APPENDIX: PRELIMINARY PROGRAM 24 July: Academic seminars (preparation for the workshop), 4 seminars of 1 hour each about relevant issues to the workshop that follows . Address: Auditorio FGV (Avenida 9 de Julho nr. 2029)

Wednesday 24th July

09h30 – Natalie Mitev & François Xavier Introduction to Sociomateriality

11h00 - Marlei Pozzebon Post-developmental approaches

14h00 - Armindo Teodósio Epistemologies of the South

15h30 - Eduardo Diniz Social Impacts of Blockchain

Thursday 25th July

9h00 – 9h20: Opening session – Classrooms 1001, 1102 and 1103

9h30 – 10h45 Session 1 (Portuguese) Session 2 (English) Session 3 (English)

Chair: Simone Luvizan (FGV) Chair: Armindo Teodósio (PUC-MG) Chair: Eliel Markman (Dauphine)

The pervasiveness of technology and Politicas struggles : bodies and cities Third places and collaborative societal disruptions/changes (material and vistual) spaces Walking in Berlin: Narrative, time and Materialidade Digital e os Desafios do Reuso bodies as a political anchor (2) – François- Developing policy solution to ageing. Dialog de Dados na Prática (17) – Simone Luvizan – Xavier De Vaujany, Aurore Dandoy, Albane between the City and Community FGV/EAESP Grandazzi – Université Paris-Dauphine Makerspace (3) – Alicja Koperska – Poznan University of Economics and Business Bricolagem Sociomaterial: novas práticas de Politicizing the body in the anti-mining uso de sistemas de reputação em Economia protest in (5) – Marianna Fotaki, Producing diverse realities through design: Compartilhada (18) – Ulysses Pacheco – Maria Daskalaki – Warwick Business School, exploring care, friction and prototype in a FGV/EAESP University of Roehampton design studio (16) – Guilherme Englert Corrêa Meyer, Cláudia Libânio – , A Flexibilização da Gestão de Pessoas através Researcher and Social Activist at the same UFCSPA das TICs: Um caso no Agreste Pernambucano time: challenges in cooperative inquiry (26) – Francisco Carlos Lopes da Silva, research about a Brazilian corporate Meeting rooms as organizational forums, a Luciano Manuel da Silva, Luana Brenda environmental crime (28) – Armindo dos case study (6) – Eliel Markman – Paris Gomes de Oliveira, Erica Souza Siqueira – Santos de Souza Teodósio – PUC Minas, Dauphine UFPE, FGV/EAESP FGV/EAESP

Descrição Tecnológica dos Sistemas de Democracy in urban conflicts: challenges Informação que suportam o Programa Bolsa and possibilities (14) – Morgana Kieger – Família (20) – Nadja Antonio, Marcelo FGV/EAESP Fornazin, Renata Araujo, Rodrigo Santos – UNRIO, UFF, Mackenzie

10h45 – 11h00: Coffee break

11h00 – 12h30: Key note speaker – Jerome Blanc (moderator: Eduardo Diniz) A difficult path to transition: an assessment of local currencies in France after 10 years

12h30 – 14h00: Lunch

14h00 – 15h15 Session 4 (English) Session 5 (English)

Chair: Eduardo Diniz (FGV) Chair: Amarolinda Klein (Unisinos)

Social currencies and community/societal impats Algoriths shaping social life

Profit and utility – approach of a local monetary scheme for a Generativity in algorithmic systems (4) – Anna Morgan-Thomas – Adam utility oriented society (8) – Peter Brass – Sehr Global Smith Business School

The material import of complementary currencies and solidary Co-constructing mediating artifacts within multi-party reflective spaces: economy schemes (11) – Diego Viana - USP a major challenge in a context of strong mutations (21) – Delphine Wannenmacher – Université de Lorraine Sociomaterial Approach to Analyze Solidarity Cryptocurrencies (33) – Eduardo Diniz, Adrian Cernev, Fabio Daneluzzi, Denis Blockchain and its relation with the Sustainable Product Consumption Rodrigues – FGV/EAESP (15) – Edson Tavares, Everton Chagas – FGV/EAESP

Feira da Sulanca no Agreste Pernambucano – Uma perspectiva Opening the black box of digital innovation processes and the role of Sociomaterial (22) – Erica Siqueira, Francisco Carlos Lopes da controversies: the google glass case (34) – Amarolinda Klein, Carsten Silva – FGV/EAESP, UFPE Sorensen, Angilberto Freitas, Cristiane Pedron, Silvia Elaluf-Calderwood – UNISINOS, London Schools, UNIGRANRIO, UNINOVE, Florida International University

15h15 – 15h30: Coffee break

15h30-17h30: Atelier 1 – Crafting money (LABIS/RJ)

18h00: Cocktail – French Consulate (to be confirmed)

Friday 26th July

9h00 – 9h20: Opening session - Classrooms 1001, 1102 and 1103

9h30 – 10h45 Session 6 (Portuguese) Session 7 (English) Session 8 (English)

Chair: Tania Chrisopoulos (USP) Chair: Maira Petrini (PUC-RS) Chair: Gabriela Lotta (FGV)

Local, social and urban development Critical views of social inclusion and Social inequalities and conflicts diversity Discutir o desenvolvimento a partir da Technical-regulatory conflicts: governance and perspectiva sociotécnica de tecnologias Being an Inclusive Organization at sustainability in Brazilian peripheries (27) – Luiz sociais (31) – José de Arimateia Dias Brazil and UK: a critical analysis of the Faria, Nadja Antônio, Paulo Feitosa – UFRJ, Valadão, José Raimundo Cordeiro Neto – Social Enterprises (29) – Armindo dos UNIRIO UFLA, UNIVASF Santos de Souza Teodósio, Walter Msawa, Graziella Maria Comini, Street-Level Bureaucracy, Agency and Social Carros, bicicletas e a mobilidade urbana: Frederico D. M. Quintão – PUCMG, Inequality: how do social-spatial context uma análise do paradigma neoliberal na USP mediates the encounters? (1) - Marie Østergaard cidade de São Paulo a partir da Teoria de Møller, Gabriela Lotta - Aalborg University, Campos (38) – Pedro Fernandes, Tania FGV/EAESP Christopoulos - USP

Session 6 Session 7 Session 8

O papel do capital social no movimento de Understanding the impact of Pact of silence between Business Ethics and CSR?: agricultura urbana em São Paulo (37) Luísa entrepreneurial education in poor a Southern reflection on corporate behavior and Classrooms Caldas, Tania Christopoulos – EACH-USP communities from Brazil (24) – the dematerialization of marginalized identities at 1001, 1102 and Bernardo Bignetti, Maira Petrini - social and environmental conflicts in Brazil (30) – 1103 Banco comunitário abrantes solidário como PUCRS Yuna Fontoura, Armindo dos Santos de Souza dispositivo de emancipação - gestão e Teodósio, Flávia Neves, Marcus Vinícius Peinado difusão do conhecimento: saberes e {REPROGRAMA}: a case study on Gomes - FGV, PUCMG, Universidade Federal de práticas colaborativas das comunidades da gender and technology (23) – Silvia Lavras, Cardiff University costa dos coqueiros (32) – Juçara Santos - Rodrigues Follador – Ponte/Aponte UFBA FGV/EAESP Social Innovation: an effective managerial approach to develop societies and economies (7) Multi-history and construction of – Mohammed Meri – University of Strasbourg methodologies in Brazilian cyberfeminist collectives (25) – Narrira Lemos de Souza - UFR

10h45 – 11h00: Coffee break

11h00 – 12h30: Key note speaker – Ann Cunliffe (moderator: Marlei Pozzebon)

Re-thinking Agency Through a Relational and Postcolonial Lens

12h30 – 14h00: Lunch

14h00 – 15h15 Session 9 (English) Session 10 (English)

Chair: Marlei Pozzebon (HEC) Chair: Jean-Malik Dumas (Tilburg)

