that area after this point. Prior to our work at TT99, the courtyard presented the usual appearance of an area covered with debris that was more or less level (illustration 21.2). Excavations revealed that the debris had built up over time to a depth of between 1.05 m and 1.35 m. In 1995, we carried out a preliminary exploration of two 2 m squares and further excavations were carried out in 1996 and completed in 1997.

4 R. Mond, ‘Report on work done in the Gebel esh-Sheikh abd-el-Kurneh at Thebes January to March 1903’, ASAE 5 (1904), 101–102. 5 R. Mond, ‘Report of work in the necropolis of Thebes during the winter of 1903–1904’, ASAE 6 (1905), 87 (fig. 21, 22). 6 A.P. Weigall, ‘A report on the tombs of Shekh abd’ el Gùrneh and el Assasîf’, ASAE 9 (1908), 135. 266 Strudwick

Excavations revealed the presence of several structures within the courtyard. These will be dealt with in detail in the second part of the publication of this tomb,7 but I include here a short summary of evidence of the most recent usage of courtyard. For the purposes of study and documentation, the courtyard was divided into sequentially numbered units, as shown in illustration 21.3, which were investigated singly or in pairs. Excavations in the courtyard debris on the south side of the entrance to the tomb chapel (units 11–14) revealed a mud-brick structure, which I will denote Structure 1 for the remainder of this paper. It had a hard mud floor, c. 17 to 20 cm below the surface. Only remains of the first three courses of the walls survived, but it was clearly a well-made structure, having bricks bonded with a mud mortar and an external plaster finish.8 At the same level, there were two bread ovens and an associated mud floor found in units 1–2, together with several bread platters. These were probably the remains of habitation from the last period of use of the tomb and pre-dated 1903, since the floor of Structure 1 had been cut through in the area where it overlaid Shaft G, which Mond had explored at that date. On the northern side of the courtyard, approximately 5 m east of the façade of the tomb, there were more substantial remains of an enclosure, with walls made of rough stone, one or two stones thick. This occupied units 5–10, 21–24 and 26. The interior had a floor of compacted mud and the remains of bind- ings, similar to those of the roofs of modern field-shelters, were found suggesting that it was once had a roof. In one corner there was a feeding trough of rough stone and mud construction, indicating that the structure, which I will denote Structure 2 in this paper, had once been used as an animal shelter. This overlaid the mouth of the principal shaft of TT99, Shaft I. Since the floor was found intact, it was obviously put down after Mond’s explorations in 1903 and prior to 1907, when the occupants of the tomb were bought out. Structure 2, resting close to the bedrock in this area, may have been built prior to Mond’s work with the floor being renewed to conceal the shaft entrance or, more probably, to prevent the animals in the enclosure from falling down the shaft. When found, it contained many large stones, as well as bird coops, hatcheries and possible grain silos, all made out of sun-dried mud. At some point it had been

7 Part I of the publication of TT99, covering the 18th dynasty use of the tomb, is currently in preparation, with a view to publication in 2015. 8 In units 2 and 4, in the northern half of the courtyard, large areas of silty material containing crushed and partially crushed mud bricks were found suggesting that Structure 1 was demol- ished, perhaps in 1907, after the expropriation of the tomb. An Accumulation of Dirt 267

illustration 21.3 A schematic diagram of the courtyard of the tomb of Senneferi showing the excavation units as well as the location of the shafts G, H and I and the walled animal shelter (Structure 2).

filled with silty dirt mixed with fragments of limestone, so that it was completely invisible prior to excavation. This presents us with a picture of the exterior of TT99 in 1903 having the substantial Structure 1 immediately to the south of the entrance to the tomb chapel, an area for baking bread on the north side of the entrance and a roofed 268 Strudwick animal enclosure (Structure 2) occupying most of the remainder of the northern side of the courtyard. Four years later, the occupants of TT99 were removed and, perhaps shortly thereafter, Structure 1 was knocked down and the roof of Structure 2 was removed and the enclosure filled with various large items left behind in the courtyard and levelled off with silty material from the demoli- tion of Structure 1.

The Debris of the Courtyard

During excavation, baulks were left to allow for examination of the stratigraphy. In these preliminary remarks, I have identified eight principal types of matrix within the courtyard debris, which are usually clearly distinguishable from each other.

Type A accumulated dirt, mainly loose stones and greyish dust Type B habitation refuse, consisting of chaff and some straw, with limited quantities of animal dung Type C like Type B, but with more straw and less chaff Type D loose silty material, often including pieces of powdered mud brick Type E compacted silty material, from floors Type F rubble Type Y clean, powdered sand, usually found above Type Z Type Z clean, powdered sand with fragments of limestone mixed in, found immediately above bedrock

Each excavated unit usually had an overlay of material of Type A, below which would be alternating layers of Type B and A, interspersed with areas of Types C, D, E and F. Layers of Type B seem to be the result of occupation or use of the courtyard and/or the tomb chapel. In addition, stones and pots would be found within individual layers, as well as structures of stone or mud brick. To look at an example, illustration 21.4 shows a section on the south side of unit 1, immediately to the north of the entrance to the tomb chapel. Here it is possible to identify, in broad terms, the following sequence from top to bottom: An Accumulation of Dirt 269

Type A 15–20 cm in depth closest to the façade of the tomb; 6 cm towards the centre of the courtyard Type B or C with stones and mud bricks intermingled 4–6 cm in depth closest to the façade of the tomb; 12 cm in depth towards the centre of the courtyard Type A 8–10 cm in depth Type B with stones and mud bricks intermingled and overlaid at the eastern end with two mud floors (Type E) 4–6 cm in depth Type A 15–20 cm in depth Type B 4–6 cm in depth Type A 15–20 cm in depth Type B 4–6 cm in depth Type Y 10–15 cm in depth Type Z 10–15 cm in depth

The alternating layers of Type A and Type B/C were found across the courtyard, sloping gradually down from west to east and from south to north. In certain areas, however, these layers were clearly disturbed by areas of trenching. For example, the section to the south of units 11 and 13 (illustration 21.5) clearly shows an area of disturbance coinciding with the top of the Shaft G,

illustration 21.4 Section through the southern baulk of unit 1. 270 Strudwick

illustration 21.5 The southern baulk of units 11 and 13. © NIGEL STRUDWICK located in this area. This is apparently the remains of trenching by Mond’s workmen through the courtyard debris to reach the top of the shaft, the area having been backfilled subsequently. Evidence of similar trenching was also seen above Shafts H and I, and in other areas of the courtyard. The photograph also clearly shows that, above the trenched portion of the section, there is a relatively homogenous layer, about 22–24 cm in depth, of loose dirt and stones, Type A, which has clearly accumulated over the mouth of Shaft G since Mond’s workmen worked here in 1903. Above each trenched area, an accumulation of Type A debris was found, varying from 8–10 cm in depth to 22–24 cm in depth. The variation seems in part to have been due to the amount of traffic to and from the tomb entrance in more recent years, including those of our own work in TT99, as well as the effect of the wind blowing generally from the north across the courtyard and tending to cause dirt to drift towards the built-up southern wing of the courtyard. Turning again to consider the section at unit 1 (illustration 21.4), it may be possible to use the depth of the topmost Type A layer in this area to estimate the intervals represented by the sequence of Type A and Type B/C layers. In this section, the top Type A layer was between 6 cm and 20 cm in depth. The lower figure may reflect the fact that the easterly part of this unit was more walked over than the area close to the tomb façade and may be more compacted. Looking, therefore, at the westerly part of the section, the top Type An Accumulation of Dirt 271

