Changes of Violence in Sport

GÜNTER A. PILZ (F.R.G.)

Abstract

In the course of a development sociological analysis the question is asked, if violence in sports in the course of civilization process increases or decreases. The seeming contradiction between the thesis of decrease of violence in sports and the thesis of increase of violence in sports is solved by differentiating between expressive, pleasant, affective violence on one hand and instrumental, affectless, rational violence on the other. It can be seen that within long term development trends in society of increasing control of affects and monopolizing violence, expressive violence in sports is more and more repressed, tamed, i.e. compared to earlier forms of sports expressive violence in sports today has decreased. On the other hand change of sports towards success orientation, increasing economical, political, and public significance of sports leads to an increase of instrumental violence in the sense of a consciously planned, aggressive rule violation in the interest of higher aims. In contrast to this an analysis of development of female sports shows - because of the change in power balance between sexes, the change of female behavior standards - that in female sports as well an increase of instrumental as of expressive violence can be noted in the sense of an adjustment process to general social violence standards.

Following the newest discussion on the problem of ’sports and violence&dquo; one can distinguish between two apparent contradicting theses: 1. Within long-term social changes, the changes of control of violence, the increasing control of affects and monopolizing of violence, violence in sports is more and more repressed, tamed, i.e. compared to earlier forms of sports, violence in sports today has decreased (see: Elias, 1975). 2. Changes of modern sports with regard to success orientation, increasing signification of sports success, economical, political and public valuation of sports success, leads to an increase of violence in sports- (see : Weis, 1976). The apparent contradiction between the thesis of decrease of violence in sports and the thesis of increase of violence in sports can be solved- by diffferentiating between two forms of violence: expressive, pleasant, affective, joyful violence on one hand, and instrumental, affectless, rational violence on the other hand..

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The following explanations will show, that within a long-term social change, expressive violence in sports is more and more r epressed, tamed; expressive violence in sports has decreased. However, the change of modern sports aiming towards an increasing social significance of sports leads to an increase of instrumental violence, in the sense of a consciously planned, aggressive rule violation out of interest of higher aims. In contrast to this an analysis of development of female sport shows - because of the change in power balance between sexes, the change of female behaviour standards - that in female sports as well an increase of instrumental violence can be noted in the sense of a process of adjustment to general social violence standards. In opposition to the unhistorical and static view of sports which is predominant in sports sciences, I agree with Elias (1975, p. 105) that &dquo;sports is a manifestation of specific social developments&dquo;. The outward appearance and the problems of sports today can - from this point of view - only be explored, interpreted and understood by examining them in the context of long-term changes of society and sports.

1. DECREASE OF EXPRESSIVE VIOLENCE IN MALE SPORTS

For better understanding, it seems necessary to describe the term -expressive violence. Expressive violence means violent actions which are allowed by the regulations of sport. These actions are exercised and perceived with positive feelings and do not charge the social conscience. In this way, expressive violence corresponds with the socially tolerated level of physical violence and with the sports specific standards of violence as they are described by Elias (1977) with the term &dquo;Angri f f slust&dquo; (pleasure form for attacking). Following the development of the rules of different sports, we can notice a strong decrease of violence. The changes of the rules were mostly aiming at decreasing and repressing the socially tolerated level of physical violence that is connected with the sports rules. Thus Dunning (1979) interprets the development of football and rugby as a tendency to more civilized forms of behavior. A comparison of the &dquo;structural properties of Folk-Games and Modern Sports&dquo; (Dunning, 1979, p. 33 f.) can elucidate this tendency. These comparisons show how football has become more and more civilized ; they show the growing &dquo;civilization&dquo; of the game in the sense of a growing decrease of expressive violence. &dquo;They mean that, as part of the incipient modernization of football, the players began to be expected to exercise a higher degree of self-control and that some of the more violent features of the game in its earlier stages began to be erad- icated to more stringent control&dquo; (Dunning, 1975, p. 111). Comparing the rules, the earlier forms of sports, the &dquo;folk-games&dquo; were considerably less organized, less differentiated, more wild, and brutal, than today.

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TABLE 1 The Structural Properties of Folk-Games and Modern Sports (Dunning, 1979, p. 33 f.; selection by G. A. Pilz)

They allowed a considerably higher level of socially tolerated violence (Dunning, 1979; Rittner, 1978). It seems to be worthwhile to prove these aspects by some extracts of reports of earlier sport events. Thus commentaries of the fights during the antique Olympic Games in Greece are more like horror stories than reports of sports events. Drees (see Elias, 1975, p. 93) gives an account of two boxers in the classical antiquity: &dquo;The first gives his opponent a punch on his head, that he survived. As the other one however neg- lected his cover, the opponent struck him with stretched-out fingers in the side and teared out his intestines and killed him in this way.&dquo; It was not seldom in the antique Olympic Games that an athlete killed during a single combat was subsequently declared Olympic winner because of his having fought especially bravely, because of having died a hero. In the Pancration, the antique form of boxing and wrestling the athletes were allowed to cut out the opponent’s eyes. Reading the rules of today’s Olympic wrestling it can be easily seen how strongly ex-

