DOCSLIB.ORG

Condolence Motion

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Condolence Motion CONDOLENCE MOTION 7 May 2014 [3.38 p.m.] Mr BARNETT (Lyons) - I stand in support of the motion moved by the Premier and support entirely the views expressed by the Leader for the Opposition and the member for Bass, Kim Booth. As a former senator, having worked with Brian Harradine in his role as a senator, it was a great privilege to know him. He was a very humble man. He did not seek publicity. He was honoured with a state funeral, as has been referred to, at St Mary's Cathedral in Hobart on Wednesday, 23 April. I know that many in this House were there, including the Premier and the Leader of the Opposition, together with the former Prime Minister, the Honourable John Howard, and also my former senate colleague, Don Farrell, a current senator for South Australia because Brian Harradine was born in South Australia and had a background with the Shop, Distributive and Allied Employees Association. Both gentlemen had quite a bit in common. They knew each other well and it was great to see Don Farrell again and catch up with him. He served as an independent member of parliament from 1975 to 2005, so for some 30 years, and was father of the Senate. Interestingly, when he concluded in his time as father of the Senate, a former senator, John Watson, took over as father of the Senate. Brian Harradine was a values- driven politician and he was a fighter for Tasmania. The principal celebrant at the service was Archbishop Julian Porteous and he did a terrific job. I concur with the remarks of the former speakers. I also note that he had a very large family and they participated in the service, which was lovely. The readers included Matthew Harradine and Theresa Sheehan, prayers of the faithful from Anne Redmond, and the pallbearers included Bede Harradine, Anthony Sheehan, Paul Sheehan, Richard Harradine, Phillip Sheehan, David Harradine and Benjamin Sheehan. He did not seek the spotlight and he specifically said he did not want the service to eulogise himself. I read what Bede Harradine produced at the back of the program on the day. He said that in death his dad most certainly had no desire to be eulogised. He was a very humble man, but a giant in many ways. In terms of Brian's longevity, I joined the Senate in February 2002 and at that time Brian Harradine had already been in the Senate for over 26 years, so he was a veteran of both the old Parliament and the new Parliament and he had served under five Prime Ministers: Whitlam, Fraser, Hawke, Keating, and John Howard, who was at the state funeral. Depending on where you sat, his negotiations in Parliament were characterised by some as being either straight or maddening. Former Prime Minister John Howard said of him that: He had the great skill of leaving you in total doubt when he left the room as to precisely what he had agreed to in the course of negotiations, but you never felt that he had misled you because somehow or other you felt that his understanding of the subject embraced matters that totally eluded you. That describes perhaps the maddening and the straight description of Brian Harradine. He was known as a wily fox, but a very lovable wily fox and a man with a big heart and a love for others, P a g e | 2 particularly the underprivileged. He had a commitment to Tasmania and that has been referred to. He was always straight. I happened to be in the Senate at the time when he was negotiating with John Howard and former Senator Richard Alston, the former minister for telecommunications and Telstra. They came back to our party room and expressed their frustration and dismay at lack of progress, but in the end he did the deal for Tasmania of some $300 million extra funds for Tasmania for the National Heritage Trust. Many of you would recall that and delivering significant support and benefit to Tasmania over many years. He stood up for the battlers. He was well known with respect to the GST comment. At the end of his speech people were thinking which way is he going to go and during his speech he said with respect to the GST, 'I cannot'. They were the words that everybody was thinking: which way is he going to go and he went against it, but the Democrats ended up negotiating with Howard and Costello in terms of the GST. He was a humble man, he shunned publicity, but I had quite a bit to do with him in a whole range of areas. We attended the Parliamentary Christian Fellowship together, the Parliamentary prayer breakfast and were like-minded in a range of other areas, including our view with respect to family values. I shared those common interests of dignity of life from conception to death with respect to abortion legislation that was brought up from time to time in the Federal Parliament. He had a very strong position on euthanasia, pornography and anti-pornography measures, and was very active in terms of the impact on children. He was very strong and stood up on those issues. When I wrote to the Prime Minister in 2004 about the need for the definition of marriage to be enshrined in legislation, he supported that legislation wholeheartedly, which was terrific. We stood together on the issue of cloning and stem cell research and on dignity-of-life issues and supporting of families. It would be remiss of me not to mention Brian's love of his family here. He married Barbara and had six children. Two years after she passed away in 1980 he married Marian, a widow with seven children, so he had a very large family and he loved them all. At the state funeral his son Bede said: In Marian, Brian was blessed with an ardent supporter, a confidante who gave wise counsel, a loving wife and mother, and a careful steward of the household. They both shared a faith and a love of bushwalking, as was indicated on the back of the program where there is a lovely photo of Brian contemplating in a natural environment next to a river, no doubt in Tasmania, because he loved the bushwalking and the outdoors. They often retreated to the wilderness for a little time away. I conclude with some words from that eulogy given by his son, Bede, and I quote: It was supremely fitting that the drama of Dad's final struggle took place in the week of Christianity's central drama. How frequently we heard him recall the sacrifice of Christ on the cross. He reflected upon this often, telling us how it renewed his own commitment to follow Christ in his personal and public life. Brian Harradine remained to the very end a faithful servant to family, to friends, to society, and to God. May he rest in peace. .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Irsgeneraldistributionpaper July 03
    INFORMATION, ANALYSIS AND ADVICE FOR THE PARLIAMENT INFORMATION AND RESEARCH SERVICES Chronology No. 3 2003–04 Telstra Sale: Background and Chronology This chronology outlines the history of the Telstra privatisation process. It documents some of the key dates and policy processes associated with the first and second tranche sales of Telstra. It also outlines some of the key inquiries and legislative conditions required for each stage of the sale. Grahame O'Leary Economics, Commerce and Industrial Relations Group 15 September 2003 DEPARTMENT OF THE PARLIAMENTARY LIBRARY ISSN 1442-1992 Copyright Commonwealth of Australia 2003 Except to the extent of the uses permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means including information storage and retrieval systems, without the prior written consent of the Department of the Parliamentary Library, other than by Senators and Members of the Australian Parliament in the course of their official duties. This paper has been prepared for general distribution to Senators and Members of the Australian Parliament. While great care is taken to ensure that the paper is accurate and balanced, the paper is written using information publicly available at the time of production. The views expressed are those of the author and should not be attributed to the Information and Research Services (IRS). Advice on legislation or legal policy issues contained in this paper is provided for use in parliamentary debate and for related parliamentary purposes. This paper is not professional legal opinion. Readers are reminded that the paper is not an official parliamentary or Australian Government document.
    [Show full text]
  • Independents in Australian Parliaments
    The Age of Independence? Independents in Australian Parliaments Mark Rodrigues and Scott Brenton* Abstract Over the past 30 years, independent candidates have improved their share of the vote in Australian elections. The number of independents elected to sit in Australian parliaments is still small, but it is growing. In 2004 Brian Costar and Jennifer Curtin examined the rise of independents and noted that independents ‘hold an allure for an increasing number of electors disenchanted with the ageing party system’ (p. 8). This paper provides an overview of the current representation of independents in Australia’s parliaments taking into account the most recent election results. The second part of the paper examines trends and makes observations concerning the influence of former party affiliations to the success of independents, the representa- tion of independents in rural and regional areas, and the extent to which independ- ents, rather than minor parties, are threats to the major parities. There have been 14 Australian elections at the federal, state and territory level since Costar and Curtain observed the allure of independents. But do independents still hold such an allure? Introduction The year 2009 marks the centenary of the two-party system of parliamentary democracy in Australia. It was in May 1909 that the Protectionist and Anti-Socialist parties joined forces to create the Commonwealth Liberal Party and form a united opposition against the Australian Labor Party (ALP) Government at the federal level.1 Most states had seen the creation of Liberal and Labor parties by 1910. Following the 1910 federal election the number of parties represented in the House * Dr Mark Rodrigues (Senior Researcher) and Dr Scott Brenton (2009 Australian Parliamentary Fellow), Politics and Public Administration Section, Australian Parliamentary Library.
    [Show full text]
  • Oh 955 Nick Minchin
    STATE LIBRARY OF SOUTH AUSTRALIA J. D. SOMERVILLE ORAL HISTORY COLLECTION OH 955 Full transcript of an interview with Nick Minchin on 19 October 2010 By Susan Marsden for the EMINENT AUSTRALIANS ORAL HISTORY PROJECT Recording available on CD Access for research: Unrestricted Right to photocopy: Copies may be made for research and study Right to quote or publish: Publication only with written permission from the State Library OH 955 NICK MINCHIN NOTES TO THE TRANSCRIPT This transcript was created by the J. D. Somerville Oral History Collection of the State Library. It conforms to the Somerville Collection's policies for transcription which are explained below. Readers of this oral history transcript should bear in mind that it is a record of the spoken word and reflects the informal, conversational style that is inherent in such historical sources. The State Library is not responsible for the factual accuracy of the interview, nor for the views expressed therein. As with any historical source, these are for the reader to judge. It is the Somerville Collection's policy to produce a transcript that is, so far as possible, a verbatim transcript that preserves the interviewee's manner of speaking and the conversational style of the interview. Certain conventions of transcription have been applied (ie. the omission of meaningless noises, false starts and a percentage of the interviewee's crutch words). Where the interviewee has had the opportunity to read the transcript, their suggested alterations have been incorporated in the text (see below). On the whole, the document can be regarded as a raw transcript.
    [Show full text]
  • Proportional Representation in Theory and Practice the Australian Experience
    Proportional Representation in Theory and Practice The Australian Experience Glynn Evans Department of Politics and International Relations School of Social Sciences The University of Adelaide June 2019 Table of Contents Abstract ii Statement of Authorship iii Acknowledgements iv Preface vi 1. Introduction 1 2. District Magnitude, Proportionality and the Number of 30 Parties 3. District Magnitude and Partisan Advantage in the 57 Senate 4. District Magnitude and Partisan Advantage in Western 102 Australia 5. District Magnitude and Partisan Advantage in South Eastern Jurisdictions 132 6. Proportional Representation and Minor Parties: Some 170 Deviating Cases 7. Does Proportional Representation Favour 204 Independents? 8. Proportional Representation and Women – How Much 231 Help? 9. Conclusion 247 Bibliography 251 Appendices 260 i Abstract While all houses of Australian parliaments using proportional representation use the Single Transferable Vote arrangement, district magnitudes (the numbers of members elected per division) and requirements for casting a formal vote vary considerably. Early chapters of this thesis analyse election results in search for distinct patterns of proportionality, the numbers of effective parties and partisan advantage under different conditions. This thesis argues that while district magnitude remains the decisive factor in determining proportionality (the higher the magnitude, the more proportional the system), ballot paper numbering requirements play a more important role in determining the number of (especially) parliamentary parties. The general pattern is that, somewhat paradoxically, the more freedom voters have to choose their own preference allocations, or lack of them, the smaller the number of parliamentary parties. Even numbered magnitudes in general, and six member divisions in particular, provide some advantage to the Liberal and National Parties, while the Greens are disadvantaged in five member divisions as compared to six or seven member divisions.