A layer is about 20 cm deep, suggesting a rate of deposition of dirt in this area of 2.2 cm every decade. If we consider only the stratigraphy of this part of the section, working from the lower layers upwards, the first habitation layer (Type B) lies directly on top of a Type Y layer (showing no evidence of human activity). This suggests that the earliest inhabitants of whom we have evidence in this section cleared away any dirt that had accumulated outside the entrance to the tomb chapel before they took up occupation of TT99. How long they lived there cannot be ascertained, as it is likely that they would have kept the courtyard relatively clean (the chaff of Type B containing very little in the way of animal dung, for example). After they ceased using the site, an accumulation of approximately 15–20 cm of Type A debris built up over the unit. This is similar to the depth of the top layer of Type A and thus may indicate a period of around 90 years. Above this is another Type B (habitation) layer, and above that another Type A layer, again 15–20 cm deep, perhaps indicating another gap of around 90 years. Over this is another Type B layer, a Type A of 8–10 cm depth, overlaid by another Type B layer. This suggests a gap of about 45 years between the last two periods of occupation. This gives us a possible sequence in this area as follows

90 years unoccupied habitation (unknown duration) 45 years unoccupied habitation (unknown duration) 90 years unoccupied habitation (unknown duration) 90 years unoccupied habitation (unknown duration)

As I indicated at the beginning of this short paper, these are very preliminary thoughts, and they could be too simplistic. However, they suggest that our ideas about the recent occupation of the tombs on the west bank at Thebes, happily now the subject of study,9 may be more complex that currently understood and need to take account of the archaeological evidence of accumulated dirt in the tombs’ courtyards.

9 For example, Caroline Simpson, ‘Modern Qurna—pieces of an historical jigsaw’ in N. Strudwick and J.H. Taylor (eds), The Theban Necropolis: past, present and future (London 2003), 244–249 and K. van der Spek, The Modern Neighbors of Tutankhamun (Cairo 2011), especially 135–156. CHAPTER 22 The False Door of Senneferi, Theban Tomb 99

Nigel Strudwick University of Memphis

Abstract ن ف ت ف ن �ت � ا �ل� ئ ا �ل�ن � � ن � ق �ة ��س��ن ف � � ة � ل �ة ط �ة يح��و ي� ح�ا ��ط ج��و بي� م�� م��صور ��ر ي� ي� يط��ب�� )TT99( ع��لى ج�و�ي�� ك�ا� م�د و�ي�ل�� ُفت ض أ ُ ق ق ة ة ض ة ُث �� ن��ه �صن�� ل��ا � �ه� �م��ست�� م��صن�� م� ن ��ط�ع�� اح�د � ��خ��م�� م� ن ا �ل�ح�� . ع�� ع�� ي ر � ب �ع ب ب و مي� ل � وع � و � ج ر ر لى َ ذ ن � �ل� ن ت ن ث ة ف� � ف ئ� ف�ن ن � ن ع�د د �م� � �ِك��سر ا ج�را��ي�� م�� م��ل �ه�� ه ا �ل��لوح�� ي� ح��ا ر ��ا ء TT99 �م�� ١٩٩٦ �إ لى ١٩٩٨, ل��ك��ه�ا ف ة ت أ ف أ خ ذ أ آ ل ت� ك� ن ك�ا�� ل� ت�ل��م ك� ن �م� ن ��ص ا �ل�ش��ك� ال� ص��ل . � ٢٠٠٢, � �� ا لم��ل�� ال�ع��ل �ل�ل�ث��ا ع��ل م � ي � � �ور ل � ي� ي� ج س ى ر ى ت ة ن ف ت ُ ت خ خ ن ع�ا ��ق�ه � د م�حت�� ا ت� �م��ق��ص � ��س��ن�� ا ��لت� ل ��ع�د ��ع��ز � ��س�ت��د ا��مه �ا ك�م��ز ��سم . ج ر وي �ور ر )TT96A( ي� م ي �م إ � �� ر ي� ن َ ق ة ن ض ك�ا �م� ن �� ن ا �ل ك��س ع�د د �م� ن ��ط ا �ل� ان�� ت ا �ل� �ه �� ا ��لت� ت��ت�� ل��ل��ا � ا �ل �ه� �م� ن � � بي� ِ ر � ع ج ر ي� جو ري ي� مي� بو وح ب ب و مي� � ذ ق ة ة ة ة أ أ ة �ه�� ا ا لم��ق�ا ��د �ع�ا د � ��ن��ا ء �ل��ل��ا � �م��ص��ح �� د ا ��س�� م �ز � ل� � ا � � خ� � �م�ش��ا ��ه��, TT99. ل ي م إ ب ب ب � وب ب ر و ج � بو ب ر ى ب� أ ً �ق ت ت � �ة ت خ� � �ذ � ض � ن ل ا � ظ ت � � ة و��سي��ا ��ا � ��د مي��ر�ه�ا و�إع�ا د �إ ��س��د ا �م�ه�ا. ك�� ل�ك ��ي��ا ع�د د م�� ام�ل ح��ا � ا ل�ع�ا م�� ع��لى أ أ ة ت ة خ ز نة ً ف ت ُقت ن ن ت نز ُ ت ث ن ا �ل�� بط��ي��ع�� ا لم��ح�م��ل�� ل��ل�موا د ا لم�� ص�لا �� TT96A, وا ��ل� �ي��ر � ��ه �اك�ا�� ا لم��ل ا لم��ح�م� �ل��ك�ي��ر �م� ُ ي ي� ح ل � أ ت ف غ ة �ت � ش ف ت ة � ت � ن � ة �ق ن ش � ن ا ا لموا د ا �ل��ي�ر �م��س��ج��ل�� ا �ل�ى � ك�� ب�وا ��س��ط�� ر وبر� مو��د �ي� ب��د اي�� ا ل��ر� ا �ل�ع��ري� ا لمي��ل د �ي�.