Downloaded from irs.sagepub.com at SAGE Publications on August 16, 2016 50 pressive violence has decreased since the antique Olympic Games. To understand this disproportionate degree of tolerated violence in the antique sports, as compared with today, it is necessary to put it into re- lation with the standards of the control of violence, the socially tolerated degree of violence and the norms of the antique Greek society. Elias (1975, p. 101) is right, when he points out, that in antique Greece the protection of the citizens wasn’t exclusively the task of the state, and therefore family ties were much more important than today. Re- latives had to protect each other against violence. To do physical violence, to glorify violence, was to a certain degree vitally necessary. A controlling institution that could condemn physical violence wasn’t yet existing. No social conscience had taken shape as yet, a sensitivity for violence. Physical violence such as~torturing and killing, also watching such actions didn’t bring forth horror but joy and amuse.ment. In con, sequence of the growing economical involvement natural economy was substituted by capital economy. According to this development a more calculated, more rational, and more far-seeing behavior had become necessary and, connected with it, also an increasing control of affects and of physical violence (compare: von Krockow, 1980, p. 4). The increasing differentiation, the increasing division of labour in the course of the civilizing process leads to a growing control of the &dquo;affect-economy&dquo; (A f f ekthaushalt), and also to a distinct sensitivity of physical violence. In other words: corresponding to the change of the way of production acts of cruelty, taking delight in physical violence, have become more and more controlled by society. Violence in sports is therefore always to be seen and interpreted in the context of the general norms and standards of socially tolerated physical violence of the standards oi violence-control and the social conscience concerning physical violence, In this way Dunning (1979) shows, how from 1840 onwards physical violence, regarded as legitimate in Rugby, began to be reduced by written conditions and prohibitions. Some of the more brutal practicea of earlier time were rooted out and, to the extent that a player could be persuaded or compelled to adhere to the new rules, the game did no longer exclusively resemble serious fighting. Could one see the athletes retiring home in the earlier football-games or &dquo;folk-games&dquo; &dquo;as from a pitched battle, with bloody pates, broken bones, and of joint, and such bruses as serve to shorten their daies&dquo;... (Dunning, 1979, p. 27), the &dquo;game had begun to grow more civilized as well as more complex&dquo;. This can be seen &dquo;from the seven 1945 rules dealt with physical force&dquo; (Dunning, 1979, p. 93 f.).

1. &dquo;Charging is fair in the case of a place kick as soon as the ball has touched the ground; in the case of a kick from a catch, as soon as the player’s foot has left ground and not before.&dquo;

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2. &dquo;No player being off his side shall hack, charge, run in, touch the ball in goal or interrupt a catch.&dquo; 3. &dquo;A player standing up to another may hold one only, but may hack him or knock the ball out of his hand if he attempts to kick it or go beyond the line of touch.&dquo; 4. &dquo;No hacking with the heel or above the knee is fair&dquo;. 5. &dquo;No player but the first on his side may be hacked except in a scrummage.&dquo; 6. &dquo;No player may wear projecting nails or iron plates on the soles or heals of his shoes or boots.&dquo; 7. &dquo;No player may be held unless he himself is holding the ball.&dquo;

The decrease of expressive violence in sports can also be seen in the following change of football rules: since 1874 kicking, to beat and tread- ing the opponent is forbidden: 1884 the referee is installed. Thus: changes of the rules of sports can be interpreted and seen as an increasing process of repressing physical, expressive violence. In addition to this, the changes of expressive violence differ to a high degree from society to society, from social class to social class, from sport to sport. In some types of sport that is: in the so-called combat-sports such as boxing, wrestling, ice-hockey, handball, football, violence is less subdued than in other sports such as for example volleyball, track and field. These sports often allow a higher degree of physical violence than society. The balance between expressive and instrumental violence in these types of sport shifted more in the direction of expressive violence. It is, in this context, certainly not very surprising, that these types of sport are exercised by people belonging to social classes in which physical violence is yet tolerated as legal means of asserting one’s interests, in which physical violence adds to the amusement of its spectators. Thus, the repression of expressive violence, the sensitivity for physical violence differs from culture to culture, from society to society, from social class to social class, therefore we find in different types of national sports differently tolerated degrees of physical violence. Thus players of &dquo;Amer- ican football&dquo; give the following reasons for playing such a rough game: &dquo;because you could beat others&dquo; ... &dquo;harder and you could knock people and all, and moreover show how cruel you are (Mantell 1972, p. 123 f.). The well-known American football player Joe Namath says of his sport: &dquo;Football is a mirror-image of life in the American society. Everyone wants to get ahead and the opponents want to prevent him, everyone however has to assert himself. Both, football and life move on brutal. After football, there is only one further increase: war&dquo;. And his colleague, the defensive player Dwight Wight reckons:

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&dquo;On the playground I do not make any prisoners! I kick, beat, and strangle, if anyone crosses my path, gets in my way&dquo; (Pilz, 1979, p. 23). To summarize: The development of the civilization which implied continuous social tendencies and changes for example the change of the forms production, the control of affects and physical violence became stronger and stronger; a process which also took place in sports. Even types of sport which were less influenced by these tendencies and which today are still thought as brutal types of sport are in comparison with earlier stages of development comparatively &dquo;peaceful&dquo;. The history of the rules of the different sports is lately also a history of reducing, repressing physical violence. At the beginning of the new season of handball the International Federation of Handball has changed the handball rules with the intention to make the game less brutal. These new handball rules like those of football for example: installation of penalties after rule violations (in 1890); the banishment of a player from the play~groun~d after a severe foul (1909); the yellow and red card (1970) were introduced with the intention to sanction stronger also instrumental violence, to counteract the increasing &dquo;brutalization&dquo; of handball and football games.

2. INCREASE OF INSTRUMENTAL VIOLENCE IN MALE SPORTS

To be able to comprehend the change of instrumental violence in sports, it is useful, to quote some of the &dquo;Ten Commandments of the Sport&dquo; (Diem, 19602, p. 24): - &dquo;Win proudly without boating, lose without excuses or grumbling; more important than the victory is the deportment&dquo;.