Classrooms Social technologies, social innovations and social Advanced debates using theoretical lenses 1001, 1102 and management 1103 Uma visão pós-fundacionalista do sociomaterial (35) – Bruno Leandro – Nourishing social innovation dialogues with the politicized USP-EACH concept of ‘tecnologia social’ (39) – Marlei Pozzebon, Fabio Saldanha e Sonia Tello-Rozas – HEC e FGV/EAESP Coproduction of public services in Brazil: how can structuration theory fit this debate (13) – Dênis Rodrigues, Lizandro Lui, Anny Medeiros - Social technology as a means for community empowerment FGV, UFRGS and its transformation in public policy: The Brazilian case of ITEVA (9) – Ana Clara Souza, Bruno Lessa - UFRGS A Glimpse of Eternity: Existential Concerns in the Management Team and Investment decisions (19) – Jean-Malik Dumas - Tilburg University Social Innovation: An Effective Managerial Approach to Develop Societies and Economies (7) – Mohammed Meri - Agent-based modeling (abm) of the institutional work at huila sub- Strasbourg region area in colombia, south america (10) – Cristian Armando Yepes Lugo - Universidad de la Salle Social management and social administration: an anglophone perspective (12) – Airton Cançado, Flávio Marinho, Helga Iwamoto - UFT

15h15 – 15h30: Coffee break

15h30-17h30: Atelier 2 – Replicating tecnologias sociais: the case of Adel (Ceara) - Glaucio Gomes e Adriano Batista (Diretores)

17h30-18h00: Closing session

18h00: Cocktail – FGV

Street-Level Bureaucracy, Agency and Social Inequality: how do social-spatial context mediates the encounters?

Marie Østergaard Møller, Associate Professor Department of Political Science – University of Aalborg Fibigerstræde 1 Room: 92b 9220 Aalborg Ø, DK [email protected]

Gabriela Spanghero Lotta, Associate Professor Department of Public Management - FGV/EAESP Rua Itapeva, 474 - 7º andar 01332-000 - São Paulo [email protected]

Being treated fairly and impartially by teachers, doctors, nurses, police officers, and social workers is a central component of the ‘quality’ of liberal, democratic government (Rothstein and Teorell 2008). The theory of SLB (Lipsky 1980) claims that this quality is determined in state-citizen encounters, as they provide a privileged place for citizens to interact with the state (Soss et al. 2011). However, even though it is broadly recognized that such local contexts matter in policy provision (Pollitt 2013; Moulton & Sandfort 2017), the idea of policy transfer is pervasive among policy- makers, public leaders and in much public administration research (Evans 2009). Also, the claim that spatial environment facilitates social interaction processes is a recognised micro-sociological hypothesis, but has only recently gained independent empirical interest in SLB studies (Dubois 2010, Møller & Elmholdt 2018). This paper contributes to the relatively limited amount of organizational studies dealing with the social-spatial context of the organization (Monteiro & Nicolini 2015) and to literature about street-level worker agency (Maynard-Moody & Musheno 2000; Dubois 2010; Epp at al. 2014). In the paper, we argue that the social-spatial context matter to the reproduction of social inequality through street-level workers’ autonomy to categorize and interact with citizens. The argument is that if production of time and space creates locality (Massey 1992), then this specifies that macro, meso and micro contexts are intertwined in local settings, and that these contexts must be studied in specific and organised ways, to better understand the relationship between street-level autonomy and street- level worker agency. Therefore, this paper suggests including material aspects as e.g. décor, architecture and digitalized routines in order to qualify the study of reproduction of social inequality in the encounter between citizens and the public sector.

1

As such, the paper provides a theoretical overview of dominating theoretical perspectives on the social-spatial and institutional dimensions of social interactions between street-level bureaucrats and citizens and draws on already published analyses of such interactions to qualify the analytical discussions and theoretical argument put forward in the paper.

List of references Bijker, W. E., Hughes, T. P., & Pinch, T. J. (1987). The social construction of technological systems: New directions in the sociology and history of technology. Cambridge, US: MIT Press de Vaujany, F.-X. & Mitev, N. (2013). Materiality and Space: Organizations, artefacts and practices. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan UK. Dubois,V. (2010). The bureaucrat and the poor: Encounters in French welfare offices. Farnham: Ashgate Publishing Limited. Epp, C.R., Maynard-Moody, S. and Haider-Markel, D. (2014) Pulled Over: How Police Stops Define Race and Citizenship. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Goffman, E. (1967). Interaction ritual: Essays on face-to-face behavior. New York: Anchor Books. Harrits, G. S. & M. Ø. Møller (2014). ”Prevention at the front line: How home nurses, pedagogues, and teachers transform public worry into decisions on special efforts”. Public Management Review. 16 (4): 447-480. Hupe, P. & M. Hill (2007). “Street-level Bureaucracy and Public Accountability”. Public Administration. 85 (2): 279-99. Jewell, C. (2007). Agents of the Welfare State. How caseworkers Respond to Need in the United States, and , New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Lipsky, M. (1980). Street-level bureaucracy: Dilemmas of the individual in public service. Russell Sage Foundation. Lotta, G. & R. Pires (2017). “The (re)production of social inequalities in the encounters between public service workers and users”. In: EGPA 2017, Milano. Massey, D. (1992). “Politics and Space/Time”. New Left Review, 196: 65-84. Maynard-Moody, S. & M. Musheno (2000) “State Agent or Citizen Agent: Two Narratives of Discretion”, Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory 10(2): 329-358. Maynard-Moody, S and Musheno, M. (2003) Cops, teachers, counsellors: Stories from the frontlines of public service. Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press. Møller, M. Ø. & K. Elmholdt (2018). “Den offentlige organiserings materialitet: et studie af fysisk organisering og social interaktion i lokale sundhedshuse”, Politica 50(3): 384-401. Monteiro, P., & Nicolini, D. (2015). Recovering Materiality in Institutional Work: Prizes as an Assemblage of Human and Material Entities. Journal of Management Inquiry, 24(1), 61–81. https://doi.org/10.1177/1056492614546221 Moulton, Stephanie and Jodi Sandfort. 2017 "The Strategic Action Fields Framework for Policy Implementation Research." Journal of Policy Studies. 45(1): 144-169. Pollitt, C. (2013). New Perspectives on Public Services. Place and Technology. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Rothstein, B. and J. Teorell (2008). “What is quality of government: A theory of impartial political institutions”. Governance, 21(2): 165-190. Schneider, A. & Ingram, H. (1997). Policy Design for Democracy. Kansas: University Press of Kansas. Soss, J., R. C. Fording & S. Schram (2011). Disciplining the poor: Neoliberal paternalism and the persistent power of race. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

2 Wagenaar, H. (2004). “Knowing the rules: Administrative work as practice”. Public Administration Review, 64: 643-655.

3 OAP 2019: Politics of Sociomateriality: Reconnecting with Societal Controversies and Political Struggles

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Walking in Berlin: Narrative, time and bodies as a political anchor

François-Xavier DE VAUJANY Aurore DANDOY DRM M&O DRM M&O PSL-Université Paris-Dauphine PSL-Université Paris-Dauphine [email protected] [email protected]

Albane GRANDAZZI Stewart CLEGG DRM M&O University of Technology Sydney PSL-Université Paris-Dauphine Nova School of Business and Economics [email protected] University of Newcastle Business School [email protected]

PSL-Université Paris-Dauphine Place du Maréchal de Lattre de Tassigny, 75016 Paris

1 Walking in Berlin: Narrative, time and bodies as a political anchor

Time and temporality are increasingly central to organization studies research, either in the context of phenomenological approaches, pragmatist research or, more generally, process- based studies. Issues of temporality – time, duration, simultaneity and eventfulness – are increasingly explored by management and organization scholars interested in overcoming entitativist views of organizations and organizing. Some research stresses the possibility of multiple times and even dyschronies (i.e. conflicts of temporalities) in collective activity. Various agencies’ temporality engaged in organizing can be more or less organizing in the same direction (Merleau-Ponty, 1945). Where there is temporal tension one can make sense either immanently in present time, in its historicity and its density (within the same flow, tensions can be lived, see Lorino and Mourey, 2013) or more transcendentally, as conflicting movements.

To the present, few research reports have explored the issue of temporality and simultaneity (Chia, 2002) in management and organization research practices, how different methods and research practices can be both decoupled and dyschronic, as well as the problems raised by this asynchrony. In this paper we will analyse the problem of time and dyschronies at the level of metropolitan research practices. Our key thesis is that most contemporary research practices in management are spatially and, most of all, temporally decoupled. One strong consequence is a weaker or non-existing collaboration between academics and practitioners or, more importantly for us, a temporal decoupling between academics and the city at large with theirs social and political impacts.