    [Show full text]
  • Imagereal Capture
    2000 UNSW Law Journal 221 PORNOGRAPHY, PROTECTION, PREVARICATION: THE POLITICS OF INTERNET CENSORSHIP PETER CHEN* Come on, get real! We are not talking about that sort of stuff. We are talking about the fact that you have only got to press P on the Internet and all this stuff appears free of charge in front of you and young children can access it. - Senator Paul Calvert* 1 I think Alston knows perfectly well how utterly stupid this idea is, as do the forces that pull his strings. - Greg Taylor2 The Broadcasting Services Amendment (Online Services) Act 1999 (Cth) (“Online Services Act”) has brought the Internet into line with other Australian ‘mass’ media by including it within our relatively complex censorship system. The political debate surrounding the issue of Internet censorship has been characterised as either machine politics, to attract the vote of staunch anti- pornography Senator Brian Harradine, or an extension into cyberspace of the ongoing battle between libertarianism and social conservatism. These explanations focus on the surface-level rhetoric engaged in by all sides in the political conflict. The Online Services Act is a largely ineffective and wasteful piece of legislation. Unnecessarily long and complex, it applies a regulatory model designed for oligopoly media models to a pluralistic communications medium. Further, its operation depends on what is effectively delegated legislation PhD student, Department of Political Science, Australian National University. 1 Liberal Senator for Tasmania, Senate Select Committee on Information Technologies, Senate Proof Committee Hansard, 28 April 1999, p 74. 2 Vice-Chairperson, Electronic Frontiers Australia, “Re: Can the Net Rise Above Anarchy?” <[email protected]>, email (20 March 1999).
    [Show full text]
  • PARTY RULES? Dilemmas of Political Party Regulation in Australia
    PARTY RULES? Dilemmas of political party regulation in Australia PARTY RULES? Dilemmas of political party regulation in Australia Edited by Anika Gauja and Marian Sawer Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Title: Party rules? : dilemmas of political party regulation in Australia / editors: Anika Gauja, Marian Sawer. ISBN: 9781760460761 (paperback) 9781760460778 (ebook) Subjects: Political parties--Australia. Political parties--Law and legislation--Australia. Political participation--Australia. Australia--Politics and government. Other Creators/Contributors: Gauja, Anika, editor. Sawer, Marian, 1946- editor. Dewey Number: 324.2994 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press. This edition © 2016 ANU Press Contents Figures . vii Tables . ix Abbreviations . xi Acknowledgements . xiii Contributors . xv 1 . Party rules: Promises and pitfalls . 1 Marian Sawer and Anika Gauja 2 . Resisting legal recognition and regulation: Australian parties as rational actors? . 37 Sarah John 3 . Party registration and political participation: Regulating small and ‘micro’ parties . .73 Norm Kelly 4 . Who gets what, when and how: The politics of resource allocation to parliamentary parties . 101 Yvonne Murphy 5 . Putting the cartel before the house? Public funding of parties in Queensland . 123 Graeme Orr 6 . More regulated, more level? Assessing the impact of spending and donation caps on Australian State elections .
    [Show full text]
  • Australia's Relationship with China During the Howard
    The Man of Steel and The Dragon: Australia’s relationship with China during the Howard Era STJEPAN T. BOSNJAK Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Research) College of Arts Victoria University 2017 Abstract 1996 was the worst year in the Australian-Chinese bilateral relationship since the Whitlam recognition. Yet in October 2003, Chinese President Hu Jintao became the first non-American head of state to address a joint sitting of Parliament, a deeply symbolic honour. This thesis examines how the Howard Government managed to go from the lows on 1996 to the highs of 2003, using it as a case study for Neoclassical Realism (NCR). NCR shares the same characteristics with other theories of Realism, however it argues that those theories on their own cannot fully explain events. NCR combines the statesman centric role of Classical Realism with the systemic pressures of Neorealism, and contends that both internal domestic and external international factors contribute to a state’s pursuit of its interpretation of its national interests. There are many internal variables that Neoclassical Realists argue impact on a state’s decision making, including resource extraction and domestic interests groups. This thesis focuses on political leadership and contends that John Howard played a central role in improving the relationship. To analyse Howard’s decisions we must examine the political context within which he operated in. Australia’s domestic institutions (including Parliament, political parties, bureaucracies, business and societal elites, the electorate) and its political culture (including Australia’s historical fear of ‘being swamped by Asians’, of bandwagoning with greater powers, and Howard’s own rise to power) shaped and restrained Howard’s responses to changes to the international structure.
    [Show full text]
  • A Love Affair with Latham? AUSTRALIAN NEWS MEDIA CHRONICLE JANUARY-JUNE 2004
    A Love Affair with Latham? AUSTRALIAN NEWS MEDIA CHRONICLE JANUARY-JUNE 2004 John Harrison “Wishful intelligence, the desire to please or reassure the recipient, was the most dangerous commodity in the whole realm of secret information.” James Bond in Ian Fleming’s Thunderball (1961:112) This critical interpretation of key issues and events in the Australian news media in the first half of 2004 analyses trends in four areas: the reporting of politics, changes in media policy and regulation, attempts to limit media freedom through restrictions on reporting, and movements in people, ownership, and broadcasting ratings. Of particular significance are the failure of the Australian Broadcasting Authority to adequately address cash for comment, a failure which had a considerable flow on effect; continuing challenges to the integrity of the ABC from within and without; mooted changes in defamation law; and a perception, again from within and without, that the Nine television network was losing its pre-eminence in commercial broadcasting. Much of the reporting and the policy debate were conditioned by the prospect of a closely contested federal election in the second half of the year. POLITICS: Luvin’ Latham The Australian media’s love affair with Opposition Leader Mark Latham is the big political news story of the period under review. Pictures of Mark Latham reading to small children; and then Latham standing beside Bob Brown in the Tasmanian forests, Mark Latham putting out the garbage at his western Sydney home, Mark Latham’s man boobs, and Mark and his son Ollie sharing a chip butty. The pic-facs have been endless.1 Elected on 2 December 2003 as a replacement for the hapless Simon Crean by the narrowest of margins (47 to 45), Latham’s ascent was a surprise for many journalists and apparently the Liberal 1 (Photo: Sydney Daily Telegraph 24 April 2004).
    [Show full text]
  • Australia and New Zealand Health Policy Biomed Central
    Australia and New Zealand Health Policy BioMed Central Commentary Open Access Unwanted pregnancy, mental health and abortion: untangling the evidence Judith M Dwyer*1 and Terri Jackson2 Address: 1Department of Health Management, Flinders University, Adelaide, Australia and 2Australian Centre for Economic Research on Health, University of Queensland, Brisbane, Australia Email: Judith M Dwyer* - [email protected]; Terri Jackson - [email protected] * Corresponding author Published: 29 April 2008 Received: 28 March 2007 Accepted: 29 April 2008 Australia and New Zealand Health Policy 2008, 5:2 doi:10.1186/1743-8462-5-2 This article is available from: http://www.anzhealthpolicy.com/content/5/1/2 © 2008 Dwyer and Jackson; licensee BioMed Central Ltd. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. Abstract Abortion policy is still contentious in many parts of the world, and periodically it emerges to dominate health policy debates. This paper examines one such debate in Australia centering on research findings by a New Zealand research group, Fergusson, Horwood & Ridder, published in early 2006. The debate highlighted the difficulty for researchers when their work is released in a heightened political context. We argue that the authors made a logical error in constructing their analysis and interpreting their data, and are therefore not justified in making policy claims for their work. The paper received significant public attention, and may have influenced the public policy position of a major professional body.
    [Show full text]
  • 1975 The-Harradine-Affair-1959-1975.Pdf
    • THE HARRADINE AFFAIR 1959 - 1975 When historians chart the turbulent history of the Australian Labor Party, they will deliberate at length on the Harradine Affair. No doubt they will come to see this passing, pamful incident as one of the greatest attacks on the basic survival of the ALP since the Great Split of 1955, which saw the birth of the Democratic Labor Party. A more accurate interpretation would be that the Harradine Affair is not an isolated incident, but a representation in clear terms of the continuing, undue influences of extreme Right-wing, anti-worker infiltrators in the political and industrial arms of the Labor movement. That Harradine has become such a household word in Australia is a tribute not only to his own energy, but to the influences of his promoters, those grey eminences who make up the National Civic Council, headed by one of the most powerful political figures in Australia, the arch-reactionary Bartholomew Augustine Santa­ maria. For when the evidence is sifted, when the allegations and accusa­ tions gain the backing of provable fact, there can no longer be any dispute over the question of the motives of R. W. B. (Brian) Harradine: as much as his masters in the NCe are bent on tbe destruction of the Australian Labor Party and progressive, effective trade unionism, so too has Brian Harradine publicly and vigorously attempted to inflict most serious damage to the ALP and the trade union movement, both in his adopted home State of Tasmania and on mainland Australia. That some of the more conservative clements in the heirarchy of the ALP allowed the Harradine Affair to drag on for more than seven years is a tragedy of political misjudgment of considerable proportion: the people who initially accused Brian Harradine of being undesirable as a member of thc A LP back in 1968 kncw what it was they were saying.
    [Show full text]
  • Conscience Votes’ in Legislating Bioethics in Australia
    University of Wollongong Research Online Faculty of Arts - Papers (Archive) Faculty of Arts, Social Sciences & Humanities 2009 A matter of conscience? The democratic significance of conscience' votes' in legislating bioethics in Australia Kerry Ross University of Wollongong, [email protected] Susan M. Dodds University of Tasmania, [email protected] Rachel A. Ankeny University of Adelaide Follow this and additional works at: https://ro.uow.edu.au/artspapers Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons, and the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Ross, Kerry; Dodds, Susan M.; and Ankeny, Rachel A., A matter of conscience? The democratic significance of conscience' votes' in legislating bioethics in Australia, Australian Journal of Social Issues, 44(2) 2009, 121-144. https://ro.uow.edu.au/artspapers/618 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] A Matter of Conscience? The Democratic Significance of ‘Conscience Votes’ in Legislating Bioethics in Australia Kerry Ross 1, Susan Dodds 2 and Rachel A. Ankeny 3 1 Science, Technology and Society Program, School of English Literatures, Philosophy and Languages, University of Wollongong 2 Faculty of Arts, University of Tasmania, Private Bag 44 Hobart, 7001 Australia ([email protected]), corresponding author 3 School of History and Politics, Napier 423, University of Adelaide, Adelaide 5005 Australia. 1 A Matter of Conscience? The Democratic Significance of ‘Conscience Votes’ in Legislating Bioethics in Australia Abstract : In Australia, members of a political party are expected to vote as a block on the instructions of their party.
    [Show full text]
  • A Dissident Liberal
    A DISSIDENT LIBERAL THE POLITICAL WRITINGS OF PETER BAUME PETER BAUME Edited by John Wanna and Marija Taflaga A DISSIDENT LIBERAL THE POLITICAL WRITINGS OF PETER BAUME Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Creator: Baume, Peter, 1935– author. Title: A dissident liberal : the political writings of Peter Baume / Peter Baume ; edited by Marija Taflaga, John Wanna. ISBN: 9781925022544 (paperback) 9781925022551 (ebook) Subjects: Liberal Party of Australia. Politicians--Australia--Biography. Australia--Politics and government--1972–1975. Australia--Politics and government--1976–1990. Other Creators/Contributors: Taflaga, Marija, editor. Wanna, John, editor. Dewey Number: 324.294 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press Printed by Griffin Press This edition © 2015 ANU Press CONTENTS Foreword . vii Introduction: A Dissident Liberal—A Principled Political Career . xiii 1 . My Dilemma: From Medicine to the Senate . 1 2 . Autumn 1975 . 17 3 . Moving Towards Crisis: The Bleak Winter of 1975 . 25 4 . Budget 1975 . 37 5 . Prelude to Crisis . 43 6 . The Crisis Deepens: October 1975 . 49 7 . Early November 1975 . 63 8 . Remembrance Day . 71 9 . The Election Campaign . 79 10 . Looking Back at the Dismissal . 91 SPEECHES & OTHER PRESENTATIONS Part 1: Personal Philosophies Liberal Beliefs and Civil Liberties (1986) .
    [Show full text]