- &dquo;Follow without words the referee even if he seems to fail.&dquo;

- &dquo;No success in sport is worth an hour of illness.&dquo; - &dquo;Practice sport for the sake of spor’t without self-interest and inor- dinate ambition, loyal to the rules.&dquo; - &dquo;Don’t avoid any combat, renounce knightly with any accidental advantage, strive instead of the applause of the spectators after the praise of your conscience.&dquo; - &dquo;Look always for the strongest opponent and regard him as your friend, the guest is always right.&dquo; The appearance of sports today shows that those &dquo;Ten Command- men’ts&dquo; are merely idle, unfounded statements buB: no longer the guide of the .athletes’ behaviour. Some headlines of reports about sport events in the newspapers will prove this thesis: &dquo;Violence at the ball;&dquo; &dquo;Vic- tory and Death from the ampoule;&dquo; &dquo;Brutality of the combat-game;&dquo; &dquo;Handball with punch of carate,&dquo; &dquo;Football in Germany is becoming more and more brutal.&dquo; The &dquo;Little Football World-Championship&dquo; in Uruguay in 1981 caused

Downloaded from irs.sagepub.com at SAGE Publications on August 16, 2016 53 the following headlines in German newspapers: &dquo;Football brutal - the spectators suffered with the heroes&dquo;; &dquo;Fists, Treads, Headcuffs - Bra- zilians and Argentinians came to blows after the stopping signal.&dquo; Thus also a lot of empirical studies on violence in sports show, that the use of instrumental violence, of violent actions that violate the rules, are constitutive elements of being successful in sports (compare: Albrecht, 1979; Faulkner, 1974; Frogner and Pilz, in press; McCarthy and Kelly, 1978; Heinild, 1974; Pilz, 1979, in press; Smith, 1979). ’In his most interesting study based on 268 Bundesligahandball-games (the highest league in Germany) Albrecht (1979, p. 87) could prove, that successful teams commit significantly (< .001) more fouls than un- successful, losing teams (606:476). Moreover: the winners commit significantly (< .001) more physical fouls (552:300) than the losers. It is to be noted, that physical fouls were defined as violation of rules that lead to injuries of the opponent. Albrecht (1979) concludes from his study, that the winner of a handball game, besides other reasons, wins because the members of this team commit fouls more frequently and accordingly play more violent than the loser team. The already named alteration of handball rules shall help to prevent in future that only the most violent teams be successful. Beyond this it is intended that there is no longer a direct and causal connection between playing foul, brutality and success (compare Vick and Klein, 1981). Kurrek (1974) states in his analysis of the role of foul-play in international handball at the Handball World Championship 1970 an average of 40.5 fouls and violations of the rules, 34.1 percent of which can be classified in the categories of violent, brutal actions. He also noted a significant difference between the foul play of winners and losers. Winners committed significantly more fouls than losers. McCarthy and Kelly (1978) and Smith (1975) have come to the same results. McCarthy and Kelly (1987, p. 93) showed that aggressive players not only scored significantly more goals, but also acquired significantly more assists. Aggression was defined in this study on the basis of certain types of norm violations as, e.g. elbow- ing, boarding, roughing, cross-checking, fighting, spearing, kneeing, slashing. These results are reflected in comments of sportsmen too. On occasion of a Bundesliga football game that finished as a draw because of a goal in the last minute of game, the coach and the president of the club who had to take the equalization-goal said: &dquo;Our fellows are too naive, too ingenuous. In such a situation, there was only one solution: cut down&dquo;! And the centre forward and German national footballplayer of this club, Klaus Fischer said: &dquo;In that situation there was only one solution: shave, to shave the shooter before he shoots.&dquo;

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Jupp Kapellmann, national player and manager of the football club Munich 1860, said about the situation of the German professional soccer: &dquo;We don’t differ from animals. We carry out our struggle for exis- tenc.e with all means. Each one must try to execute tthe other one.&dquo; And one of the best and well-known German lootballplayers Paul Breitner (1980, p..25 f.) writes in hits book: &dquo;Football resembles boxing. There will be grasped fiercely, there will be kicked against and slapped on all that is moving. That’s reality. ...One thing is clear, and this is advantageous for pupils as well as for Bundesligaplayer before I allow the opponent to mark a goal, I have to prevent him from doing so with all means - and if I can’t succeed with fair means, I have to do it with a foul-play. Rather a penalty than a goal. Those who don’t confess this fact, are deceiving themselves or they aren’t football players&dquo;. Thus it isn’t surprising, that Heinild (1974, p. 21) could prove in his study, that 70% of the questioned footballplayers agreed to the statement that an opponent who is in an obviously advantageous position must be brought down unmercifully, that 54% are of the opinion, that in important games all means are allowed to win the game, that 69% are of the opinion, that in a match a player may attempt anything provided he is not caught. This violent behaviour is assumed or the other way round taught - as Smith (1974); Faulkner (1974); Pilz (1979); Frogner and Pilz (in press); and Vaz (1974) have proved empirically - by socializing through sport, for example in ice-hockey and football careers. With increasing experience of the game and higher capacity of performance, the disposition to commit violent actions accordingly increases. The tech- niques of violent behaviour are accepted, legitimated and reinforced by the reference groups, namely coach, teammates, and spectators (see: Smith, 1979; Frogner and Pilz, in press). Instrumental violence is learned and trained systematically during the sporting career. Volkamer (1979, p. 109) reports that - corresponding to this fact - 25% of the questioned juvenile sportsmen openly confessed, to train unallowed behaviour during the training following the motto: &dquo;allowed is, what the referee doesn’t see&dquo;. The idea of &dquo;fair-play&dquo; has to give way during the process of sport socialization more and more to a &dquo;sporting moral&dquo; which means that success and the interest of the team are of the highest importance above all other things. Fairness is being replaced increasingly by success- oriented, violent standards of behaviour. ’The following Table 2 will illus- trate this fact. &dquo;The priority of the team interest tends to become more accentuated with the increase of age while the role of fair play gets miti- gated respectively, thus the success of one’s team supersedes fair play as a source of norms in game behaviour&dquo; (Heinild, 1974, p. 40). It is important to notice, that the use of instrumental violence depends on the situational context. Thus the use of instrumental violence