We present in this paper our new phenomenological applied method combining auto- ethnography with action-research in the context of learning expeditions managed by academics that ties research activities together, which we term Open, Walked, Events-Based Experimentation (OWEE). This new method aims at re-introducing simultaneity and fluidity in management research practices that are usually disconnected and doing this with a transformative ambition. It relies on the aesthetics, cultures, techniques and actors of collaborative communities and ‘third-places’, in particular coworkers and hackers. It may be a way to overcome problematic dichotomies and re-introduce more simultaneity in academic practices.

2 In the context of this paper, we suggest that activation of new modes of expression could involve academics in much more political and transformative logics of the field; this is an idea also expressed in other research communities. Our main concern is to build a narrative stronger and more integrative of expressions and transformative events, which acknowledges a politics of movements, mobilities and emplacements as elaborated by de Certeau (1980) or Küpers (2015b). Twitter, pedometers and digital cameras are new types of tools; however, experimental exploration of the city is far from recent in social sciences.

One key point of our research is to be both experimentalists in the city with citizens and at the heart of current public and political agendas, in a long-term perspective. Simultaneity matters. To explore the issue of simultaneity, we have used a learning expedition in Berlin, named #collday2017. This experimentation has been a major turning point in the elaboration of the new research protocol presented here. To collect data about the effects of our experimentation, we mainly relied on data from Twitter, which tweets were identified by means of the hashtag #collday2017. The event was thus a great opportunity to bridge and create different micro- collaborations between all these actors and the institutions and institutional fields they conveyed. And the practice of walking was at the heart of it, helping to compose a collaborative grammar between all the people. Tweeting the event while walking can extend the event and its boundary power in space and time.

We see three main contributions of our work. First, for the neo-institutional literature about fields and fields configuring events, the work brings in a more temporal and phenomenological view of events, most of all, extending the notion of fields configuring events (Lampel and Meyer, 2008; Hardy and Maguire, 2010). Events can be re-configurative but they can also create more connectivity-oriented occurrences between actors and tools, making the agency of the next events higher. They can be institutional in Merleau-Ponty’s (2010) sense. Beyond the past, #collday2017 has created an emotion, an expectation, an enthusiasm about future events, increasing the connectivity and agency of the people and tools involved in the events that follow.

Social networks appear as valuable allies for researchers and the development of new research protocols. More specifically, our work also shows the powerful performative effect of micro- blogging through WordPress and most of all, Twitter. During the three days of the event one of the coordinators reached more than 25,000 people; more than extending the event in time and

3 space, this produced a fascinating, global time-space for discussions and interactions, confirming the work of Sergi and Bonneau (2016) about social networks and the lasting performative and visibility effects of micro-blogging. More than ever, social networks are social actors with societal effects (Vaast et al, 2012; Vaast, Davidson and Matson, 2013). They also represent other methodological opportunities, such as combining social networks (usually associated with mere ‘communication’) with workshops and events (usually associated to co- production) in order to design new methods with high transformative power. We see here the exploration of innovative research methods for management and organization studies.

We do not propose an end to normal academic protocols: articles and processes of review and revision and their paradoxes need to keep their place in our jobs (de Vaujany, 2011, 2012). Traditional scientific writing thus still has its place in the meta-narration we described for OWEE (e.g. as included in context in the live tweets). What we are introducing is a relation between researching, theorizing, acting – a new form of action research that can extend the boundaries of these actions. Our key focus and contribution (both theoretical and methodological) is the idea of simultaneity, i.e. generating a set of events likely to create more spatial and temporal connectivity between academic productions and the expectations of practitioners and citizens – something that we hope to have opportunity to experiment further in the years to come.

References

De Certeau, M. (1980). The Practice of Everyday Life. trans. Steven Rendall, Berkeley. de Vaujany, F. X., Walsh, I., & Mitev, N. (2011). An historically grounded critical analysis of research articles in IS. European journal of information systems, 20(4), 395-417. de Vaujany, F. X. (2012). Paradigmatic plurality or citation market? A longue durée perspective of management writing. Journal of Management History, 18(3), 246-267. Hardy, C., & Maguire, S. (2010). Discourse, field-configuring events, and change in organizations and institutional fields: Narratives of DDT and the Convention. Academy of Management Journal, 53(6), 1365-1392. Küpers, W. (2015b). Emplaced and embodied mobility in organizations. Ephemera, 15(4), 797- 823.

4 Lampel, J., & Meyer, A. D. (2008). Guest editors’ introduction: Field-configuring events as structuring mechanisms: How conferences, ceremonies, and trade shows constitute new technologies, industries, and markets. Journal of Management Studies, 45(6), pp. 1025- 1035. Merleau-Ponty, M. (2010). Institution and passivity, Evanston: Northwestern University Press, first edition in French in 2003. Sergi, V., & Bonneau, C. (2016). Making mundane work visible on social media: a CCO investigation of working out loud on Twitter. Communication Research and Practice, 2(3), 378-406. Vaast, E., Davidson, E. J., & Mattson, T. (2013). Talking about Technology: The Emergence of a New Actor Category Through New Media. MIS Quarterly, 37(4). Vaast, E., Lapointe, L., Negoita, B., & Safadi, H. (2012). Stakeholders’ Use of Microblogging to Engage in Emotion Strategies During a Crisis. ICIS, Association for Information Systems.

5 Politics of Sociomateriality: Reconnecting with Societal Controversies and Political Struggles.

9th Organizations, Artifacts and Practices (OAP) Workshop #OAP2019.

July, 25th-26th 2019, FGV/EAESP – Fundação Getulio Vargas / Escola de Administração de Empresas do Estado de Sao Paulo - Sao Paulo – Brazil

Alicja Koperska, PhD Student, Poznań University of Economics and Business

Developing policy solution to ageing. Dialog between the City and Community Makerspace.

Abstract

The topic of Maker Movement in academic dispute has broaden lately, so researchers have made an effort to give it clear definition regarding its heterogeneous origins and fuzzy growth (van Holm, 2017). Broadly, it refers to a few socio-cultural streams, including mainly DIY (Do- It-Yourself) and open source movement (Peppler and Bender, 2013). It is also related to hackers ethic valued freedom of information, collaboration, sharing and deconstruction- reconstruction learning method (Levy, 1984). The founder of Making Magazine – Dale Doherty extended the definition of making process beyond its technological roots giving the example of regular daily activities of many people – gardening, cooking or knitting (2012). As far, as Making is not reserved only for „geeks” anymore, but become a lifestyle, it is also important to think about its implications for economic development. There are more than one thousand of Collaborative Spaces in eighty countries in the world (Schmidt and Brinks, 2017). Contemporarily in Poland working more than 20 of them and around the half call itself FabLab. There are usually situated in bigger polish cities.

This study explores how makerspace contribute to local ageing policy through bridging Makers world with a public sphere of social policy. Specifically, it concentrates on Makerspace Zakład contributions to ageing policy of Poznań City Council. Ageing society have become a huge issue for many countries in the world (Harper, 2014). Probably one of the future societal challenges regarding this concern is to recognise seniors as a socially active and healthy social actor capable to sustain itself and being significant resource for society, community or just own family (Baecker et al., 2014). The term „ageism” was coined by American gerontologist Robert Neil Butler who have used the examples of mechanisms of racism or sexism, but referred to discrimination based on age. Ageism is a process of building stereotypes and discriminating elders because of their age (Butler, 1969). It is justify to assume that making cities age-friendly is one of the main concerns of many local governments (Plouffe and Kalache, 2010).

Although experts in the field of Maker Movement analyse how collaborative spaces existence in the cities influence social policies, there is little research about ageing especially in case of practices of organising forces or movements, which carry these policies out. Studying this problem can possibly fill this gap. Also focusing on solutions on the level of socio-economic policy, it is rarely taken into consideration the issue of the adequacy of the anthropology ingested, and thus way of seeing (elder) man as the substantive actor of social life. This deficiency is to some extent trying to complete the reflection here.

Presented study explored the case of Poznań – one of the largest polish cities and its cooperation with local Makerspace Zakład established to animate local senior communities through a wide selection of programs such as „Poznań generations. Intergenerational workshops in Zakład”. Main research goals were (1) to outline a co-design process of whole program and (2) to explore links between co-creation in a Makerspace and sustainable ageing policy development. Basis of the research are interviews with program participants, the responsible of Makerspace Zakład and local government representative. In the course of achieving the aim, a set of strategies that helped to sustain the collaboration between the city and Makerspace was identified. The findings allow approving the assumption that technical performance of elders can be recognised as a significant resource affecting ageing society and turning it into opportunity.

References:

1. Baecker, R., Sellen, K., Crosskey, S., Boscart, V., Barbosa Neves, B. (2014). Technology to reduce social isolation and loneliness. In Proc ASSETS'14, ACM 2. Butler, R. N. (1969). Age-Ism: Another Form of Bigotry. The Gerontologist, 9 (4) 3. Dougherty, D. (2012). The Maker Movement. Innovations, 7(3) 4. Harper, S. (2014). Economic and social implications of aging societies. Science, 346 (6209) 5. van Holm, E. J. (2017). Makerspaces and Local Economic Development. Economic Development Quarterly, 1 (10) 6. Levy, S. (1984). Hackers: Heroes of the computer revolution. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin 7. Peppler, K., Bender, S. (2013). Maker movement spreads innovation one project at a time. Phi Delta Kappan 8. Plouffe, L., Kalache A. (2010). Towards global age-friendly cities: determining urban features that promote active aging. Journal of Urban Health, 87 9. Schmidt, S., Brinks, V. (2017). Open creative labs: Spatial settings at the intersection of communities and organizations. Creative Innovation Management Abstract Submission

2019 OAP Workshop Sao Paulo

Generativity in algorithmic systems

Dr Anna Morgan-Thomas

Adam Smith Business School University of Glasgow Glasgow Scotland

The paper aims to explores constitutive role of technology in organising. Specifically, I am interested in a particular instantiation of technology – an algorithm – and its generative role in entrepreneurial innovation process. I define algorithm as a step-by-step procedure that acts on a highly formalized information in a largely automated fashion to produce new outputs

(process, decision or knowledge). Software algorithms encroach and permeate ever increasing arrays of products, services and organizational processes (Gillespie, 2013; Kitchin,

2017) and, through the pervasive application of digital technology to everyday activity, algorithms open novel pathways for value creation and value capture (Nambisan et al., 2017).

The spectacular rise of digital ventures, organizations that mobilize algorithms to innovate and derive value from digital economy, provides a powerful case in point (George and Lin,

2017). Considering digital materiality of algorithm, I ask: how may we rethink innovation process to better account for the generativity of digital objects? What does innovation in algorithmic systems tell us about the nature of organising for innovation?

My arguments open with a contention that the every-day accomplishment of organising has become saturated and constitutively entangled with digital materialities. The distinct feature of the “digital” is its non-physical materiality. Unlike physical objects at the heart of organising, such as buildings, desks or machinery, digital objects, including algorithms, are syntactic entities composed of software codes (Faulkner and Runde, 2013). They are non- physical but in spite of lacking physical properties (i.e. form, shape, size, color and mass), digital objects matter nonetheless in that they have implications for whether and how activities and tasks are accomplished (Leonardi, 2012). In other words, the syntactic entities have the ability to prefigure organizing making some actions possible and others impossible or at least more difficult to achieve (Morgan-Thomas et al., 2016).

A non-physicality of syntactic objects has important implications for their generativity: the capacity to produce unexpected and wide-ranging change (Zittrain 2006, p. 1980). Unlike their analog predecessors, digital objects have the unique characteristics of granularity, modularity, and distibutedeness (Kallinikos et al. 2013). Granularity relates to the size of the elementary items that make up digital technology: digital objects can be decomposed into minute components and reassembled in multiple ways. Digital objects are infinitely pliable.

Modularity concerns the relationships between technology’s building blocks and denotes interoperatvity: digital technologies are composed of modules which can be easily combined and recombined to create new forms or functions (Huang et al., 2017) across variety of platforms or digital interfaces (Tiwana et al. 2010; Yoo et al. 2010; Zittrain 2008).

Distributedness captures the fact that digital artifacts are seldom proprietary or contained within a single source. Instead, digital technologies consist of borderless assemblies of functions, information items or digital components that spread over information infrastructures (Henfridsson et al. 2014; Kallinikos et al., 2013). As a result of granularity, modularity and distributedness, digital technologies form transient ecologies of items that are fluid, transfigurable, incomplete and ever evolving, offering unprecedented opportunities for reconfiguration but also substantial challenges in exploitation and management (Kallinikos et al., 2013; Yoo et al., 2010; 2012).

Algorithms represent a specific type of syntactic entities. From an engineering perspective, algorithms are technical entities that reflect a logical sequence of steps and so conceived, algorithm seems and impartial, benign and of limited theoretical interest. However, when coupled with innovation, algorithms are generative in that they can produce new services, products and ways of organizing business activity. Algorithmic innovations are algorithmic, in that they are produced by an organizational system that is functionally and ideologically committed to data and computational accomplishment of decisions and tasks. What makes the system algorithmic, is that it privileges quantification, proceduralisation and automation and that privileging is reflected in innovation inputs, processes and outcomes. I argue that the algorithmic systems produce innovation that is qualitatively and quantitatively distinct because innovation in this context is intrinsically linked with syntactic entities (algorithms) and non-proprietary resources (data). The resulting innovation processes tend to be compressed in time, dispersed across multiple actors and that do not follow the standard logic of the linear, phased product innovation (Nambisan et al., 2017). Although generativity of algorithms can be viewed as self-reinforcing (Wareham et al., 2014 ; Zittrain 2006), the propensity to innovate and generate value resides with reflective agents such as digital new ventures (Huang et al., 2017). Both the process and output of innovation depend on strategic actions at the level of a firm and ventures play an essential role is orchestrating innovation.

Rather that consider the work of individual algorithms, I approach innovation from an algorithmic system perspective. I argue that the narrow technical definition of algorithm that paints it as a sequence of steps misses the boarder system that facilitates the formulation, training, tuning, and deployment of algorithms within different contexts. For me, algorithm is a sociotechnical assemblage that includes the technical component (model, target, data, training data) but also people that debate, decide, prioritize, tune and organize. Innovation in algorithmic systems is a not a black-boxed, stand-alone endeavor but a messy, complex, socio-technical feat of organizing with “hundreds of hands reaching into them, tweaking and tuning, swapping out parts and experimenting with new arrangements” (Gillespie, 2014). The essay aims to take a critical look at this assemblage and examine the logic that guides these hands.

Politicizing the body in the anti-mining protest in Greece

Marianna Fotaki, professor of business ethics, University of Warwick

Maria Daskalaki, professor of organization studies, University of Roehampton

Although organization and management scholars are beginning to research instances of opposition and dissent emerging in response to the global financial crisis, there are no accounts or feminist analyses of how women’s mobilizations contribute uniquely to social movements.

We address this gap by considering a case of women activists resisting mining operations in

Chalkidiki, Greece, to demonstrate how women’s protesting bodies act as agents for organizing resistance within their own communities. Specifically, we address this gap, by turning to feminist theories and practices and provide an account of the feminine resisting body as ‘both spatially constituted and a constituting spatial subject’ (Young, 1980, p. 150). Drawing on the example of the anti-mining movement in Skouries in Northern Greece, we examine how ordinary women turn into activists, crossing the private-public spatial division and putting their body on the line in protest activities. By focusing on the use of the body as a resource for the gendered construction of space (Tyler & Cohen, 2010), we demonstrate ways in which space becomes a place through people’s histories and the meanings they attach to it (Tuan, 1979;

Massey, 2004). We also explore how women’s otherness plays out in and through space (Pullen

& Simpson, 2009; Tyler & Cohen, 2010), with a special focus on how instances of ‘bounded spatiality’ (Young, 2005) are resisted. Doing that, the article proposes an alternative conceptualization of resistance centred on socio-spatialities emerging from the embodied experience and affect. In addition to the work of feminist geographers, we are inspired by eclectic feminist ideas from Silvia Federici (2004, 2010) and Judith Butler (2011, 2015).

Drawing a theoretical inspiration from the concept of reproductive labor and the literature on embodied protest as a form of political action, we argue that women use many diverse means to promote the politics of visibility that erase public and private distinctions as they defend their communities’ rights to living in an unpolluted environment.