It has been my privilege to know Mohamed el-Bialy since 1984 when we began work in Qurna. Mohamed was our inspector in our second season, and since then I have been in contact with him regularly, both professionally and socially, as he ascended the SCA/MSA chain of command in Luxor and Aswan. He has always been incredibly kind and friendly to Helen and me and to members of our Mission, and it is a great pleasure to be able to include this short article in this volume in his honour. I chose the false door of Senneferi for this publication as, without Mohamed’s input, the material relating to it would never have come to my attention.1 I had

1 This is an expanded and updated version of part of a paper that will appear as part of a article in the forthcoming proceedings of the Third International Colloquium of Egyptology

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ��5 | doi ��.��63/9789004293458_023 The False Door of Senneferi, Theban Tomb 99 273 many years ago realised that the tomb of Senneferi originally possessed both a false door and a stela in the front room, each made from a separate piece of stone as opposed to carved and/or painted in the native rock.2 I presume that the false door was located on Wall 2 (front room, south) and the stela on Wall 5 (front room, north).3 Excavations in the courtyard of TT99 had brought to light hundreds of fragments of pink granite. Most were small, many little more than splinters.4 A small number of fragments bore hieroglyphs or other decoration, and the identification of a torus roll on some of these indicated that it the most likely source was a false door. However, the information available by the end of excavation work in 1998 was insufficient to propose a reconstruction of the door. The background to the next part of the story is the reorganisation of store- rooms on the West Bank at Luxor at the beginning of the 21st century. The main chapel of TT96 (‘upper tomb’, TT96A) had for many years been used as a magazine for storage of finds, and was virtually off-limits to everyone, not least as it contained some objects, notably boxes, from the tomb of Tutankhamun.5 Now, it had been decided that the tomb was no longer to be a magazine, and in 2002, Mohamed, now Director of Luxor, instigated inventory work in TT96A. 2002 also saw our final study season in TT99, and, on my arrival in Qurna in September 2002, Mohamed informed me that this work had revealed a number of fragments of a granite false door which he thought might belong to TT99. He permitted me to study these fragments, and move relevant ones into TT99, where they are now stored. I should like to thank Mohamed for his openness with information and his generosity in moving the fragments. While the resulting reconstruction is by no means complete, these were some of the ‘missing

in Montepulciano, ‘Artists and Painting in Ancient Egypt’, held on 22–24 August 2008, edited by F. Tiradritti and V. Angenot. I thank Helen Strudwick and John H. Taylor for their help with discussions of issues raised, and Laurent Bavay for sharing information from TT96 and TT29. 2 A. Hermann, Die Stelen der thebanischen Felsgräber der 18. Dynastie (ÄF 11, Glückstadt, Hamburg, New York 1940), 28. The remains of the TT99 stela are considered in the forthcoming Montepulciano publication, and in the final tomb report. 3 A schematic diagram of the tomb with wall numbers and links to photographs will be found at http://www.fitzmuseum.cam.ac.uk/tt99/architecture/chapel.html (accessed 21 July 2014). 4 The final report on TT99 is in the course of preparation, and will be published by Oxbow Books. A summary of work done has been published in N. Strudwick, ‘The Theban Tomb of Senneferi [TT.99]. An overview of work undertaken from 1992 to 1999’, Memnonia 11 (2000), 241–266. Unpublished reports and much more information is available on the TT99 web site, http://www.fitzmuseum.cam.ac.uk/tt99/, accessed 16 July 2014. 5 L. Manniche, City of the Dead. Thebes in Egypt (Chicago 1987), 53–54, fig. 45. 274 Strudwick pieces of the jigsaw’ and permit us to understand almost fully what the original would have been like.6

Context of the Fragments of the False Door of TT99

At least 190 fragments of this false door have been identified, of which 31 were recovered from TT96A. Of the actual fragments excavated in TT99, 24% came from the courtyard, and 76% in the shafts in the courtyard; none came from inside the tomb chapel. Once the false door was removed from its original location in the tomb, it was clearly smashed up outside the tomb, presumably somewhere in the area of the large shaft of Senneferi (Shaft I). The removal of false doors prior to the modern era is well attested, as with the false doors of Amenhotep, Amenemopet and Useramun to be mentioned further below. The fragments originally identified by Mohamed el-Bialy in TT96A are in general larger than those excavated in TT99, and how they arrived in TT96A is of interest. I do not have access to the final inventory of the chapel when it was emptied and ceased to be a magazine in 2002, but I was able to visit it in 1999 to examine the wall paintings. In the course of that visit I inevitably glanced at the archaeological material still there. Most was not immediately identifiable, but I noticed a black coffin of later 18th dynasty type bearing the name and title

apparently nbt pr iw-m῾-m῾ ‘the mistress of the house Iumama’. John Taylor suggested to me that this might be the same coffin as that found in a pit in the court of TT89 by Mond in the winter of 1903–1904 and said by him to belong to ‘Aufmama’, about which no further

6 A further fragment of a torus moulding found in the fill of the Coptic loom-pit located in the centre of the courtyard of TT29 is thought by the excavator to have possibly come from TT99. It was excavated by the Theban Mission from the Centre de recherches archéologiques, Université Libre de Bruxelles: excavated context [123], excavation number 29832. It is 7.6 cm high, 4.7 cm wide and 1.8 cm thick. Laurent Bavay believes (personal communication) that it may have been deposited in the early Mediaeval Period, following the end of Coptic habitation of the site, and also that this fragment cannot have originated in TT29 or TT96A. I would like to thank Dr Bavay for permitting me to mention this and to publish an image in the forthcoming Montepulciano publication. The False Door of Senneferi, Theban Tomb 99 275 details are given.7 If so, it might be that many of the objects placed in TT96A came from his work in this area of the necropolis, and the inaccessibility of TT96A until recently might explain why the present location of so much of this material is still uncertain. As Mond did carry out selective excavations in the courtyard of TT99,8 it is perfectly plausible that the larger items he found, such as stone fragments, none of which is known to be kept elsewhere, were stored here. I look forward to the availability of the inventory of TT96A as it may solve this mystery. Senneferi’s false door as reconstructed here was perhaps a maximum of 1.8 m in height and its width was perhaps 1.2 m; the thickest fragment measures 0.18 m.9 Such an object would fit in the recess in Wall 2; it also means that its lower edge would have been located well above the floor, suggesting it stood on a pedestal or similar. Unless otherwise indicated in the following, the decoration of the door is cut in sunk relief of no more than average quality, and there appears to be some variation in the cutting of the hieroglyphs. As is usual with so many granite doors, the inscriptions were filled with green paint. [fig. 22.1] I present below the state of reconstruction of the door as in early 2014 (Figs 22.2 and 22.3). Fig. 22.4 illustrates the surviving fragments of the panel, and Fig. 22.5 and fig. 22.1 a selection of photos of the better-preserved text fragments.

7 R. Mond, ‘Report of work in the necropolis of Thebes during the winter of 1903–1904’, ASAE 6 (1905), 76, mentioned in PM I2, part 2, 676. Mond refers to the coffin as belonging to a male, but, as Mond was working alone, I think it is possible to see this as an error, perhaps attribut- able to his knowledge of hieroglyphs. 8 R. Mond, ‘Report on work done in the Gebel esh-Sheikh abd-el-Kurneh at Thebes January to March 1903’, ASAE 5 (1904), 101–102, and ASAE 6 (1905), 87. 9 This is comparable with the depth of the door of Thutmose I, but considerably thinner than the reported 0.50 m depth of the newly-discovered door of Useramun. 276 Strudwick

figure 22.2 Reconstruction of the false door of Senneferi, with photographs of fragments imposed on the proposed arrangement. © Nigel Strudwick The False Door of Senneferi, Theban Tomb 99 277

figure 22.3 Schematic reconstruction of the false door of Senneferi, without photographs. Not to scale. © Nigel Strudwick 278 Strudwick

B figure 22.4a–b Three fragments of the panel of the false door of Senneferi. © Nigel Strudwick The False Door of Senneferi, Theban Tomb 99 279

C D

E F

The main false doors used as comparanda in the rest of this article are listed in Table 22.1 below. table 22.1 The principal examples of monolithic false door stelae from Theban private tombs

Tomb Owner Present Date Approx. Approx. References location dimensions ratio, (height, height: width in m) width

TT29 Amenemopet Found in Thutmose III– Unknown, A. Varille, ‘Nouvelles Karnak10 Amenhotep II but one listes géographiques fragment d’Aménophis III à was 0.34 Karnak’, ASAE 36 thick (1936), 204–205 (2) TT39 Puyemre Cairo CG Hatshepsut– 2.11 × 1.18 1.8: 1 P. Lacau, Stèles du 34047. Thutmose III Nouvel Empire, CG Findspot 34001–34189 (Cairo only 1909–1957), 80–2. given as pl. XXVIII. N. Garis ‘Thebes’ Davies, The tomb of Puyemrê II (New York 1923), 9–10, pl. XLVIII, LIB TT61 Useramun Found in Hatshepsut– 1.45 × 0.92 × 1.57: 1 Mansour Boraik, or Karnak Thutmose III 0.45 ‘A granite false 13111 door of Useramun’, Memnonia Cahier Supplementaire 2 (2010), 181–19112

10 Laurent Bavay has informed me that there is indeed a location for a separate door in TT29, but that no fragments have been found which could belong to such an object (personal communication). 11 Boraik has discussed the likely location of this stela with Eberhand Dziobek, who published both tombs (Die Gräber des Vezirs User-Amun Theben Nr. 61 und 131 (AV 84, Mainz 1994)). Dziobek thinks a location in TT61 to be more likely (Memnonia Cahier Supplementaire 2 (2010), 190). 12 My thanks to Lutz Franke, Dimitri Meeks, Thierry Benderitter and Jadwiga Iwaszczuk for helping me to obtain access to this paper. The False Door of Senneferi, Theban Tomb 99 281

Tomb Owner Present Date Approx. Approx. References location dimensions ratio, (height, height: width in m) width

TT71 Senmut Berlin Hatshepsut 1.52 × 1.08 1.4: 1 Dorman, The Tombs 2066. of Senenmut, 54–5, Found in pl. 16a and Roehrig tomb et al., Hatshepsut: From Queen to Pharaoh, 132–3 (73) TT99 Senneferi Thutmose III 1.8 × 1.1 × 1.6: 113 (present publication) 0.18 (estimate) TT100 Rekhmire Louvre Thutmose III– 1.44 × 0.81 1.7: 1 N. de G. Davies, The C.74. Amenhotep II Tomb of Rekh-mi-rē’ Found in at Thebes. 2 vols. tomb (PMMA 11, New York 1943), 10, pl. CXIII–CXIV C.314 Amenhotep Found in Thutmose III– 1.36 × 0.95 1.43: 1 C. Traunecker, ‘La Karnak. Amenhotep II stèle fausse-porte Now in du vice-chancelier tomb15 Aménophis’, Cahiers de Karnak 6, 1973– 1977 (Cairo 1980), 197–208

13 The recess of Wall 2 in the tomb is also 1.6: 1. 14 Lost tomb C.3 was rediscovered early in 2009 by the Belgian Mission, adjacent to TT29 (see http://dev.ulb.ac.be/crea/AccueilFrancais.php?page=Actualites, accessed 10 March 2010). 15 https://www.facebook.com/pages/Centre-Franco-Égyptien-dÉtude-des-Temples-de- Karnak-CFEETK/217968098322995, accessed 16 July 2014. 282 Strudwick

The Panel

Three fragments at least can be identified (Fig. 22.4). Two fragments of text join, and on the right-hand edge of the resultant fragment is the folded right arm and left hand of a seated (male) figure facing right; combined with two further fragments, these indicate a couple at the left facing right. The hieroglyphs above indicate that there were two facing ḥtp di nswt formulae, and thus there was another person or couple at the right, all receiving offerings from the table in the centre of the texts, which bears a large ka sign in place of food offerings. A ka sign, but with offerings on the right, is found on the panel of the TT39 and Useramun false doors. There are still traces of the red preliminary sketch on these fragments, particularly visible on the frame for the hieroglyphs above the right-hand ḥtp di nswt formula. The texts indicate that Senneferi was one of the left-hand couple; I reconstruct one column as being sufficient to contain the name and title of the person with him, presumably his spouse Taiamu. All other representations on comparable false doors are of just one couple, perhaps with someone offering to them (Rekhmire, Useramun, Amenhotep, plus other painted examples); TT71 is unusual in that Senenmut is shown seated between his parents. TT99 frequently depicts Senneferi’s parents,16 and I tentatively suggest that the unusual depiction at the right was of his father and mother Haydjehuty and Satdjehuty. Below the panel, I reconstruct the decoration of the architrave as in Fig. 22.3; this would occupy the same width as the panel depiction.

Jambs

The evidence suggests that all jambs ended with the text imy-r sḏꜢwty sn-nfri mꜢ῾-ḫrw, and small seated figures of the deceased. From the number of fragments of ḥtp di nswt formulae, I deduce that the door had two lintel/jamb inscriptions above and beside the panel, facing each other and beginning in the centre with a formula.

16 N. Strudwick, ‘Use and re-use of tombs in the Theban necropolis: patterns and explanations’, in J.C. Moreno Garcia (ed.), Elites et pouvoir en Egypte ancienne (CRIPEL 28 (2009– 2010)), 247. The False Door of Senneferi, Theban Tomb 99 283

Approximately half the outer jamb is occupied by the end of the formula specifying offerings, and the other half by n kꜢ n iry p῾t, ḥꜢty-῾ an epithet, and Senneferi’s title and name. The middle jambs probably bore wishes for the afterlife, only one of which survives, followed by n kꜢ n imꜢḫw ḫr deities, an epithet or title (all lost) and finally the title and name. The inner jambs, below the pair of wedjat eyes, consisted of imꜢḫw ḫr phrases, to Duamutef and to Qebehsenuef; like the inner jambs of the door of tomb C.3, these were quite short. This pattern of textual distribution, offerings in the outer texts, wishes for the afterlife in the middle, and imꜢḫw texts on the inner, is very typical of doors of this date, and is seen on most of the comparanda adduced above. There is at present no detail available as to the form of the central niche of the door, between the inner jambs.

Texts

I give below a transliteration and translation of the texts as I believe them to be at the time of writing. I omit notes and comments, for which the reader is referred to the final publication of the tomb.

Panel

Proper right Proper left

ḥtp di nswt wsir nṯr ῾Ꜣ nb Ꜣb(ḏw) di.f ḥnqt ḥtp di nswt wsir nṯr ῾Ꜣ nb Ꜣbḏw di.f prt-ḫrw rnpt nb(t) ḫt nb(t) nfrt w῾bt n kꜢ n iry p῾t t ḥnqt kꜢw Ꜣpdw pr [ḫt nbt] nfrt w῾bt rest ḥꜢty-῾ smr w῾ty n mrwt ir.n.f /// kꜢ.f imy-r lost sḏꜢwty [sn-nfri mꜢ῾-ḫrw] An offering which the king gives (to) An offering which the king gives (to) Osiris the great god, lord of Abydos, Osiris the great god, lord of Abydos, that he may give offerings of vegetables that he may give invocation offerings and all perfect and pure things to the of bread, beer, oxen and fowl, that [all] ka of the iry p῾t ḥꜢty-῾, beloved sole perfect and pure [things] may come companion, who has made (?) /// his ka, forth (?) . . . the overseer of seal-bearers [Senneferi, justified]. 284 Strudwick

Outer Jambs

Proper right Proper left

[ḥtp di nswt] /// šs mnḫt nb snṯr /// nbt ḫt [ḥtp di nswt] /// tm nb iwnw ptḥ rsy inb.f nb(t) nfrt w῾bt n kꜢ n iry p῾t ḥꜢty-῾ mḥ-ib di.f prrt nbt ḥr [wḏḥw?] ///.sn n kꜢ n [iry n nb [tꜢwy] /// [imy-r sḏꜢwty] sn-nfri p῾t ḥꜢty-῾ sšm] ḥb tm imy-r sḏꜢwty sn-nfri mꜢ῾-ḫrw mꜢ῾-ḫrw [An offering which the king gives] . . . all [An offering which the king gives] . . . (to) alabaster and clothing, incense . . ., and Atum lord of Heliopolis and (to) Ptah all perfect and pure things for the ka of south of his wall, that he may give the iry p῾t ḥꜢty-῾, the trusted one of the everything which always comes forth on lord of the [two lands], . . . [the overseer [the offering table] . . . their . . . for the ka of seal-bearers], Senneferi, justified. of [the iry p῾t ḥꜢty-῾, the follower] of the festival of Atum, the overseer of seal- bearers, Senneferi, justified.

Middle Jambs

Proper right Proper left

ḥtp di [nswt] inpw /// [bꜢ n pt] hꜢt n dwꜢt ḥtp di [nswt] wpwꜢwt17 /// [n kꜢ n imꜢḫw /// n kꜢ n imꜢḫw ḫr [ws]ir /// imy-r sḏꜢwty ḫr] /// [sḏm] sḏmt w῾ imy-r sḏꜢwty sn-nfri sn-nfri mꜢ῾-ḫrw mꜢ῾-ḫrw An offering which the [king] gives (to) An offering which the [king] gives (to) Anubis . . . [the ba to the heavens] and Wepwawet . . . [for the ka of the imakhu the corpse to the underworld . . . for in the sight of] . . . [he who hears] what is the ka of the imakhu in the sight of heard in private, the overseer of seal- Osiris . . . the overseer of seal-bearers, bearers, Senneferi, justified Senneferi, justified

17 I am presently not completely convinced that this fragment is not from another monument. The False Door of Senneferi, Theban Tomb 99 285

Inner Jambs

Proper right Proper left imꜢḫw ḫr dwꜢ-mwt.f imy-r sḏꜢwty sn-nfri imꜢḫw ḫr qbḥ-snw.f imy-r sḏꜢwty sn-nfri mꜢ῾-ḫrw mꜢ῾-ḫrw The imakhu in the sight of Duamutef, The imakhu in the sight of Qebehsenuef, the overseer of seal-bearers, Senneferi, the overseer of seal-bearers, Senneferi, justified justified

Monolithic False Doors in Theban Tombs

While false doors are an integral part of a large number of Theban tombs of the 18th dynasty,18 free-standing examples are infrequent, and their appearance seems to be concentrated overwhelmingly in the tombs of high-ranking officials of the reigns of Hatshepsut to Amenhotep II.19 The principal relevant examples are listed in Table 22.1.20 The rarity of these impressive objects is primarily due to the need for access to considerable resources for making such an item, and the fact that their valuable stone seems to have made them desirable objects for reuse. Almost all the examples quoted here are no longer in their original position; some have been reused, while others entered museum collections before they could be

18 B. Engelmann von Carnap, Die Struktur des thebanischen Beamtenfriedhofs in der ersten Hälfte der 18. Dynastie (ADAIK 15, Berlin 1999), 354–358; F. Kampp, Die Thebanische Nekropole I (Theben 13, Mainz), 51–53; Hermann, Die Stelen der thebanischen Felsgräber, passim. 19 From this period also come most of the small selection of free-standing granite false doors of kings, for example, that of Thutmose I at Deir el-Bahari (Louvre C.48: C.H. Roehrig, R. Dreyfus, C.A. Keller (eds), Hatshepsut: From Queen to Pharaoh (New York 2005), 156–7 (87); PM II2, 361), and that of Thutmose III, presently at Medinet Habu but perhaps originally from his mortuary temple (cf PM II2, 461). 20 Katharina Brandt has kindly permitted me to consult her unpublished Master’s thesis (Die Scheintüren und Entablaturen in den thebanischen Beamtengräber des neuen Reiches (Heidelberg 2000)). This builds on the basic work of Hermann and has uncovered considerably more fragments of monolithic doors than realised before. In addition to those mentioned in this paper, there were also examples in TT120, TT121, TT397, as well as fragments of an intrusive example found in TT71 (P.F. Dorman, The Tombs of Senenmut. The Architecture and Decoration of Tombs 71 and 353 (PMMA 24, New York 1991), 77, pl. 35a (14)). 286 Strudwick documented in situ. Nonetheless, almost all the surviving examples which can be given a provenance come from the hill of Shekh Abdel Qurna; in addition to those in Table 22.1, there is a very damaged example in TT9321 and seemingly a recess for one in TT96A.22 Granite is the normal material for these doors, although that of TT71 is unusually made of quartzite and is also uniquely inscribed with Spell 148 from the Book of the Dead. The ratio of the proportions of these doors varies quite widely as can be seen from Table 22.1, and from this admittedly small sample it is evident that there is no standard proportion in use for any door at that period, even allowing for the uncertainty of the finished dimensions of that in TT99.23 Reuse of granite false doors from the Sheikh Abdel Qurna necropolis clearly was an established practice, with three of them having been found in the temple of Amun at Karnak. The first to be found was part of the door of Amenemopet, uncovered among many granite blocks in the foundation of a structure, termed ‘Temple I’, to the east of the causeway between the 10th pylon and the temple of Mut.24 The dating and nature of the structure is, as far as I am aware, still uncertain. The second find was the door of Amenhotep, reused with other granite blocks in the pavement of a ‘chapelle adossée’ on the north side of the temple of Khonsu, a construction thought to be of the 30th dynasty to the Ptolemaic period.25 Lastly, in 2009, the door of Useramun was found reused face down, presumably as flooring, adjacent to a Roman bath complex near the quay.26

21 N. de G. Davies, The Tomb of Ken-Amun at Thebes (PMMA 5, New York 1930), 3, noted as ‘three feet broad and nearly eight high’, i.e. roughly 0.9 × 2.4 m, very different in shape to those noted before. 22 Laurent Bavay, personal communication. No fragments from such a door have been located. 23 There are also the two separate granodiorite false doors of Suty and Hor (British Museum EA 826 and Cairo CG 34051: J. Baines, ‘The twin stelae of Suty and Hor’, in Z. Hawass and J. Richards (eds), The Archaeology and Art of Ancient Egypt. Essays in Honor of David B. O’Connor. 2 vols (Cairo 2007), I, 63–79) dating to the Amarna Period. These objects are not considered further here, as their original provenance is unknown, and they are perhaps rather stelae within false door frames. 24 Varille, ASAE 36 (1936), 202; see PM II2, 277, plan XXIV. 25 F. Laroche and C. Traunecker, ‘La chapelle adossée au temple de Khonsou’, Cahiers de Karnak VI (1973–1977), 167–196, particularly 170–171, 179–181, Fig. 2, pl. XLVII. 26 Boraik, Memnonia Cahier Supplementaire 2 (2010), 181–182; see also Mansour Boraik, ‘A private funerary stela from the excavation in front of Karnak Temples’, in P.P. Creasman (ed.), Archaeological Research in the Valley of the Kings and Ancient Thebes. Papers presented in Honor of Richard H. Wilkinson (University of Arizona Egyptian Expedition, Wilkinson Egyptology Series I, Tucson 2013), 90–91. The False Door of Senneferi, Theban Tomb 99 287

In each case, they have served as raw building material, in contexts where a variety of granite blocks has been reused, and the fracturing of two out of the three stelae seems to suggest that there was no serious attempt to take advantage of any of the possible sanctity which might reside in such monuments— especially in view of the fact that private stelae as a general rule seem not to have been set up at Karnak. Moving and reusing such a large object, probably weighing in excess of 2,000 kg, would not be easy,27 and yet, if one wanted a granite foundation or a granite floor as quickly and cheaply as possible, it is arguable that official removal of large pieces of stone from age-old monuments on the opposite side of the river, even with the concomitant risk of damage, might be more cost- and time-effective than commissioning new material from Aswan. Some stelae, such as those of Rekhmire and Senmut, were still in their tombs in the 19th century AD when they were retrieved by modern collectors,28 but it is tempting to speculate that, in more ancient times, someone tried to remove the false door of Senneferi but in the process it broke and shattered as granite is wont to do. Thus these fragments came to be part of the accumulation of debris in the courtyard of the tomb.

Conclusion

Senneferi’s false door shared some elements with each of the parallels noted above. Its shape is most like those of Senenmut, Puyemre and Rekhmire, but its arrangement of texts is most like those of Rekhmire and Amenhotep. The existence of a false door of this type stresses the importance and wealth of Senneferi. I hope these brief comments will make interesting reading for the one honoured by this publication. I thank him again for all his help and kindness over the years, without which the work in TT99 and elsewhere would not have been possible.

27 This weight is estimated based on the dimensions of the most complete of the three examples, that of Useramun (above), using an approximate density of granite of 2.7 g/ cm3 (http://www.edumine.com/xtoolkit/tables/sgtables.htm, accessed 27 July 2014). This example is the thickest of those whose depth is recorded. 28 It is presently uncertain how the false door of Puyemre came to the Cairo Museum.

General Index

Abu Gurab 238 Ashyt 42, 45 Abu Mina 114 n.7 Aswan 13–23, 26, 29, 30, 32, 67, 78, 91, 98, Abu Tanqura Bahari 103 178, 191, 192, 200, 255, 201, 272, 287. Abusir 44 See also Syene Abydos 7, 283 Abbas Farid Str. 192 Acheulean 102 Area 1 151 Ahmes-Nefertari 162, Figure 13.3 Area 2 200 Ahmose 222–225 Area 18 192 Akh 169, 172 Area 23 192 Akhenaten 47, 210, 211 Area 45 24, 192, 194 Akhetaten 206, 216 Area 58 192 Akhmin 179 Areas 72–74 192 Alexandria 126 n. 24, 136 n. 23, 138, 140–143, Athens 133, 139, 144 146, 156 Athribis 141, 177–188 Amada stela 49–50 Atum 284 Amara West 14 Augustus, see Octavius A. Amarna 20 n. 30, 204, 206, 209, 212, 213, 248, Augustan (period) 152 286 n. 23. See also Akhetaten Ay 47, 206, 208, 209 n. 19, 210, 213, Amduat 175 214 Table 16.2, 216 Amenemhab called Mahu 45, 49 Amenemhat I 44, 225 n. 18 Badarian 54, 56, 57, 59 Amenemhat (vizier) 89–90 Bagawat 32 n. 16 Amenemope 213 Table 16.1 Baki 46, 47 Amenemopet 274, Table 22.1, 286 Balanites aegyptiaca 166 Amenhotep I 163 Beer 168 Amenhotep II 36, 46, 47, 49, 50, 90, 213, Berenike 156 246, Table 22.1, 285 Bird 103, 134 Amenhotep III 205, 211, 216, 249 Book of the Dead 169, 170, 171, 172 Amenhotep IV 209 n. 19. See also Bovid 58, 101, 103 Akhenaten Bubastis 142 Amenhotep 274, Table 22.1, 282, 287 Buhen 7, 225 n. 19 Amphora 139, 144, 152, 154, 156, 157 Bull, see Bovid Amphoriskos 137, 143 Amun 17, 19, 21, 46, 48, 204–217, 251, 286 Caligula 179, 186 Amun-Re 21 n. 36 Cerberus 134 Amuneminet 20 Charcoal 91 Aniba 14 Chiton 134 Ankheseni 79–87 Christian 182, 186, 188 Antinoopolis 32, 34 n. 21 Claudius 179 Anubis 284 Clay (see also pottery) 133, 140, 142, 146, Apophis 225 152, 197–200, 222, 226, 259 Archaic (period) 133, 134, 144, 145 Aswan c. 262 Archimandrite 187 Marl c. 5 Arles 153, 154 Mines 104–105 Armant 26, n. 10, 34 n. 21 Nile c. 3–5, 195, 220 Asasif 13 Western Desert c. 5 290 General Index

Coffin Texts 169, 171, 172 Twelfth 3, 8, 44, 79, 194, 200 n. 25, 223 Constantinus II 26 Twentieth 22 Coptic (period) 180, 182, 185, 186 Twenty-First 38, 39, 48 Cos 145 Twenty-Six 48, 134 Crete 5, 7, 8 Crown, Early Dynastic 54, 56 Red 172, 175, 176 Egypt 135, 138, 139, 141, 156 Cyprus 154 Lower E. 146, 175. See also Delta Cyrenaica 145 Upper E. 80, 133, 135, 145 Elephant 58, 60 Daniel 32–35 Elephantine 12–23, 49, 79–87, 131, 137, 142, Deer 101 145, 170, 218, 261 Deir el-Bahari 42, 45, 159–176, 212, 228, Elkab 16 285 n. 19 Elkabian 59 Deir Abu Hennes 34 n. 20 Epipaleolithic 54, 56, 57, 59 Deir el-Medina 14, 34 n. 20, 167 Esna 26, n. 10 Delta 135, 146. See also Lower Egypt Eurytion 134 East D. 2 North-Eastern 8 False-door 85 Western 75 Fayum 135 Dendera 73, 74 First Cataract 15, 133, 143, 145, 146, 156, 157 Basilika 122 n. 121 Inscriptions 14 Desert, First Intermediate Period 82, 87, 200 Eastern D. 100 Fish 101, 102, 103 Diokletian 110 Flint 102 Djedkare Isesi 44 Follis 119 n. 14 Djeser Akhet 167 Fos, Golfe de 153, 154 Djeserkare 163. See Amenhotep I Fréjus 154 Djehuti 36, 38 Dog, see hound Gaul 152 Domitian 179 Gazelle 101 Dra Abu el-Naga 36, 37, 46, 50 Gebel Adruba 179 Dromedary 59 Gebel Silsileh 68 Duamutef 283 Gela 145 Dynasty, Geryon 134 Eighteenth 44, 45, 79, 159, 204, 208, 221, Gessios 179 264, 285 Giraffe 59 Eleventh 44, 163, 198, 200 Giza 44, 50, 85, 93 Fifteenth 3 n. 3 Gomaa, F. 178 Fifth 85, 239 Graffiti 15 n. 10, 16 Fifteenth 225 n. 20 Granite 19, 89–96, 192, 195, 273, 275, 280, Fourth 82 285–287 Nineteenth 22 Greek, Seventeenth 170, 221, 246 inmigrants 141 Seventh/Eighth 80 Mercenaries 145 Sixth 79, 82, 85, 200, 239 Products 145 Thirteenth 3 n. 3, 8, 193, 194, 200 Traders 145 Thirtieth 178 Greek-Roman (period) 58 General Index 291

Gregory the Great 187 Italy 139, 141, 144 Greywacke 89, 91 Iti 84 Grinding stone 102 Itj-tawy 8 el-Hammam Mountain (Wadi Abu Subeira) Jupiter (planet) 175 n. 22 106 Harageh 3–5, 7 Ka 225 n. 19 Harwa 238 Kagemni 238 Hathor 67, 69, 70, 83, 85, 161, 168, 212, 242, Kahun 5, 7, 8 249 Kamose 224, 225 Misstress of Iw-Req 69 Kantharos 137 Hatiay 213 Table 16.1 Karabasken 228 n. 2 Hatnofer 43 Karakhamun 227–239 Hatshepsut 36, 38, 45, 50, 160, 162, 165, Karnak 7, 46, 48, 73–75, 205, 206, 209 n. 19, 167 n. 9, 171, 172, 175 n. 22, 209 n. 19, 211, 212, 250, 286, 287 246, Table 22.1, 285 Red Chapel 246 Haydjehuty 282 Kawa 238, 239 Heliopolis 284 Kerma 224, 225 n. 19, 226 Hellenistic 133, 138, 144 Kharga 32 n. 16 Henhenet 43 Khekeretnety 44 Heracles 134, 134 Khentkaues 44 Herkhuf 79 n. 1 Khety 45 Herodotus 145 Khnum 13, 221 Heru-Nefer 170 Khnumemheb 21 Hery 38 Khonsu 17, 20, 286 Hierakonpolis 83 Khunes 79–87 Holocene 53 Kiln 185 Horemheb 214 Table 16.2 Knossos 5, 7 Hor (King) 225 n. 18 Kolanthes 179, 180, 187, 188 Hor 286 n. 23 Kom el-Hisn 75 Hori 16–23 Kom Ombo 74, 98, 110, 124 n. 23 Horus 163 Kommos 5 el-Hosh 59, 98 Konstantinopel 116 n. 10 Hounds 101 Kubbanien 55 Huj 16 el-Kurru 48 Hunting scene 57, 60, 101 Kush, Hydra 134 Ruler of K. 218–226 Hyksos 1, 2, 7, 225 n. 20 Kings’ Son of K. 14–16 Viceroy of K. 90 Ibex 58, 60 Khushite period 228, 230, 233, 238–239 Imports 2, 8, 15, 133, 141, 142, 146 Ineni 45 Lahun 7 Iron mines 101, 104, 106 Late Period 1 Irtiery 228 n. 2 Lebanon 142, 144 Isis 67–77 Lekythos 134–138, 143–145 Temple of I. 26 n. 9, 151, 156 Levant 3, 156 (see also Syro-Palestine) Isis-Hathor 75 Limestone 88, 178, 180, 183, 185, 222, 225, Istres 154 230, 248–249, 251, 267–268 292 General Index

Linen 36–50, 166 Nag el-Hagar 110, 127 n.27, 130, 131, 255 n. 3 Lion 73–74, 134 Nag el-Tawil 254–262 Lisht 7, 8 Naqada (period) 54, 56, 59–91 Lotus 84, 85 Narbonensis 154 Luxor 272 Narbonne 152 Basilika 120, 126 Naukratis 138, 142 Kastell 114 n. 8, 125 n. 22 Navigation scene 58, 60–61 West Bank 13, 36, 48, 159, 203, 204, Nebkheperura, see Tutankhamun 209 n. 18, 212, 240 Neby 204 Nectanebo I, Maatkare, see Hatshepsut Kiosk 67 Macedonian 146 Nectanebo II 179 Maikhepri 45 Neferhotep 204–217 Mammisi 69 Neferhotep 213 Table 16.1 Marquis of Northampton 37 Neferkheperura Uaenra, see Akhenaten Mars (planet) 175 n. 22 Neferu 45 Marseilles 153, 154 Nofret-irj 20 Masaharty 48 Nehi 14, 16 Mayet 42 Neith 85 Medieval period 56, 185, 186 Nemean lion 134 Medinet Habu 285 n. 19 Neolithic 102 Meggido 46 Nespakashuty 228 n. 1, 232, 233 Meketre 45 New Kingdom 1, 13–23, 73, 90, 175, 204, 224, Memphis 50, 142 239 Menkaure 44, 93 Newstead 154 Menkheperre, see Thutmose III Nicosia Olpe 135 Menna 239 Nubia 14, 69, 156, 213, 225, 226, 239 Mentuemhat 239 Nubian archer 58 Merenptah 19 Nymphaea caerulea 84 Merenre 79 n. 1, 87 Meretseger 13 Octavius Augustus 69, 71 Meritaton 20 n. 30 Old Kingdom 44, 81–82, 84, 85, 90, 192, 234, Merites 85 238, 239 Meroe 156 opus signinum 185 Meryre II 216 opus spicatum 117 n. 12 Merytamun 48 Orange 154 Merytre 206, 208, 216 Orthros 134 Middle Kingdom 90, 92, 191, 192, 198, 200, Osiris 172, 175, 176, 205, 214, 215, 283, 284 201, 221, 231, 246, 248 Ostia 154 Millstone 182 Oxyrhynchus 32 n. 16 Min-Re 179, 187, 188 Minoan 1, 3 n. 3, 8 Paleolithic, Mo’alla 200 n. 26 Middle 54, 55, 100 Mons Claudianus 156 Upper 53, 54, 98, 101, 102, 103, 106, 107 Montuhotep Nebheptepre 42, 45 Panopolis, see Akhmin Montuhotep III/IV 45 Papyrus 10056 49 Montuhotep IV 90 Papyrus Harris 73 Mut 17, 286 Parennefer-Wennefer Table 16.1 Myos Hormos 156 Pepy I 44, 79 n. 1 General Index 293

Pepy II 79, 80, 87 Respeldio 154 Persian (period) 145, 146 Rhinoceros 57 Phaistos 5 Rhodes 143, 144 Philae 67–77, 156, 262 Rhone 152, 153, 154 Phrouarchy 145 Rifeh 200 Phrourion 145 Roman 261 Pinedjem 48 Burials 194 Piye 48 Empire 152, 156, 157 Pottery, Period 56, 186 Attic gloss ware 138, 143 Late 151, 180, Figure 14.4, 188, 194 C-Ware 59 Rome 154 Canaanite 8 Coptic 182, 184 Sai 14 Gauloise 152 Saint Gervais 154, 156 Gnathia 139–142 Saite (Period) 231, 233 Greek 132–146 Sandals 59 Ivy Platter Group 142 Sandstone 27, 88, 102, 183, 195, 228 n. 1, Kamares 7 248–249, 251, 255, 257, 259–261 Lamp 142–143, 144 S. quarries 91, 106 Middle Kingdom 6, 7 Saqqara 85 Minoan 3, 5, 7 Sarenput I 170 New Kingdom 91 Satdjehuty 282 Tjehenet 168 Scepter 58 Praesentia 110 Sekhem 84 Predynastic 53, 57, 101 Sebekmose 213 Ptah 73, 74, 284 Second Intermediate Period 2, 220, 221, 224, Ptolemaic (period) 178, 286 248 Ptolemy VIII 69 Sed Festival 175 Ptolemy IX 179 Sedegi 85 Ptolemy XII 179, 180, 186 Sehel 14, 21, 90 Puyemre Table 22.1, 287 n. 28 Sekhat-Hor 75 Pyramid Texts 169, 171–173, 175 Sekhmet 249 Sem priest 84 el-Qasr Wa es-Saiyâd 85 Semna stela 49 Qebehsenuef 283 Senenmut 43, 157–176, Table 22.1, 287 Qubbet el-Hawa 7, 78–87, 200 n. 26 Senmut, see Senenmut Quarry 53, 88–94, 106, 192 Senneferi 48, 263–287 Quintus 152–157 Setau 14 el-Qurn 209 Sety I 214 Table 16.2 Qurta 54, 59, 98, 103, 107 Shabaka 48 Sheikh Abdel Qurna 162, 264, 286 Ramesses II 14 Shemai 84 Ramesses III 16 Shenute I 179, 186, 187 Ramose 43, 213 Table 16.1 Skypos 139 Re 45, 172, 175, 215 South Assasif 228 Re-Horakhty 47, 74, 248 Stymphalian birds 134 Red Sea 53, 156 Sudan 15 Rekhmire 46, 264, Table 22.1, 282, 287 Sun Temple 238 Repit 177–188 Suty 286 n. 23 294 General Index

Syene 24, 133–146, 150–157, 262 Thutmose IV 205, 213 Symposion 141 Thutmose IV 90 Syria 142, 144 Tiy 208, 210, 216 Syria-Palestine 46, 49, Toulon 154 Middle Bronze Age 2, 3 n. 3, 7, 8 Trajan 120 Turkey 142, 144 tabula ansata 120 Tutankhamun 47, 48, 206, 213, Taeiam 26 214 Table 16.2, 273 Taharqo 238 Taiam, see Taeiam Useramun 274, Table 22.1, 282, 286, Taiamu 282 287 n. 27 Tanoube 26 Userhat 213 Table 16.1 Tanoufe, see Tanoube Usersatet 49, 90 Taranto 141, 144 Tasian 56, 57 Vespasian 120 Tell el-Balamun 138 V. (period) 119, 130 Tell el-Dab‘a 1–8 Tell el-Herr 138 Wadi (Abu) Subeira 52–66, 98–107 Temnus 145 Wadi Agbab 105 Thebes 12–23, 178, 204, 228–239 Wadi el-Atwani 59 Theodosius I 119 Wadi Gassis 7 Tiberius 179, 186 Wadi Hammamat 89, 91–92 Titus 179 Wadi Khrait 98 Thinite (period), see Early Dynastic Wadi Kubbaniya 102, 107 Thot 248 Wah 44 Thutmose I 285 n. 19 Wepwawet 284 Thutmose III 14, 36, 38, 46, 49, 50, 166 n. 9, Wine 150–157 168, 170, 240–253, Table 22.1, 285 n. 19