Downloaded from irs.sagepub.com at SAGE Publications on August 16, 2016 55 during a very important football game (far example cup-final) is much more obvious than in a game among friends or on a training- game (see also Fig. 1). As Table 3 and Figs. 2 and 3 show, the degree of legitimation of instrumental violence and the frequency of the real use of it during a game correspond to the age of the juvenile football players. The older they are, the more they are brutal and think it alright. In this context the coach seems to be the most important agent of socialization of instrumental violence: the younger the football players are, the more

TABLE 2 Attitudes towards Fairness: Changes during the Sporting Socialization Process (Heinila, 1974, p. 41)

The same reesults got Frogner and Pilz (in press) by exploring the attitudes of juvenile football players towards norms and rules of sport (see Table 3).

TABLE 3 Comparison of the Degree of Legitimation of Violent Actions (lva) and the Frequency of the Real Execution of These Violent Actions (fva) dur- i~ig a Football Game, Differentiated by Age (Frogner and Pilz, in press)

. the numbers indicate the percentage of the questioned football .players who legitimate these actions middling till very. .. the numbers indicate the percentage of the questioned football players who sometimes up to execute these violent acts during a football game.

Downloaded from irs.sagepub.com at SAGE Publications on August 16, 2016 56 the coach trains instrumental violence. The oldest juvenile football players seem to have already internalized the use of instrumental violence and positive feelings concerning it, so that the coach is no more as frequently forced to train these behaviour patterns as he has to do it with younger football players. In this context a result of the pretest seems to be highly interesting: &dquo;to insult a player of one’s own team&dquo; is valuated by the juvenile football players significantly worse than &dquo;to insult a player of the opponent team&dquo;. Moreover: to insult players of one’s own team&dquo; was valuated with few exceptions much worse than physical attacks, that means violent physical attacks against the players of the opponent team. The &dquo;sporting moral&dquo; of the boys legitimates physical attacks against the opponent much more than the insult of a player of the own team! Beyond that, alterations of instrumental violence in the sense of becoming used more and more are not only limited to the so-called combat-sports which imply physical contacts. Even types of sport that for a long time assumed the appearance of being a distinguished and fair type of sport, nowadays need additional mechanism to control violence, to sanction violent patterns of behaviour. In Riding Sport horses are doped; in the &dquo;kingly&dquo; game of chess psychological warfare is becoming more and more important for winning; in tennis, yellow, green and red cards and high fines were introduced to sanction the players for the increasing violent actions on the tennis courts. The former U.S. Tennis profession-

Fig. 1. Degree of legitimation of violent actions differentiated by important and training games (Frogner and Pilz, in press).

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Fig. 2. Degree of legitimation of instrumental violence, differentiated by age- (Frogner and Pilz, in press).

Fig. 3. Frequency of instrumental violence during the football game, differentiated by age (Frogner and Pilz, in press).

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Fig. 4. Degree of the pressure of the coach on playing aggressive, differentiated by age (Frogner and Pilz, in press). al Arthur Ashe states in the Tennis Times: &dquo;we have given up the fun in tennis in favour of the money&dquo;. Tennis is a really good example tao show, that the significance of sports, and above all, the valuation of success in sport has been changing in the course of the past decennia and within these changes, violent patterns of behaviour have become a more and more constitutional element of sport success. At the very moment, when sport has emerged from his private sphere sporting events have become a routine action that no longer belonged to a recreation, entertainment and private range. More and more, sport underwent the rules of profitability, of success and competition in the strongest sense. Heinild (1974, p. 12 f.) is right, when he maintains that with the increasing demands in sport, the increasing socially and economical significance of sport successes, the &dquo;sacred ideology of amateurism&dquo; is su- perseded by a &dquo;technocratical moral&dquo;, that is exclusively oriented to .success: &dquo;The issues in sport which really count are the very success and the -complete devotion to the pursuits for this goal for records&dquo; (Heinila 1974, p. 12 f). The increasing use of instrumental violence can be explained by the alterations in the development of society which meant: industrialization, monopolizing of violence, control of affects, increasing glorification ,of performance and success, instrumental use of the body (see: Rittner, 1976). This tendency of the increasing use of instrumental violence in

Downloaded from irs.sagepub.com at SAGE Publications on August 16, 2016 59 sports can not be interpreted as a counter movement against the long- term trend of reducing and monopolizing physical violence (as Alias (1977) has described it). It is rather a process of adaptation to socially tolerated standards of violence. By shifting sport from the more private sphere to the public sphere, sport loses more and more its original play- orientation, while performance and succes orientation are prevailing. Self-control, self-constraint and fun are overlapped by external constraints and seriousness. Just those external constraints elucidate the increasing use of instrumental violence in sport and influence the balance between expressive and instrumental violence in favour of the latter. Summary: in the course of the &dquo;civilizing process&dquo; we can confirm two contrary movements: on the one hand a reduction of expressive violence in sports and on the other hand a process of adaptation to instrumental violence. According to general social standards, violence in competitive sport is dealt with in the same way as it is dealt with in the greater social figuration. The use of violence is adapted to the social norms of the modern industrial society, in which success seems to be more important than being considerate. The question of the balance between expressive and instrumental violence thus is a question of the standards of violence in society, of the significance and the consequences of being successful or successless in sport. For the male sport we can confirm a diminuation of expressive violence and an increase in instrumental violence which means an adaptation to competitive norms in economical figurations.

3. CHANGE OF VIOLENCE IN FEMALE SPORTS

The preceding statements which described the alteration of the ball ance between expressive and instrumental violence in favour of more instrumental violence in male sports may have to be modified with regard to female sports. Because of the change of power balance between the sexes and the change of female behaviour standards in female sports both instrumental and expressive violence has increased according to general social violence standards. The alteration of the power balance between sexes in favour of a &dquo;greater full scope of liberty and decision for the female sex&dquo; (Krumrey, 1979, p. 202) had the effect that expressive and instrumental patterns of violence - even if not yet generally tolerated in society - were more and more executed by women. A short summary of the development of female sports may prove this. Till the middle of the 18th century, females had been excluded from physical exercises almost totally. At the end of the 18th century - because of social changes - physical exercises became part of the education of girls. The exercises had the character of traditional female patterns of behaviour such as: lightness, gracefulness, elegance, grace,

Downloaded from irs.sagepub.com at SAGE Publications on August 16, 2016 60 beauty. Competitions and all physical exercises which gave the slightest impression of violence were forbidden for females. The social patterns of propriety, highly esteemed female charm and dignity and supported an inequality of power balance between sexes. Females had to please the men and had to be their subjects. These ideas influenced the earlier physical exercises of women. At the beginning of the 20th century - bringing forth the women’s lib movement, with the idea of emancipation - competition in female sports gained more significance. Compe- titions first took place in types of sport, which are traditionally female and which fit into the picture of the &dquo;female peculiarity&dquo; (such as gym- nastics, tennis, ice skating, swimming, track and field). The effects of the First World War had a great influence on the development of women’s lib and female sports. Because of the confusion of the war, females had to prove, that they also could perform a man’s job. In the following years competitions and more &dquo;serious&dquo; forms of sport activities were opened for females. Expressive and instrumental violence in female sports however burst forth in the last 20 or 30 years. Gibbs (1976, p. 3) is right: &dquo;It is only in the last 25 years that it has been realized that women can be as fiercely competitive, as strongly aggressive and just as highly skilled as their male counterparts.&dquo; These changes are particularized in the following explanations.

3.1. INCREASE OF EXPRESSIVE VIOLENCE IN FEMALE SPORTS

The changes of expressive violence in female sports are shown in the following example on the basis of the development of the numbers of female members in selected sports. A comparison of the numbers of members of sports federations of the German Sports Federation (DSB) in the period from 1972 till 1979 shows an over-average increase of female members in the following sports: volleyball (+546%); basketball (+151.7%); football (+240.4%), tennis (+165.4%); judo (+129.8%). A differentiation of types of sport into different categories such as &dquo;prestige sports&dquo; (sports that demand high financial expenses and are mostly exercised by the upper class); indirect-aggressive sports (physical contact is nearly excluded); &dquo;ritualized-aggressive sports&dquo; (physical violence is a constitutive element of the sports established in the rules) shows that the ritualized-aggressive and open-aggressive sports had the strongest increase of female members - that means sports, that allow within their regulations the highest degree of expressive violence. Thus we can conclude, that mostly those sports, that allow and demand a more or less high degree of expressive violence, have the great- est increase of female members. The tendencies can also be remarked

Downloaded from irs.sagepub.com at SAGE Publications on August 16, 2016 61 in the physical education at schools. Especially football and handball are more and more favoured by female pupils, far more than volleyball and basketball. These alterations in female sports towards an increasing use of expressive violence can also be noted in the development of competitions for females at the Olympic Games.

Z1ABLE 4 Increase of Female Members of Selected and Differentiated Sports of the Period I972--1979 in percent (Pilz, in press)

. Table 5 shows that up to 1972 females were mainly admitted to those sports that correspond to the traditional female patterns. Since 1976 &dquo;rougher&dquo; sports such as basketball, handball and rowing, 1980 also hockey, were opened for females and in 1984 marathon-running for females is part of the Olympic programme. On the other hand, we can’t neglect

TABLE 5

Female Competitions at the Olympic Games (see also: Pfister, 1980, p. 279)

Downloaded from irs.sagepub.com at SAGE Publications on August 16, 2016 62 the fact that Olympic sports in which females up to now are not accepted can be numbered among the &dquo;open-aggressive&dquo; sports: boxing, weight- lifting, football, judo, cycling, wrestling, water-polo. NeveTtheless, we can expect, that especially cycling, judo and football will soon be opened for females at the Olympic Games. All these sports are already exercised by women on the national and international level. Even boxing and weight-lifting (in the form of body-building) are more and more competitively exercised by females on a national and international level. Thus, the development of female sports, especially the opening of the so-called combat-sports for females, the increasing variety of sports for females, and the increasing acceptance of sports, that allow bodily contact and other forms of expressive violence, confirm the tendency of increasing expressive violence in female sports Namely the development of female football in the Federal Republic of Germany since 1970 from 23,000 female football players in 1970 to nearly 400,000 in 1981 supports this thesis. Moreover, football has dispropor- tionately the most female members of all contact and team sports in the Federal Republic of Germany, the German Football Federation is after the German Gymnastic Federation and the German Tennis Federation the Federation with the most female members. As Table 6 shows the two team sports, that demand the highest degree of physical, expressive violence: &dquo;football&dquo; and &dquo;handball&dquo; rank widely before all other female team sports.

TABLE 6

Female Members of German Sports Federations, increase from 1974 to 1979 (Knoop et al., 1980, p. 14)

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As Elias (1977, p. XIII) postulated, the changes of the social standards of patterns of behaviour that are allowed and forbidden also lead to a change of structures of the social personality, we can also prove an adaptation of the personality structures of male and female athlete (see: Smith, 1972; Pilz, 1979, in press; Balazs, 1977; East, 1974; Harris, 1973). The personality structures of female and male athletes differ less than the personality structures of female and male non-athletes. Espe- cially personality traits such as &dquo;aggressivity&dquo;, &dquo;dominance&dquo;, &dquo;risk taking&dquo;, &dquo;need for achievement&dquo;, are assumed by females. The increasing use of expressive violence in female sports is not to be apprehended as a counter movement against the general tendency to reduce expressive violence within the society as well as in male sports. Because of the traditional female patterns of behaviour, females were more or less excluded from the use of violence. With the socially accepted balance between male and female patterns of behaviour and the negation of the traditional female patterns it was possible for the females to use expressive violence. Thus females sport is more and more adapting itself to male sport, with its standards of expressive violence According to this ’tendency we can also expect that women’s sport will adapt itself to the instrumental violence standards of male sports. So Smith (1972, p. 107) means: &dquo;Impelled by the increasing importance of winning and as the value-climate in sport subtly changes in the direction of the legitimation of female violence, together with the appearance of appropriate reference groups for the social learning of violence, female sport may ‘b’e moving toward the male model....On the other hand, the fact, that females have avoided thus far, many of the problems rife in male sport argues well for the view that women’s sports will resist becoming sca. lar-down replicas of sports for men.&dquo; The following explanations will show, that this optimistic view of. Smith may have to be modified.

3.2. INCREASE OF INSTRUMENTAL VIOLENCE IN FEMALE SPORTS

In their studies and analyses on women’s sports, especially on fe-. male football Knoop et al. (1980); Rabe (1976); Tschap (1978) and Thom- as (1979) argued, that female sports, female football will not develop according to the male model: traditional female qualities will be more dominant than male qualities such as violence, dominance. In our study on juvenile male and female football players (Frogner and Pilz, in press} we found no confirmation of this thesis. On the contrary: female football players expected to the same degree as male football players, that the players have to play brutally and aggressively. Moreover: girls used

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TABLE 7 ’Comparison of the Frequency of the Real Execution of Instrumental Vio- .lence during a Football Game and the Degree of Legitimating It, Differ- entiated by Sex (Pilz; Frogner and Pilz, in press)

frequently violence just like boys during the game. The female football players openly confessed that more than 30% of their fouls are instrumental ones and over 50% of the fouls of their oppenents are instrumental ones. The most interesting result however is the fact, that female football players confess that they frequently execute violent acts during the game, but that they have not internalized these actions because of

..-..-- _

Fig. 5. Frequency of instrumental violence during a football-game, differentiated by sex (Frogner and Pilz, in press).

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Fig. 6. Degree of the legitimation of instrumental violence, differentiated by sex.

traditional patterns. These female football players - contrary to their counterparts - distinctly distinguish between the frequency of their violent behaviour during a game and the legitimation of instrumental violence. The male football players more than the female football players legitimate acts li’ke pushing the opponent with the elbow, tripping the opponent-player up and pushing the use of this instrumental violence between boys and girls. In the answers of the girls there is a con- siderable difference concerning violent acts and their legitimations. Girls act as often violent as boys, but they do not legitimate this behaviour to such an extent as boys. These results elucidate the conflict between female patterns of behaviour and the requirements of competitive sports. This thesis is also supported by the following fact: female football players significantly more frequently were exchanged by the coach because they didn’t play rough and violent enough. Girls were more frequently praised by the trainer when they had prevented a goal by a violent foul; the coach more often trains girls in playing violent and hard than the boys. The girls obviously, because of their sex-specific socialization-experiences, must be trained more intensively than boys to play rough and violent. This data confirm the tendency towards an increasing use of instrumental violence in female sports. Studies in the field of female handball point out the same facts (see Frogner, 1980; Pilz, in press). Reports about team-sports of females in the newspapers confirm additionally the thesis of an increase of instrumental violence in female sports: &dquo;hard

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Fig. 7. Degree of pressure of the coach on playing aggressively, differentiated by sex (Frogner and Pilz, in press). and athletic: handball becomes also in female sports rougher and rougher&dquo; (see Pilz in press). The female team sports develop in the same way as the male sports: in a long-term view the female sports will become as competitive, as violent and aggressive as male sports.&dquo; The coach and the best player of the German Football Champion in female football states accordingly: &dquo;If the development in female football continues in this way and if the German Football Federation accepts the introduction of a female national team, then the struggle for concurrence will become rougher.&dquo; Studying the problems of doping during the last two years, leads to the suspicion, that this form of instrumental violence appears more frequently in female than in male sports. -

TABLE 8

Evaluation of the Reports on Doping and the Doping-Problems in a Ger- man Newspaper during the Period o f August 1979 till July 1981, Differ- entiated between Male and Female Sports (Pilz, in press)

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The former possessor of the world record in female discus-throwing Liesel Westermann (1977, p. 133 f.) consequently states, that in the female sports the &dquo;attraction of the adventure performance sport&dquo; has faded and made place to a &dquo;naked brutality of a struggle for existence of performance for performance&dquo;. The doping-tests during the Olympic Winter Games in Lake Placid 1980 proved that 7.7% of the male and 7.7% of the female test-pieces had testosterone-values in an amount which lies above the normal values. The suspicion of having additionally taken testosterone at the Olympic Games in Moscow 1980 concerned 5% male athletes and 10% female athletes. Especially the use of instrumental violence in sports in which females have been competing for a long time, in which high performances of females have long been socially accepted and admired, females compete with the same hardness, violence and inexorability as the males. The use of prohibited means for being successful in these sports reached dimensions, which seem to excel the dimensions of comparable types of sport of males. To summarize: In the course of the changes of social norms and power balance between sexes, patterns of violence became also acceptable for women. The use of expressive and instrumental violence is not a problem of sex, but a problem of the social standards of violence, a problem of the power balance between sexes, a problem of the sporting patterns and a problem of the significance of sport and sporting success. To summarize with Weis (1976, p. 15): &dquo;The more sports are organized and professionalized, the more participation and performance are extrinsically rewarded and, therefore, open to other influences. Intrinsic motivation, on the other hand, would emphasize participation for its own sake and play-type qualities. If, as a consequence of organization and professionalization, victory as the goal of all athletic striving becomes more important than the means by which it is achieved, if, finally the economic or other results of winning further increase their significance, then, the probability will also inn- crease that rules of sport will be violated in favour of other interests&dquo;. This thesis is of value for the male as well as for the female sports. The question if patterns of violence or peace, patterns of cooperation or competition dominate, depends on the intention with which people exercise sports, depends on the structural conditions of the sports, and depends at least on the socially tolerated level of violence. The changes of violence of females in sport can from this point of view be explained finally by the fact that women’s sports has become adapted to the demands and norms of performance sport and to the structures of the different sports. To say it with Gerber (see Berlin, 1974, p. 382): &dquo;One can’t coinpete in sport and be non-competitive; one can’t shoot for goals and be non-aggressive; one can’t practice for two physically demanding hours a day and be physically weak; one can’t put one’s skill

Downloaded from irs.sagepub.com at SAGE Publications on August 16, 2016 68 on the line against an opponent and be too afraid to take risks; one can’t come out on the court or field or pool against opponents who have de- monstrated their superiority and be wanting in courage; one can’t give up many hours a week to train for competition and not have self-disci- pline ; one can’t accept results of the contest as proof of who’s the best for the moment and be un~objective; one cant strive to win, win, win, and not be achievement-oriented.&dquo; Thus indeed, one can’t compete in, males’ as well in females’ sport and not use instrumental violence.

REFERENCES

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Knoop F. et al. (1980), Bestandaufnahme im Damenfussball (On Women’s Foot- ball), Frankfurt. Krumrey V. (1979), Strukturwandlungen und Funktionen von Verhaltensstandards analysiert mit Hilfe eines Interdependenzmodelles zentraler sozialer Beziehungs- typen, in: P. Gleichmann, J. Gaudsblom and H. Korte (eds.), Materialien zu Norbert Elias’ Zivilisationstheorie, Frankfurt, pp. 194-214. Kurrek B. (1974), Die Rolle des Foulspiels im internationalen Hallenhandball (The Role of Foul Play in International Indoor Handball). Unpublished Dissertation, Deutsche Sporthochschule Köln. Mantell D. M. (1972), Familie und Aggression (Family and Aggression), Frankfurt. McCarthy J. F. and Kelly B. R. (1978), Aggressive behavior and Its Effect on Per- formance over Time in Ice Hockey Athletes: An Archival Study, "Intern. Journal of Sport Psychology", 9 (2), pp. 90-96. Pfister G. (ed) (1980), Frau und Sport (Women and Sport), Frankfurt. Pilz G. A. (1979), Attitudes Toward Different Forms of Aggressive and Violent Behav- ior in Competitive Sports: Two Empirical Studies, "Journal of Sport Behavior", 2 (1), pp. 3-26. Pilz G. A. (in press), Wandlungen des Kampf- und Angrif fsverhaltens, besonders der Aggresivität von Frauen in Sport. Gesellschaftliche und psychische Entwick- lungstrends sozialer Kanons im Frauensport (Changes in Fighting Spirit and Ag- gression, Especially as Regards Aggressiveness of Women in Sport. Social and Psychic Developmental Trends of Social Canons in Women’s Sport). Pilz G. A. (in press), Wandlungen des Kampf- und Angriffsverhaltens im Sport. Eine entwicklungssoziologische Studie am Beispiel des Frauensports (Changes in Fighting Spirit and Aggressive Attitudes in Sport. Developmental Study on Wom- en’s Sport). Rabe F., Geschlechtsrollenverhalten und Schichtzugehörigkeit im Damenfussball (Sex Role Behavior and Strata in Women’s Football), Universität Hamburg. Not publ. Rittner V. (1976), Sport, Bediirfnisstruktur und sozialer Wandel (Sport, Structure of Needs and Social Change), "Stadion II", 2, pp. 159-195. Rittner V. (1978), Sport als Kulturexport (Sport as Export of Culture), in: E. J. Tetsch (ed.). Sport und Kulturwandel (Sport and Change in Culture), Stuttgart, pp. 34-41. Smith M. D. (1972), Aggression and the Female Athlete, in: D. V. Harris (ed.), Women and Sport: A National Research Conference, Penn. State HPER Series No. 2, Philadelphia, pp. 91-114. Smith M. D. (1974), Violence in Sport: A Sociological Perspective, "Sportwissen- schaft", pp. 164-173. Smith M. D. (1975), The Legitimation of Violence, Hockey Player’s Perception of Their Preference Groups, Sanction for Assault, "Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology", 12 (1), pp. 72-80. Smith M. D. (1979), Social Determinants of Violence in Hockey: A Review, "Ca- nadian J. of Applied Sport Sciences", 4 (1), pp. 76-82. Thomas A. (1979), Fussball, eine Sportart für Frauen? (Football, a Type of Sport for Women?), in: Albrecht, D. (ed.), Fussballsport - Ergebnisse sportwissenschaft- licher Forschung (Football Sport - Results of Research in Sport Science), Berlin, pp. 218-235. Tschap A. (1978), Emanzipation der Frau durch Sport? (Emancipation of Women through Sport?), in: Tschap, A. (ed.), Sport als gesellschaftlicher Faktor (Sport as a Social Factor), Frankfurt, pp. 41-52. Vaz E. W. (1974), What Price Victory? - An Analysis of Minor Hockey Players’

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Attitudes toward Winning, "International Review of Sport Sociology", pp. 33-55 Vick W. and Klein G. D. (1981), Die Regeln 8 und 17 als Kernpunkte der Neu- fassung des Regelwerkes (Rules 8 and 17 as Main Points in the new editions of Rules), "Lehre und Praxis des Handballspiels", 4, pp. 16-20. Volkamer M. (1979), Individuelles sportliches Handeln von 3—6-jährigen Kindern in einer Gemeinschaft (Individual Features of Sport Activity of 3-6-year-old Children in a Community), in: Osnabrücker. Turnerbund (ed.), Lehren und Lernen im Vorschulalter, Osnabrück, pp. 104-110. von Krockow C. (1980), Sport, Gesellschaft, Politik (Sport, Society, Politics), Mün- chen. Weis K. (1976), Aggression, Violence, and Sports. Paper presented at the Interna- tional Congress of Physical Activity Sciences, July 11-15, Quebec; see also: Weis, K. 1976, Abweichung und Konformismus in der Institution Sport (Deviation and Conformism in the Institution of Sport), in: G. Lüschen and K. Weis (eds.), Die So- ziologie des Sports. Darmstadt, pp. 296-315. Westermann L. (1977), Es kann nicht immer Lorbeer sein (One Can’t Always Win Laurels), Wien-München.

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CHANGEMENT DE LA VIOLENCE AU SPORT

R6sumt ’ ,.

L’analyse de 1’evolution du point du vue sociologique doit fournir la r6sponse a la question si la violence au sport augmente ou diminue au cours du processus de civilisation. La contradiction apparente entre la th6se de la repression de la violence et celle de 1’augmentation peut Ctre 6wit6e en distinguant la violence

Downloaded from irs.sagepub.com at SAGE Publications on August 16, 2016 71 expressive r6l6ant l’affection et le desir, et la violence instrumentale peu affective. Quand on observe les tendances 6 long terme de 1’evolution des societes, on cons- tate un c6ntrole de I’~tat passionnel et uns monopolisation de la violence, ce qui mene a une repression de la violence au sport à notre 6poque par raport aux formes du sport dans le pess6. De l’autre c6t6, le sport moderne 6L orients de plus en plus vers le succes, vers une 6valuation 6conomique, politique et publique, ce qui mene a une augmentation de la violence instrumentale au sens d’une violation consentie des regles au nom a objectifs sup6rieurs. Au sport f6minin, dependant, on remarque une augmentation de la violence instrumentale et expressive au sens d’un processus d’adaptation au niveau general de la violence dans las soci6t6 enti6re. Ce phenomene s’explique par le changement dans les positions des deux sexes at dans le comportement traditionnel de la femme.

WANDLUGEN DER GEWALT IM SPORT

Zusammenfassung

Im Rahmen einer entwicklungssoziologischen Analyse wird der Frage nachge- gangen, ob die Gewaltanwendung im Sport im Laufe des Zivilisationsprozesses zu - oder abnimmt. Der scheinbare Widerspruch zwischen der These der zumehmen- den D5mpfung, Zuruckdrangung der Gewalt im Sport wird dadurch aufgel6st, daB zwischen expressiver, lustbetonter, affektiver Gewalt einerseits und instrumenteller affektarmer Gewalt andererseits unterschieden wird. Dabei zeigt sich, daB im Rahmen langfristiger gesellschaftlicher Entwicklungstrends, der zunehmenden Kontrolle der Affekte und Monopolisierung der Gewalt, die expressive Gewalt im Sport zunehmend zuruckgedrangt und geb5ndigt wird, d.h. daB im Vergleich zu f rtihe- ren Formen des Sports die expressive Gewalt im heutigen Sport erheblich gerin- ger ist. Andererseits fuhrt der Wandel des modernen Sports in Richtung einer zunehmenden Erfolgsorientierung, zunehmenden wirtschaftlichen und politischen, 6ffentlichen Bewertung sportlicher Erfolge, zu einer Zunahme der instrumenteller Gewalt, im Sinne einer bewuBt geplanten gewalttdtigen Regelverletzung im Inte- resse ubergeordneter Ziels. Dcmgegenüber zeigt eine Analyse der Entwicklung des Frauensports, aufgrund der Wandlungen der Machtbalance zwischen den Ge- schlechtern der Wandlungen weiblicher Verhaltensstandards, dass im Frauensport sowohl eine Zunahme instrumentaller, als auch expressiver Gewalt, im Sinne eines Anpassungsprozesses an gesamtgesellschaftliche Gewaltstandarts, zu verzeichnen ist.

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