Unlike the small-scale extraction practised by humans since antiquity, extractivism refers to economic activities that remove large amounts of a nation’s natural commons, with little or no processing, for sale on the world market, maximizing the profits of privately- (and often foreign-) owned companies, while causing environmental destruction and social disruption (Acosta, 2013). Extractivist states rely on a development model that organizes political, socio-economic and cultural relations, including economic and class structures, gender relations and state and public discourse (Brand et al., 2016) that is based on exploiting and marketing resources for export. This provides little benefit to the communities involved, while increasing the country’s dependence on continuous provision of rough resources and their prices in the global markets. In addition to destroying the countries’ natural habitat and local (sustainable) economy, such dependence helps creating local rentier classes or oligarchs, and increasing corruption (Gudynas, 2013, 2010).

Social movements have decried extractivism, which has been implemented extensively in resource-rich but poor Latin American and other developing countries; it has often been tied to neoliberal reforms. The new ‘cost – effective’ methods have enabled extractive industries to expand from the global South to the North particularly to the sparsely populated areas inhabited by indigenous populations (Willows, 2016; Sjöstedt-Landén and Fotaki, 2018), to poorer ex- communist members of the European Union (e.g. Romania – see Velicu, 2015) or indebted

Eurozone countries such as Greece where attracting foreign investment is a priority

(Tsavdaroglou et al., 2017). Such methods often rely on the open-cast pits mining using the more environmentally damaging cyanide that has led to increased protests opposing these activities (Bebbington, 2012). Our choice of extractivist mining provides us with a case to study the intersection of the GFC as a state of exception (Klein, 2007) that expands the scope for neoliberal capitalist expulsions globally (Sassen, 2013), and the ways such expansion is being resisted.

This article makes the following contributions: First, it develops a theory of the protesting body altering spatial relations as an effective means of opposing the neoliberal assault on life and environment; and second, it enhances our understanding of the role of affective embodiment as a foundation of activist feminist practices. Inspired by Butler’s contention of the performative power of the body in space (Butler, 2011, 2015) which constitutes and recreates space by altering relationships of power within it, we suggest that body is never located in neutral space but that space and the body within it exists in relation to others. We demonstrate the double role of affect, which mobilizes women to act, and is used by them as strategic resource in their embodied struggle. As we see in our case, affect emerges from women’s lived experience of their bodies as (re)producers and protectors of life. One such example that demonstrates the contradictions involved in performing reproductive labor (Federici, 2011) and its resistance potentialities, relates to women’s refusal to work on their husbands’ cash crops in Africa. This has significantly contributed, according to Federici (2009), to the failure of the

World Bank’s development plans for the commercialization of agriculture. Our third and final contribution relates to how women initiate this ‘coming together’ by putting their bodies on the line to resist neoliberal attempts to turn all forms of life into a source of profit: they do so, we argue, by appealing to sociality that exceeds us by using body images to draw on support from close and distant others. Overall, in developing a body–space–resistance nexus in the study of activism, our aim has been to counteract representational conceptualizations of the political, which marginalize the (female) body and exclude contemporary feminist resistances from political consideration.

The contribution to the workshop is that it explores the case of an anti-mining activism

in crisis-stricken Greece, and analyze women’s mobilizations, embodied struggles and

affective relations, emerging from our findings drawing on feminist approaches. It not only

identifies potential areas for future research and some practical implications for (academic)

feminist activism but also argues for academic-practitioner-activist solidarity (Chatterton et al.

2010) in transnational contexts.

References

Acosta, A. (2013). Extractivism and neoextractivism: Two sides of the same curse. In: M. Lang and D. Mokrani (eds) Beyond development: Alternative visions from Latin America. Quito: Rosa Luxemburg Foundation & Amsterdam: Transnational Institute, 61–86. Bebbington, A. (2012). Social conflict, economic development and extractive industry: Evidence from South America. London: Routledge. Brand, U., Dietz, K. & Lang, M. (2016). Neo-extractivism in Latin America. One side of a new phase of global capitalist dynamics. Ciencia Politica, 11(21), 125-159. Butler, J. (2011). Bodies in alliance and the politics of the street. http://www.eipcp.net/transversal/1011/butler/en. Published September 2011. Butler, J. (2015). Notes toward a performative theory of assembly. Harvard University Press. Chatterton, P., Hodkinson, S., & Pickerill, J. (2010). Beyond scholar activism: Making strategic interventions inside and outside the neoliberal university. ACME, 9, 245-275. Federici, S. (2004). Caliban and the witch. Brooklyn: Autonomedia (reprint). Federici, S. (2009). The reproduction of labour-power in the global economy, Marxist theory and the unfinished feminist revolution. Reading for January 27, 2009 UC Santa Cruz Seminar “The Crisis of Social Reproduction and Feminist Struggle”. Federici, S. (2011). On affective labor. In: M Peters (Ed.) Cognitive capitalism, education, and digital labor. New York: Peter Lang. Federici, S. (2012). The reproduction of labor power in the global economy and the unfinished feminist revolution (2008). In: Revolution at point zero: Housework, reproduction, and feminist struggle Oakland, CA & London: PM Press, 91–111. Gudynas, E. (2013). Extracciones, Extractivismos y Extrahecciones. Un marco conceptual sobre la apropiacion de recursos naturales. Observatorio del Desarrollo, 18, 1-17. Gudynas, E. (2010). The new extractivism of the 21st century: ten urgent theses about extractivism in relation to current South American progressivism. Americas Program Report, 21. Horowitz, L.S. (2017). ‘It shocks me, the place of women’: intersectionality and mining companies’ retrogradation of indigenous women in New Caledonia. Gender, Place & Culture, 24(10), 1419-1440. Jenkins, K. (2015). Unearthing women’s anti-mining activism in the Andes: Pachamama and the “mad old women” Antipode, 47(2), 442-460. Jenkins, K. (2014). Women, mining and development: An emerging research agenda. The Extractive Industries and Society, 1, 329–339. Jenkins, K. and Rondón, G. (2015). ‘Eventually the mine will come’: women anti-mining activists’ everyday resilience in opposing resource extraction in the Andes. Gender & Development, 23(3), 415–431. Klein, N. (2007). Shock doctrine. The rise of disaster capitalism. New York: Picador. Massey, D. (2004). Geographies of responsibility. Geografiska Annaler: Series B, Human Geography, 86(1), 5-18. Pullen, A., & Simpson, R. (2009). Managing difference in feminised work: Men, otherness and social practice. Human Relations, 62(4), 561 – 587. Sassen, S. (2014). Expulsions: Brutality and complexity in the global economy. Harvard University Press. Sjöstedt-Landén, A. and Fotaki, M. (2018). Tsavdaroglou, C., Petrakos, K., & Makrygianni, V. (2017). The golden ‘salto mortale’ in the era of crisis. City, 3-4, 428-447. Tuan, Y.F. (1979). Space and place: humanistic perspective in philosophy in geography. In: S Gale and G Olsson (eds). 387-427. Dordrecht: G. Reidel Publishing Co. Tyler, M., & Cohen, L. (2010). Spaces that matter: Gender performativity and organizational space. Organization Studies, 31(2), 175-198. Velicu, I. (2015). Demonizing the sensible and the ‘Revolution of Our Generation’ in Rosia Montana. Globalizations, 12(6), 846-858. Willow, A.J. (2016). Indigenous ExtrACTIVISM in Boreal Canada: Colonial legacies, contemporary struggles and sovereign futures. Humanities, 5(3), 55-70. Young, I.M. (2005). On female body experience: "Throwing like a girl" and other essays. Oxford University Press. Author : Eliel Markman Affiliation : Paris-Dauphine [email protected]

Eliel Markman 20 Rue Docteur Hermite 38 000 Grenoble

Meeting rooms as organizational forums, a case study

Abstract This paper proposes a vision of politics as a way to include or exclude actors from an organization. We take the metaphor of Greeks forums as a frame for discussions that implies being accepted and recognized as a legitimate voice within a debate. Getting back to organizations, we propose a case study on how a project managed company’s employees book their meeting rooms and how the way they do it (official, unofficial, pirate, etc.) is a way to include or exclude actors and, on a wider scale, a path to organizational politics. First, we will give a glance on literature to get to our fieldwork and results. Finally, we explain how we hope to contribute to 2019 OAP’s debates.

Littérature review

« Politics », an organizational complex « Politics » is a complex topic when it comes to organization studies. For many authors, the self notion of « politic » is opposed to the notion of organization. As a start, for Mintzberg (1985; 134) politics is « illegitimate » or « allegitimate ». « Politics » defines actions in favor of one or a small group of individuals (Gotsis & Kortezi, 2010; 2011). Even if some authors concede that being a good manager takes a lot of politics (Butcher & Clarke, 2006; Kurchner-Hawkins & Miller; 2006; Todd et. al., 2009), « politicking » still is quite a pejorative term. In this view, politics is something that might be used for personal purposes (Pfeffer, 1992) or that has no place within organizations and might be eradicated (Mintzberg, 1985). Still recognizing « politics » as something aside, some authors point a certain unicity of point of views when it comes to politics and resistance (Jermier, Knights & Nord, 1994; Dent & Goldberg, 1999; Piderit, 2000; Ford, Ford & D’Amélio, 2008). Going further, Mumby (2005, 22) stipules that this opposition between -on the one hand- organization, on the other hand -resistance or politics- is a marxist dialectical view. The question that remains is « how ? ».

How politics works ? Seen in opposition or going along with an organization, there is two ways to address politics : through space (Kondo, 1990; Gabriel, 1999; Kornberger & Clegg, 2002; Mumby, 2005; Fleming & Spicer, 2007; 2008; Courpasson & Martì, 2016) or through spatial practices (Wasserman & Frenkel, 2010). The notion of forum links those two schools. In this view, politics is no longer seen as a systematic opposition (Mumby, 2005; Wasserman & Frenkel, 2010; Courpasson & Martì, 2016) but as the organization itself. In classical Greece, a Forum was a place where citizens used to meet to discuss decisions relative to the city itself. The forum was the living heart of greek cities and furthermore of Athenian democracy. Citizen debated on how to rule their city in their best interest. As a overall, the real question wasn’t what was discussed but who was able to come and who was able to talk. To this point of view, classical Athen’s democracy included a space (the forum) and a practice (talking and voting) but the real cornerstone was how to access to the forum and to what purpose. Getting back to organization science, our purpose is that organization’s politics need to be studied as available Author : Eliel Markman Affiliation : Paris-Dauphine [email protected] spaces (Kondo, 1990; Gabriel, 1999; Kornberger & Clegg, 2002; Mumby, 2005; Fleming & Spicer, 2007; 2008; Courpasson & Martì, 2016), as a spatial practice (Wasserman & Frenkel, 2010) but also through ongoing interactions to make a political life happen. We’ll try trough a case study on meeting rooms.

Fieldwork and results

Meeting rooms practices : a political case Our fieldwork is an ethnography conducted in a large french corporation near Paris -Mecacorp-. Metacorp is a project managed company that builds cars sold all around the world. Several teams handle projects and managers perceive themselves as « coordinators » better than bosses. On an everyday basis, work happen between meetings as several milestones punctuating projects. Meeting rooms host ruling conversations about ongoing projects and, therefore, are places of a negotiated power. Just like in ancient Greece, the real question seems to be how to access to meeting rooms and who proposes a meeting. Reserving a meeting room seems to be a quite colorful task that can be official, officious of literally « savage ».

Results Depending on how people reserve their meeting rooms and how people answer, Mecacorp employees send different messages to the others on the importance they give to each project. Meeting rooms’s reservation interaction is a significant way to perceive the importance people give to their own project and/or how they legitimate them.

Contribution to the OAP ongoing debates As an overall, this paper gives clues on what politics -actually- are. Further, we foster that , on an internal level, companies are political organs like any others. This passes by a reflection on what means and how is constructed inclusion and exclusion on an organizational scale. Finally, on a wider societal scale, we believe that Trumpism, Bolsonarism or Brexit is a dangerous symptom of what exclusion produces : a desperate will to be heard an any price. Symptom that can be found in regular organizations.

Selective bibliography - Butcher, D., & Clarke, M. (2006). 16 The symbiosis of organizational politics and organizational democracy. Handbook of organizational politics, 286. - Gotsis, G. N., & Kortezi, Z. (2010). Ethical considerations in organizational politics: Expanding the perspective. Journal of Business Ethics, 93(4), 497-517. - Gotsis, G., & Kortezi, Z. (2011). Bounded self-interest: a basis for constructive organizational politics. Management Research Review, 34(4), 450-476. - Mintzberg, H. (1985). The organization as political arena. Journal of management studies, 22(2), 133-154. - Mumby, D. K. (2005). Theorizing resistance in organization studies: A dialectical approach. Management communication quarterly, 19(1), 19-44. - Pfeffer, J. (1994). Managing with power: Politics and influence in organizations. Harvard Business Press. - Wasserman, V., & Frenkel, M. (2011). Organizational aesthetics: Caught between identity regulation and culture jamming. Organization Science, 22(2), 503-521. - Zhang, Z., Spicer, A., & Hancock, P. (2008). Hyper-organizational space in the work of JG Ballard. Organization, 15(6), 889-910. Social Innovation: An Effective Managerial Approach to Develop Societies and Economies

Mohammed Meri - Researcher Laboratoire SAGE-Université de Strasbourg- France E-mail : [email protected]

Abstract Before the technological and computer revolution, the concept of technological innovation covered the field of innovation in applied sciences and its practices. But, a few decades ago, after the great wave of social science development, it was replaced by social innovation developed by universities, research centers and presented and implemented in public and private, national and international organizations. The social dimension of innovation was mentioned to designate processes, namely the diffusion and appropriation of technological innovation. This new vision is posited as a principle according to which technical invention certainly requires social change. This change was part of a vision of the world that simultaneously favored social progress and economic growth, coupled with rising incomes and consumption. The social innovation approach is the result of a change that has sparked questions from researchers and practitioners, in synergy with critics of innovative organizations and practices in various contexts. This paper reviews some published literature on this research topic and analyzes the key elements of social innovation by showing the methodology for implementing the approach as well as the models used by researchers and practitioners. The paper proposes a practical model for applying social innovation in the societies and economies of both developed and developing countries.

Keywords: Social Innovation, Effective Managerial approach, Social development.

1- Introduction The term social innovation has a long history, but recently has accumulated popularity as a concept describing variety of social programs and remarkable initiatives. That is why; many governments have put in place social innovation policies to encourage creative solutions to difficult challenges. Actually, the majority of scientific works on social innovation has demonstrated an interdisciplinary approach: different perspectives on the interaction between technology, society, culture, politics, ecology and economics to understand the processes of transformative change. Action, research and trans-disciplinary research can engage with societal challenges as a means of exceeding a closed academic field, involving the experience and tacit knowledge of practitioners. These specific research approaches can be seen as a social innovation that transforms the way knowledge is produced. Scientists around the world are contributing through their works in social innovation processes, from the point of view of the various inter- disciplines and regions of the world. The approach to social innovation is thus an action-oriented vision with the major changes in services for families, the elderly and children in disadvantaged areas, the world of work. Thanks to the reactions to the loss of jobs, the emergence of new forms of workers' participation, as well as reflections on the field of territorial development, with the modalities of governance and local development, social innovation practice is rooted in urban territories and rural areas. This Paper reviews the literature on social innovation presented by scientists and practitioners, as well as analyzing the elements of social innovation in the new working world. Also, it presents

1 the models / types invented and developed of this approach with a methodology and applied examples. Finally, the paper proposes a practical model designed to improve this innovative approach. 2- Literarure review Over the past decade, social innovation has emerged in many fields of knowledge (social sciences, social and economic development), and the increasing use of the term social innovation has brought concepts, meanings with different interpretations. It is possible to find a variety of concepts that define social innovation, ranging from a simple explanation to collective practices along a path of change associated with high impact. Academic research and best practices about social innovation are essential to understand what are the good works in organizations to offer solutions to social, economic and environmental problems. Social innovation occupies a very important place on the political agenda as a new way of dealing with social issues often overlooked by both the private sector and the public sector as an opportunity to respond to the multiple social crises, economic and environmental issues faced by societies around the world. In most countries, austerity, budget cuts, unemployment, aging, migration and climate change are but a few of the many issues that can be cited as examples of the effects of these crises. The public sector often finds it difficult to adequately address such issues, and the private sector often finds it unprofitable to address these issues. As a result, civil society and individual citizens alike, research centers often try to react and seek new paths through 'social innovation', and new structures, organizations or a multitude of rise. Social innovation can emerge from any sector. (Pisano. Umberto &All (2015). First, the term "social" refers to a characteristic of living organisms as applied to populations of humans. It always refers to the interaction of organisms with other organisms and to their collective co-existence irrespective of whether they are aware of it, the interaction is voluntary or involuntary. (The web'sLargest Resource for Definitions & Translations). Then, in a recent (Forbes magazine) article, "Innovation" is a multi-billion dollar industry. Conferences, books, academic scholars and all kinds of experts tell us that we need to innovate to succeed as entrepreneurs, corporations and as a nation. Talk of innovation is everywhere in the business world, and to be an innovator is to position yourself on the path to a successful life and career. (Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, USA). Also, innovation is defined as: "the process of translating an idea or invention into a good or service that creates value for which customers will pay". Innovation involves deliberate application of information, imagination and initiative in deriving greater or different values from resources, and includes all processes by which new ideas are generated and converted into useful products.(Business Dictionary). So, Innovation is not just an economic mechanism or a technical process; it is above all a social phenomenon. Through its individuals and societies express their creativity, needs and desires. (European Commission (1995). Some scientists have defined social innovation as "a set of new ideas: products, services or models of action that respond to human needs and promote new social relationships". (MOULAERT, Frank et al.(2013 ). Howaldt and Kopp dispute: "social innovations understood as innovations of social practices, are an elementary part of sociology, and therefore – in contrast to technological innovations – can be not only analyzed, but also engendered and (co-)shaped: they are oriented towards social practice and require reflection on the social relationship structure". (Howaldt, J. , Kopp, R. (2012). Social innovations is "new solutions (products, services, models, markets, processes etc.) that simultaneously meet a social need (more effectively than existing solutions) and lead to new or improved capabilities and relationships and better use of assets and

2 resources". In other words, social innovations are both good for society and enhance society’s capacity to act. (Caulier-Grice. J. Davies & ALL.(2012). Social innovation is a novel solution to a social problem that is more effective, efficient and sustainable than other current solutions. The value created accrues primarily to society rather than to private individuals. (Stanford Graduate School of Business, Center for social Innovation). Social innovation is a complex process that profoundly changes the basic routines, resource and authority flows, or beliefs of the social system in which it occurs. Various applications of marketing and diffusion theory are helpful to some extent in understanding the trajectories or successful strategies associated with social innovation. (WESTLEY, FRANCES & ALL ( 2010). The new innovation paradigm is essentially characterized by the opening of the innovation process to society. Alongside companies, universities and research institutes, citizens and customers become relevant actors of innovation processes. Innovation becomes a general social phenomenon and increasingly influences all walks of life. Social innovation will become of growing importance with regard to social integration and equal opportunities to preserving and expanding the innovative capacity of companies and society as a whole. (Hochgerner.Josef & All .(2011). Social innovation is at the heart of reshaping society. It can be and has been used and developed both as a mean and as an end to city governance. Cities need innovative sustainable solutions and new value creation models. (Bonneau. Marcelline, Jégou.François (2014). Social innovation is a process encompassing the emergence and adoption of socially creative strategies that reconfigure social relations in order to actualize a given social goal. (Pue.Kristen &All (2016). The definition of social innovation is distinctive both in its outcomes and in its relationships, in the new forms of cooperation and collaboration that it brings. As a result, the processes, metrics, models and methods used in innovation in the commercial or technological fields, for example, are not always directly transferable to the social economy.(Murray .Robin&All ( 2010). According to EC, Social innovation is often used to delineate a changing reality in terms of both outcome and process. Of course, this further complicates our understanding of social innovation at the operational level. Social innovation should be recognized as a particular mode of action and social change. It must be distinguished from other forms of action or similar notions such as social entrepreneurship or social economy. Some definitions have been able to distinguish themselves, others not. (EUROPEAN COMMISSION- Directorate-General for Research & Innovation Socio-economic Sciences and Humanities ( 2013). Also, Social innovation is used to describe a very broad range of activity. This includes: the development of new products, services and programs; social entrepreneurship and the activity of social enterprises; the reconfiguration of social relations and power structures; workplace innovation; new models of local economic development; societal transformation and system change; non-profit management; and enterprise-led sustainable development. (European Union – TEPSIE project, ( 2014 ). Actually, Social innovation gains reticular support formed by different actors that foster and support innovation in order to become a public policy that make a more dynamic development of the territory.(Bittencourt.B de Lourdes , Ronconi .L.F. de Abreu( 2016 ). Thus, Social innovation is the processes of invention, diffusion and adoption of new services or organizational models, whether in the non-profit, public or private sector. It also describes the outcome, the service or model being developed. (Social Innovation eXchange (SIX) & the Young Foundation for the Bureau of European Policy Advisors. (2010). More than that, Social innovation is a multidisciplinary phenomenon. Processes, practices and perceptions of social innovation tend to challenge not only the perception of state, market and civil society as three separate distinct spheres, but also the established scientific boundaries in academic theory as well as the regulatory frameworks and support structures provided by

3 government agencies. (Eschweiler. Jennifer, Hulgård.Lars (2012). The innovation in question is above all technical, it is to improve the efficiency of productive systems and make them more competitive and profitable. To develop in this way social responsibility of the company, venture philanthropy, social business, and the new public management. This involves redesigning public policies on health, inequality and the environment so that they accompany the sacrifices to be made in times of fiscal austerity. (Klein.Juan Luis & All (2014). The social innovation is a complex and multidimensional concept that is used to indicate the social mechanisms, social objectives and/or societal scope of innovation.( Ligita.Melece (2015). Finally, Social innovation can be defined as the development and implementation of new ideas (products, services and models) to meet social needs and create new social relationships or collaborations. It represents new responses to pressing social demands, which affect the process of social interactions. It is aimed at improving human well-being. Social innovations are innovations that are social in both their ends and their means. They are innovations that are not only good for society but also enhance individuals’ capacity to act. This definition suggests that for an activity to qualify as a social innovation, it must meet four criteria “It must be new, it must address a social challenge and the effect or end result must be equality, justice & empowerment”.(Anderson.Tara&All(2014).

3- Key elements of social innovation: In a few years, social innovation has become a concept of multiple explanations between theories and practices. First used in North America, it became widespread with the arrival, in the 1990s, of the Anglo-Saxon notion of "social entrepreneurs". Then, introduced by the work initiated by the European Community. This definition masks the shades that will serve to define social innovation and its elements in different approaches. It is important to clarify this because they do not have the same implications in terms of political projects. ( l’association RECMA , Revue des études coopératives , mutualistes ,et associatives). Frost & Sullivan, believes that the social innovation is the key element of convergence between technology and societies that is absolutely central. This convergence will define the level of Social Innovation in the future, as well as maximizing the benefits to society. (Frost & Sullivan (2014). The analysis constructed through the steps of the social innovation approach invites us to work on a new logic which makes the need to examine the logic of societal development prevailing in most countries of the world more obvious. This logic, oriented towards competitiveness, short - term profitability and unlimited growth in local, national and global organizations, as well as the state, private companies and civil society, have a role to play in the development of a new mode of production and consumption for the common good. This option would put the partnership and participation of the social economy at the service of a true societal transformation of the democratic orientation. (Lévesque .Benoît &All (2014 ).

3-1- Core elements and common features of social innovation The social innovation happens in all sectors (public, private, non-profit; and between the three sectors). Caulier-Grice et al. (2012) add informal sector, which is described as “activity undertaken by individuals, families and communities that is not captured by these sectors. They suggest the following five elements should be used to define the activity or practices as a socially innovative: (novelty; from ideas to implementation; meets a social need; effectiveness; and enhances society’s capacity to act), which along with the descriptions are outlined in this Table below. ( Caulier-Grice. Julie & All (2012) .

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Table 1. Core elements and common features of social innovation Core elements Description Novelty Social innovations are new to the field, sector, region, Market or user, or to be applied in a new way. From ideas to implementation There is a distinction between invention (developing ideas) and innovation (implementing and applying ideas). Meets a social need Social innovations are explicitly designed to meet a recognized social need. Social innovations are more effective than existing solutions; create a measurable improvement in terms of Effectiveness outcomes. Empowers beneficiaries by creating new roles and relationships, developing assets and capabilities and/or Enhance society’s capacity to act better use of assets and resources.

3-2- The differences between social enterprise, social entrepreneurship & social innovation Some Scholars argue that terms “social innovation”, “social enterprise,” and “social entrepreneurship” are overlapping, but distinct. Moreover, the terms “social enterprise,” “social entrepreneurship,” and “social finance” are often used interchangeably with “social innovation” (Westley. Frances , (Antadze . Nino (2009), (After Westall, A. 2007). Melece.Ligita has shown the difference between social entrepreneurship and social innovation by benefiting from the work of A. Noya which clarifies the links between social entrepreneurship and social innovation. (Noya, A. (2011), (Melece . Ligita ( 2015).

Table2.Links between social entrepreneurship and social innovation Social entrepreneurship Social innovation New responses to social challenges. New solutions to social challenges. Explicit or positive externalities. pursuit Conceptual, process or product change, organizational change and changes in New forms of internal and external financing, and new relationships with governance stakeholders and territories. Mixed financing (Public, private, Monetary and not monetary). Changes in financing. Strong links with territories. Changes in relationships with territories.

Groot and Dankbaar (2014) go even further and indicate that ‘social’ should not be used as an adjective to entrepreneurship, which suggests that some entrepreneurs are social and others are not. ‘Social’ is as a dimension of the results of entrepreneurial action. Entrepreneurship can have social results, intended but also unintended or maybe partially-intended; moreover, new ideas, new products, or new services, may turn out to be social innovations regardless of any social

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impact intended by the inventor. Moreover, the ‘normal’ entrepreneurs should be encouraged to think about possibilities to engage in social innovation instead of thinking that social innovation is something for government, foundations, charity, or non-profit organization.(Groot.A., Dankbaar, B. (2014). 3-3- Social innovation and change in institutions James A. Phills & ALL mention how a social innovation is depending on history and the change in institutions. They discuss the ten recent social innovations reflecting current change: (James A. Phills Jr&ALL (2008). 1. Charter Schools: Charter schools are a social innovation that provides an alternative avenue for students to continue, develop and build upon their educational foundation. 2. Community-Centered Planning: This social innovation allows communities to plan and develop systems that cater solutions to their specific local. . 3. Emissions Trading: The Emissions Trading program was designed to address issues associated with the continuous increase in pollution. 4. Fair Trade: Fair trade is a movement that certifies traders to exchange with the farmers that produce these products. 5. Habitat Conservation Plans: Habitat Conservation Plans is an effort in US to protect species and their endangerment by providing economic incentives to conserve their habitats. 6. Individual Development Accounts: This social innovation is made to support the working poor with saving decisions that they have made to better enhance their lives. 7. International Labor Standards: Labor standards differ country-to-country, contribute to the development of standards that protect workers’ rights to freedom, equity, security, and human dignity. 8. Microfinance: This social innovation is created to support the financially unable to gain access to financial services such as banking, lending, and insurance. 9. Socially Responsible Investing: Investors generally favor businesses and other organizations whose practices support environmental sustainability, human rights, and consumer protection. 10. Supported Employment: The Support Employment service provides access to job coaches, transportation, assistive technology, and specialized job training. Thus, the crucial ingredients of social innovation are such: - Lessons from Postmodernity and Critical Theory - Lessons from Social Marketing - Lessons from Democracy - Lessons from Governance - Lessons from Social Entrepreneurship. (Howaldt, J. and Kopp, R. (2012).

3-4- Key approaches of social innovation The BEPA (Bureau of European Policy Advisors) proposes in its report the outlines of the following three key approaches to social innovation :(EUROPEAN COMMISSION (2013). * Social demand innovations, which respond to social demands that are traditionally not addressed by the market or existing institutions and are directed towards vulnerable groups in society. *The societal challenge, perspective focuses on innovations for society as a whole through the integration of the social, the economic and the environmental. *The systemic change is achieved through a process of organizational development and changes in relations between institutions and stakeholders.

4- Models of social innovation

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All innovations have social effects, and accordingly innovation theory needs a new paradigm to reflect this, rather than attempting to find a distinctive definition for social innovation. (Anderson .Tara & All (2014). An institutionalist approach of the Social innovation is currently the subject of sustained attention in Europe or in other developed countries. In particular, one of the challenges for public authorities is the availability of tools to identify and select projects that favor the emergence of new innovation trajectories through valorization, support and financing initiatives. The purpose of an institutionalist approach is to develop a collective tool for analysis. Markers of social innovation, making it possible to establish a public policy of Support for social innovation. ( l’association RECMA .

4-1- The spiral model of social innovation creation Social innovation goes through stages; it begins as ideas that can then be piloted or prototyped. If successful, the process proceeds to the implementation stage. The final step is to extend the scale so that the new approach has a real impact. The challenge for policy makers is to identify the most promising ideas for the pilot phase and to determine which pilots are best able to improve existing models of practice and to choose from among these pilot projects the projects that should be implemented to become sustainable projects and projects that should be scaled up to bring about systemic socio-economic changes. At this stage, regional authorities are invited to develop programs that stimulate a package of projects at each stage and continue the following steps as shown in the following figure. (EUROPEAN UNION (2013). Figure.1 The spiral model of social innovation creation showing the four stages

4-2- The Québec model of social innovation system The Québec Council for Cooperation and Mutual Societies, the Site of the social economy or Rural Solidarity in Québec, and trade union and inter-union organizations, constitute networks of actors on the scale of Québec City and Area. In all cases, what is aimed at is democratization, the participation of all actors in decision-making. The analysis shows that the influence of social movements on public policies results from two processes: on the one hand, the institutionalization of experiments carried out by civil society organizations; on the other hand, the partnership between public actors and social actors. The relationship between society and the state thus appears to be a fundamental element in a system of social innovation such as that exemplified by the Quebec model. However, this relationship can take several forms such as (a subcontracting report, a coexistence ratio, a supplementary

7 report, a co-construction report). These forms of the model are explained as follows: Subcontracting confines the social partner to an instrumental role. Coexistence reflects the parallel evolution of two spheres (community and public). Supplementary indicates that social organizations have an important place in the implementation of programs. As for co-construction, it operates when community and social economy organizations become actors "in the development and implementation of social policies", which can subsequently promote co- production. (Proulz.SR&All (2005). These four forms are present in the Québec model. This institutional innovation of a political nature can be accompanied by an implementation involving the participation of the stakeholders (co-production). (Klein.Juan-Luis(2009 ). Table.3.The most important innovations of Québec model Sectors Variables Works Conditions local Common Points of life Development

Governance •Partnership * Public / Provisional • Participation in • Partnership. Employers / Community. Tables &Regional, • Governance local & Unions. * Decentralization & local & neighborhood. Regional . • Involvement regionalization. • Implementation • Participation of Employers / * Participation of Of organizations Actors. Employees. Users. Intermediate. • Transversal role of • Union funds’ * Funding at the • Experiences Organisms. Investments. Mission. Regional Planning & Representative of the devaluation. civil society. • Democratization. Co-construction • Organization of • Co-construction of • Co-construction of • Trade-offs between & Work & training, Social policies. Local policies. actors (policies & Co-production • participate in • Policy & Funds • National policy recognition), Advisory Innovation & Fighting poverty. Of the rurality. bodies representing civil change • Forms of assistance • Rural Pact. society. Technological. to Vulnerable people. • Integrated • Vertical Intermediation • Productivity . Urban development. (government / local • Services offered by actors) & horizontal Organizations interactors, Community. Intersectoral). • Participation in decision-making bodies. Pluralism • Creation of • Creation of • Creation of collective • Plurality of ownership Economy collective collective enterprises. enterprises. forms: private, public & enterprises. • Solidarity co- • Trade Union social. • Participation in operatives. Development Funds. • Strategic role of the company • Health Co- • Government Funds. social economy. ownership. operatives. • Resource • Convergence of • Trade Union • Mental Health mobilization funding sources (public, support social Partnership. initiatives. private, social). economy. • Social &community • Intermediation • Multiple logics. • Private housing. action. enterprise • Educational Project. partnership, . government, trade union funds.

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4-3- Types of innovation and Functional system in societies & economies: According to Howaldt Jürgen, Schwarz Michael(2010), all innovations are relevant across all functional systems of the society . They propose a model such as :

Figure.2. