Tone-driven Vowel Epenthesis in Wamey

Jack Merrill & Nik Rolle 5/12/20

Wamey tone-driven ǝ-epenthesis

We argue (following Santos 1996) that in Wamey, [ǝ] is inserted to host a floating H tone after a linked L tone

CVC root Tone pattern Surface -guv H -gúv ‘braid’ -guk L -gùk ‘be soft’ -gox HL -gôx ‘stay away’ -gwaf LH -gwàfǝ́ ‘sell’

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Tone-driven vowel epenthesis

Intonation: pragmatic/discourse-based use of pitch Tone: grammatical/lexical use of pitch

• Both analyzed with H, L, etc. • Both analytical traditions make frequent use of floating tones o I.e. a tone not underlyingly linked to a Tone-Bearing Unit (TBU)

• In a number of languages, intonational floating tones are described as conditioning the insertion of a vowel to serve as its host o Roettger (2017), Roettger & Grice (2019); case studies in Sardinian (Torres-Tamarit et al. 2015, 2017), Galician (Martínez-Gil 1997), Moroccan Arabic (Dell & Elmedlaoui 2002), and Tunisian Arabic (Hellmuth in press), Bari Italian (Grice et al. 2015, 2018)

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Intonational vowel epenthesis

Example: Tashlhiyt Berber (Roettger 2017: 98)

• In /tfsχt/ ‘you cancelled,’ there is no TBU to host an intonational H • Possible responses include epenthesis of [ǝ] to host the H:

• Note that these cases seem to always involve optionality

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Tone-driven vowel epenthesis

However, in the realm of (grammatical/lexical) tone, it has been claimed that a floating tone does not condition the insertion of a TBU • de Lacy 2003, Blumenfeld 2006, Gleim 2019

The existing claim is that segmental epenthesis is always motivated by the segmental context

We argue that Wamey is a strong counterexample to this claim • Wamey exhibits a phenomenon of ǝ-epenthesis that is entirely motivated by tone

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The Wamey language

Wamey/Konyagi (endonym wæ-mèỹ): • ~18,000 speakers in Senegal and Guinea • Part of the Tenda subgroup within Niger-Congo

Bassari Tenda Bedik Wamey

Documentation: • Some very limited documentation before Santos • Santos (1996): grammar + ~4000 entry lexicon

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Fula Sereer Wolof Wamey Bassari Bedik Pajade Biafada Kobiana (S), Kasanga (N) Bainunk languages Cangin languages Nalu, Mbulungish

Joola languages Manjak, Mankanya, Pepel Balanta Bijogo

Southern Atlantic

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Wamey consonant inventory

labial coronal palatal velar labiovel. vl. stop p t c k kw (vl.) cont. f r s x xw vd. stop b d j g gw w l vd. cont. y v ry implosive ɓ ɗ ƴ nasal m n ñ ŋ ŋw nas. cont. w̃ l̰ ỹ vl. prenas. mp nt nc nk nkw vd. prenas. mb nd nj

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Wamey vowel inventory

high i u mid e ǝ o low æ a

• No long vowels (assimilated V-V possible across morpheme boundary) • All vowels can appear in a root, including /ǝ/ e.g. æ̀ -mpǝ̀nk ‘wooden sword,’ lǝ̀n ‘snake’

But there are restrictions on /ǝ/, e.g.: • Cannot appear word-initially • No /Cǝ/ roots.

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Wamey tone

• Two underlying tones: H, L • No tone-bearing consonants • Surface falling (HL) and rising (LH) contours are found on a single TBU, but subject to restrictions— notably, only on stem-final syllable o Note: rising (LH) tone most often realized as a mid tone • All four surface tones are possible on a final vowel (other than ǝ, æ)

wæ̀ -ɓùyá ‘puffy pants’ wæ̀ -ɓúmbà ‘earthen roundhouses’ wæ̀ -ɓùñâ ‘gifts’ wæ̀ -cémǎ ‘molars’

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Wamey tone

• Furthermore, a LH contour must be preceded by a H tone — no L.LH o No similar restriction on HL

L.HL kòmbô ‘sorghum’ H.HL ì-támpûl ‘navel’ H.LH æ̀ -ŋómpě ‘falcon’ *L.LH

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*CC-driven ǝ-epenthesis in Wamey

• CC clusters are not attested tautomorphemically • When they arise across a morpheme boundary, 3 possible responses: a) Do nothing — used in e.g. reduplication, compounding væ̀ -njæ̀ g-ƴæ̀ g ‘jaw joints,’ æ̀ -nkə́l̰-fǽc ‘first rooster crow’ b) Delete a consonant /-mǝ́t-ryǽry/ ‘make war + ASSOC’ → -mǝ́tǽry ‘fight’ c) Insert ǝ /-ƴív-má/ ‘be well + DURATIVE’ → -ƴívǝ́má ‘be always well’

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*CC-driven ǝ-epenthesis

Whether C-deletion or ǝ-epenthesis is employed depends on the identity of the morphemes, as well as grammatical factors (e.g. negation) • For example, with “adverbial” verbal suffixes, ǝ is inserted, but with more ‘core’ verbal suffixes (mostly valence-changing), the suffix-initial C is deleted

Our analysis of *CC resolution differs quite a bit from Santos’ analysis, which notably requires a few suffixes to be ǝ-final underlyingly

Lots more to say about this *CC ǝ-epenthesis phenomenon, but as it’s completely separate from tone-driven ǝ-epenthesis, we’ll leave it for now

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Tone patterns on Wamey roots

On surface CVC roots:

L ì-cæ̀ w̃ ‘hiding’ H ì-cǽw̃ ‘urinating’ HL ì-cæ̂ w̃ ‘domestic animal’ *LH *ì-cæ̌ w̃

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Tone patterns on Wamey roots

4 common surface patterns: • 1 - monosyllabic roots CVC • 2- roots ending in schwa CVCə • 3- bisyllabic roots ending in a vowel other than schwa CVCV • 4- those ending in a consonant CVCVC (with any vowel in either position)

1 - cvc 2 - cvcə 3 - cvcv 4 - cvcvc cv́c cv̂c *cv́cə́ *cv́cə̀ cv́cv́ cv́cv̀ cv́cv́c cv́cv̀c cv̀c *cv̌c *cv̀cə̀ cv̀cə́ cv̀cv̀ cv̀cv́ cv̀cv̀c cv̀cv́c

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Tone patterns on Wamey roots

• Roots of the shape [cv̀cə́] are very common [æ̀ -mbə̀ỹə́] ‘leper’ [à-l̰ə̀nkwə́] ‘imbecile’ [dòlə́] ‘today’ [ì-còkə́] ‘to weld’

• Types 3 CVCV and 4 CVCVC (with vowels other than final [ə]) demonstrate that there is no general ban on all H- or all L-toned words, nor a ban on transitions from H to L

1 - cvc 2 - cvcə 3 - cvcv 4 - cvcvc cv́c cv̂c *cv́cə́ *cv́cə̀ cv́cv́ cv́cv̀ cv́cv́c cv́cv̀c cv̀c *cv̌c *cv̀cə̀ cv̀cə́ cv̀cv̀ cv̀cv́ cv̀cv̀c cv̀cv́c

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Tone patterns on Wamey roots

• Just as cvc and CVCə roots are in complementary tonal distribution, CVCVC and CVCVCə roots are as well • Several mono-morphemic nominal roots of the shape [cv́cv̀cə́] exist [ì-pófòlə́] ‘ankle’ [ì-pǽl̰æ̀ cə́] ‘horse’ [ì-búl̰ùnə́] ‘wasp’ [ryénkànə́] ‘antelope species’

5 - cvcv 6 - cvcvc 7 - cvcvcə cv́cv̂ cv́cv̌ cv́cv̂c (?cv́cv̌c) *cv́cv́cə́ *cv́cv̀cə̀ *cv́cv́cə̀ cv́cv̀cə́ cv̀cv̂ *cv̀cv̌ cv̀cv̂c *cv̀cv̌c *cv̀cv́cə́ *cv̀cv̀cə̀ *cv̀cv́cə̀ cv̀cv̀cə́

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Type frequency of tone patterns on roots/stems

CVC roots (n=1625) CVCV stems (n=589) CVCVC stems (n=724) H cv́c 610 H(H) cv́cv́ 209 H(H) cv́cv́c 231 L cv̀c 795 L(L) cv̀cv̀ 27 L(L) cv̀cv̀c 83 HL cv̂c 47 HL cv́cv̀ 38 HL cv́cv̀c 18 LH cv̀cǝ́ 173 LH cv̀cv́ 293 LH cv̀cv́c 233 HHL cv́cv̂ 0 HHL cv́cv̂c 25 LHL cv̀cv̂ 16 LHL cv̀cv̂c 81 HLH cv́cv̌ 6 HLH cv́cv̀cǝ́ 18 LLH cv̀cv̌ 0 LLH cv̀cv̀cǝ́ 35

Most disyllabic stems contain a suffix (e.g. -á ‘anticausative’), so the counts are skewed in favor of certain patterns 18

Tone patterns on Wamey roots

Derivations:

i. H H ii. L L iii. H L H L iv. L H L H → | → | → \/ → | | cvc cv́c cvc cv̀c cvc cv̂c cvc cv̀cə́

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Tone patterns on Wamey roots

• All consonants allowed in coda position (at all prosodic constituent levels, e.g. p-word, p-phrase, i-phrase) • ǝ-epenthesis in these roots cannot be attributed to any segmental factor

[…v̀cə́] […v̀c] […v̀cv́c] […v́c] […v̂c] i. [ì-pófòlə́] [ì-ɓòl] [ì-tàmból] [xóról] [l̰ə̀m və́pôl] ‘ankle’ ‘to refuse’ ‘to climb to the top’ ‘whistling viper’ ‘paternal aunt’ (mère du pénis) ii. [ì-pǽl̰æ̀ cə́] [ì-kæ̀ c] [ì-ŋàbə́c] [ì-mǽc] [kùmpôc] ‘horse’ ‘skin’ ‘to take a big share’ ‘to flood’ ‘pumpkin and peanut dish’

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Definite determiners

Further evidence that [cv̀cǝ́] roots are underlyingly C-final: • The enclitic definite determiner =ŋǎ~ỹǎ~w̃ ǎ (form dependent on noun class) has a “short variant” =ǎ after C-final roots. /æ-tǝ́x=ŋǎ/ → æ̀ -tǝ́xǎ ‘the tree’ vs. /i-ɓú=ŋǎ/ → ì-ɓúŋǎ ‘the baobab fruit’ /i-líyá=ỹǎ/ → ì-líyáỹǎ ‘the tool’

• This “short variant” is used after [cv̀cǝ́] roots— interestingly with a surface long vowel after the root-final C Ⓗ /æ-mbǝ̀l =ŋǎ/ → æ̀ -mbǝ̀láǎ ‘the milk’ Ⓗ /i-bìn =ŋǎ/ → ì-bìnáǎ ‘the ant’

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[ə]-alternating suffixes in Wamey

• Thus far, the simpler analysis is one which posits less structure rather than more, i.e. underlyingly CVC

• However, roots show no active alternations which could provide direct evidence to the learner for V-epenthesis or V-retention

• Fortunately, we can turn to affixal morphemes for evidence, which do show alternations between [C]-final and [Cə]-final variants

• These pattern underlyingly as [C]-final based on how they condition following suffixes, and therefore support V-epenthesis 22

[ə]-alternating suffixes in Wamey

3SG.PFTV [-k]~[-kə́] ì-cǽs ‘to suffer’ cǽsə́-k ‘he suffers’ (il souffre - [S96:43]) ì-tòk ‘to eat’ tókə̀-kə́ ‘he ate’ (il a mangé – [S96:43]) 2PL.IMP [-n]~[-nə́] ƴə̀ɗ-ə́ry-æ̀ kə́-n ‘give (it)!’ (donnez donc! - [S96:554]) tòk-ə́ryì-nə́ ‘eat!’ (mangez! - [S96:220]) ADJ1 [-ǽx]~[-æ̀ xə́] ì-ƴǽk ‘be hot’ wə̀-nkà wæ̀ -ƴǽk-ǽx ‘hot water’ (de l'eau chaude - [S96:183]) ì-gùk ‘be sliced’ wæ̀ -wə́d wæ̀ -wùk-æ̀ xə́ ‘sl. mangos’ (des mangues talées - [S96:107]) ADJ2 [-ák]~[-àkə́] (after stem final [a]) ì-dáñá ‘to sit down’ dáñá-ák ‘seated’ (assis - [S96:200]) ì-ɓávà ‘to (still) be green’ ɓávà-àkə́ ‘still green’ (encore vert - [S96:115]) 23

[ə]-alternating suffixes in Wamey

…C# ~ …Cə# Gloss S96 term

i. [-k] [-kə́] ≈3SG.PERFECTIVE indice personnel minimal (ps. min.)

[-ɗ] [-ɗə́] IMPERFECTIVE1 imperfectif

[-nd] [-ndə́] IMPERFECTIVE2 imperfectif à l’énonciatif antérieur, l’impératif, i.a.

[-n] [-nə́] 2PL.IMPERATIVE impératif (deuxième personne du pluriel)

ii. [-ǽx] [-æ̀ xə́] ADJECTIVAL1 adjective

[-ák] [-àkə́] ADJECTIVAL2 adjective

[-ǽk] [-æ̀ kə́] ANTERIOR modalité verbale d’antériorité

[-(ry)ǽry] [-(ry)æ̀ ryə́] ASSOCIATIVE associative

[-(x)ǽl̰] [-(x)æ̀ l̰ə́] LOCATIVE locative

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[ə]-alternating suffixes in Wamey

Ⓗ Root /-k / CVC H /də́c/ ‘fart’ [lə́cə́-k] Ⓗ LH /ƴòmp / ‘slack (not taut)’ [yòmpə́-k] L /tòk/ ‘eat’ [tòkə̀-kə́] HL /yôj/ ‘bring’ [yójə̀-kə́] CVC+ H /ƴáry-í/ ‘baptize-PASS’ [yáryí-k] LH /tòk-í/ ‘eat-PASS’ [ròkí-k] L /nùfì/ ‘go look for’ [nùfì-kə́] HL /kécè/ ‘enclose’ [kécè-kə́]

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[ə]-alternating suffixes in Wamey

Ⓗ Root /-k / CVC H /də́c/ ‘fart’ [lə́cə́-k]

H1 Ⓗ2 H1 Ⓗ2 H1,2 | → | \ → | \ l ə́ c k l ə́ c ə́ k l ə́ c ə́ k

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[ə]-alternating suffixes in Wamey

Ⓗ Root /-k / CVC H /də́c/ ‘fart’ [lə́cə́-k] L /tòk/ ‘eat’ [tòkə̀-kə́]

L Ⓗ L Ⓗ L Ⓗ | → | \ → | \ | t ò k k t ò k ə̀ k t ò k ə̀ k ə́

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[ə]-alternating suffixes in Wamey

Affix /H/ /HL/ /L/ Ø /Ⓗ/

Ⓗ Root /-(x)ə́t/ INVERSIVE /-ə̂l/ RECIPROCAL /-ə̀x/ DISTANCIVE /-t/ INTENSIVE /-æx / ADJ1 [H H] [H HL] [H L] [H H] [H H] /H/ [kǽŋ-ə́t] [pít-ə̂l] [ñə́w-ə̀x] [ƴə́nk-ə́t] [dǽnc-ǽx] [L H] [L HL] [L L] [L L] [L L H] /L/ [pàƴ-ə́t] [tə̀f-ə̂l] [tòk-ə̀x] [ɗə̀nk-ə̀t] [tès-æ̀ xə́]

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Kejom [bbk] (Babanki)

• Grassfields Bantoid – description from Akumbu, Hyman, & Kiessling (2020) (hereafter, Akumbu et al.) • Verb inflection system involves expression of morphological categories via tone • In one corner of the inflectional paradigm system, Akumbu et al. see evidence for tone-driven epenthesis • The language has a basic distinction between L- and H-toned roots • The combination with tonal inflection has no effects on the segmental make-up of the for the majority of forms across the inflectional paradigms

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Kejom [bbk] (Babanki)

• For example, in the progressive both H /lám/ ‘cook’ and L /kùm/ ‘touch’ appear with suffixal /-ə̀/ with pre-linked L. Note in the first example, a regular process spreads the root H to the suffix.

• PROGRESSIVE suffix /-ə̀/ with pre-linked low tone [Akumbu et al. 2020:9]

Búŋ lám-ə̀ kə̀-báyn → [búŋ lám-ə́ kə̀-báyn] ‘Bung is cooking fufu’ Búŋ kùm-ə̀ kə̀-báyn → [búŋ kùm-ə̀ kə̀-báyn] ‘Bung is touching fufu’

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Kejom [bbk] (Babanki)

• In some parts of paradigm, “monosyllabic H tone roots never take a schwa”, with their intuition being that “the schwa appears in contexts where a contour tone would otherwise arise” due to a ban on contours on roots

• An epenthetic schwa ‘repair’ found instead which takes the L or H part of another falling or rising contour (Akumbu et al. 2020:19-20)

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Kejom [bbk] (Babanki)

Post-verbal floating tone correlating with final [ə]

NON-INDICATIVE SINGULAR IMPERATIVE (F1) [Akumbu et al. 2020:11] lám Ⓗ kə̀-báyn → [lám kə̄-báyn] ‘cook the fufu!’ kùm Ⓗ kə̀-báyn → [kùmə́ kə̄-báyn] ‘touch the fufu!’

PERFECTIVE PAST3 CONJOINT FORM (P3 CJ) [Akumbu et al. 2020:7] Búŋ ə̀ n-lám Ⓗ kə̀-báyn → [búŋ ə̀ n-làm kə̄-báyn] ‘Bung cooked the fufu’ Búŋ ə̀ n-kùm Ⓗ kə̀-báyn → [búŋ ə̀ ŋ-kùmə́ kə̄-báyn] ‘Bung touched the fufu’

PERFECTIVE PAST3 DISJOINT FORM (P3 DJ) [Akumbu et al. 2020:8] Ⓛ Búŋ ə́ n-lám lí kə̀-báyn → [búŋ ə́ n-lám ꜜlí kə̀-báyn] ‘Bung cooked the fufu’ Ⓛ Búŋ ə́ n-kùm lí kə̀-báyn → [búŋ ə́ ŋ-kúmə̀ lí kə̀-báyn] ‘Bung touched the fufu’ 32

Kejom [bbk] (Babanki)

• However, it is morphologically-conditioned • Post-verbal floating Ⓗ fusing with object

NON-INDICATIVE NEGATIVE SINGULAR IMPERATIVE (F1) [Akumbu et al. 2020:14] kə́ à lám Ⓗ kə̀-báyn → [ká ꜜlám kə̄-báyn] ‘don’t cook the fufu!’ kə́ à kùm Ⓗ kə̀-báyn → [ká kùm kə̄-báyn] ‘don’t touch the fufu!’ (*[kùmə́])

Cf. NON-INDICATIVE SINGULAR IMPERATIVE (F1) [Akumbu et al. 2020:11] lám Ⓗ kə̀-báyn → [lám kə̄-báyn] ‘cook the fufu!’ kùm Ⓗ kə̀-báyn → [kùmə́ kə̄-báyn] ‘touch the fufu!’

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Baraïn [bva]

• East Chadic language spoken in Chad, within the Afro-Asiatic phylum (Lovestrand 2012)

• In general, Baraïn does not allow complex onsets or codas (p. 21), with an epenthetic vowel inserted to comply with this restriction in multi- morphemic words:

/w�᷄ls-gà/ boil-DO:3.M → [wīlsígà] [Lovestrand 2012:44]

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Baraïn [bva]

• Within single morphemes, specific licensing requirements exist which dictate which consonants may be adjacent in […VC.CV…] structures

• Across morphemes, however, “speakers have different levels of tolerance for violating the restriction on distribution of consonants”

• A coarse generalization is that younger speakers insert epenthetic vowels in such cases, while older speakers show variation

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Baraïn [bva]

A (younger) B (older)

/ēp-gà/ punish-DO:3.M [èpìgà] [èpgà]~[èpìgà]

/pa᷇s-nù/ miss-DO:1.S [pásùnù] [pásnù]~[pásùnù]

/sééb-tì/ fish-DO:3.F [séébítì] [séptì]~[séébítì]

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Baraïn [bva]

• Importantly, “those speakers who allow the unlicensed cluster still prefer the epenthetic vowel in the case where not using the epenthetic vowel would create a word with fewer TBUs than underlying tones”

• Baraïn obligatory V-epenthesis when a floating tone is present /sééb-Ⓜ-gà/ fish-IPFV-DO:3.M → [séébìgà] (cf. ?[sébgà] *[séèbgà]) /dóp-Ⓜ-gà/ find-IPFV-DO:3.M → [dópìgà] (cf. ?[dópgà])

• The (gradient) increased preference for segmentally-driven epenthesis is exactly the type found throughout the intonation literature

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Arapaho [arp]

To our knowledge, the most detailed study to date of epenthesis and floating tone is Gleim (2019), who discusses tone-driven epenthesis (with reference to studies in de Lacy (2003) and Blumenfeld (2006))

Arapaho (Algonquian – Cowell & Moss 2008) — certain morphemes idiosyncratically sponsor a floating high tone • If this floating high cannot find an appropriate host TBU (dictated by the tonal grammar), it appears on an epenthetic vowel [i] or [u] • If the morpheme does not sponsor a floating tone, no surface epenthetic vowel occurs

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Arapaho [arp]

/ʧew-Hsee/ [ʧebíse] ‘to walk along’ /oow-Hsee/ [hoowúsee] ‘to walk downward’ /nééʔeeθ-Hnihíí-noo/ [nééʔeesínihíínoo] ‘that's what I'm saying’

/éʧex-nówoʔ/ [héʧesnówoʔ] ‘small fish’ /nih-bebíiθ-tii-t/ [nihbebíistiit] ‘s/he fixed it’ /ʧew-kóóhu/ [ʧebkóóhu] ‘run along’

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Arapaho [arp]

• Gleim argues that epenthesis is not triggered by the floating tone here, but rather it is merely retained by it (building on original observations in Cowell & Moss)

• Evidence: consonant changes before front vowels

Develarization: x, k, w → s, ʧ, b / before i and e

• Importantly, this develarization rule takes place both before surface epenthetic [i] in [ʧebíse], as well as opaquely applying in [héʧesnówoʔ] where no surface vowel appears

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Arapaho [arp]

• Gleim takes this as evidence for an A→B→A Duke-of-York derivation A - Vowel epenthesis first applies B - Followed by floating tone docking A - Subsequently the vowel is deleted if it does not bear H tone

• Gleim illustrates that there is no general restrictions against coda consonants, e.g. [wóxhoox] ‘horse’, [hoow-ben] ‘s/he doesn't drink’

• Epenthesis does not apply due to blocking from vowel /o/, and therefore develarization rule does not apply in such contexts

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Language comparison with Wamey

Duke of York Morphologically Syll.-/Segmentally- Variability

(A→B→A) conditioned triggered epenthesis (as described) Arapaho ✓ ✓ (✓?) Baraïn ✓ ✓ Kejom ✓ Wamey

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Historical notes

While tone-driven ǝ-epenthesis is (we believe) the best synchronic analysis, there is also the question of how this pattern arose historically

We don’t know of any claims about the possibility of a tone-driven epenthesis sound change, but suspect some would be surprised by it

Was the ǝ inserted diachronically, or was it originally present in many more roots, and retained only in the appropriate tonal environment?

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No vowel in Bassari or Bedik for cognates to Wamey [ǝ́]-final words:

Konyagi Bassari Tone Bedik Tone æ-mbæ̀ rǝ́ e-mǎs LH gi-mās M ‘bee sp.’ u-wæ̀ lǝ́ ngǝ̌rì LH(L) ge-ngǝ̄r M ‘bamboo arrow’ -ryìbǝ́ -lǝ̌ɓ LH -ɗɯ́ ɓ H ‘carry’ -fǝ̀tǝ́ -fǝ̌t-fǝ̌t LH ‘bloom’ i-ɓǝ̀lǝ́ e-ɓǝ̀r L e-ɓǝ̄r M ‘breast’ xòntǝ́ i-ngònd L e-gōnd M ‘pestle’ æ-ntànǝ́ a-ndà̟n L ga-ndāl M ‘Ficus glumosa’ i-mbæ̀ l̰ǝ́ e-mà̟n L gi-māl M ‘body’ i-cùsǝ́ e-cǝ̀ʃ L mɯ-ʃiʃ ? ‘baobab kernel’ æ̀ -nùrǝ́-nùrǝ́ a-nìs L ‘earthworm’ -yæ̀ tǝ́ -ƴǝ̀s L ‘drip’

• CVC(C) roots are the norm in the other Atlantic languages • Very unlikely that /ǝ/ or any other vowel was present in Proto-Tenda at the end of these roots 44

Bonus:

postnasal devoicing to maintain lexical contrasts in all mutation grades: grade I f w v w̃ grade II (fortis) p b ɓ m grade III (nasal) p mp mb m

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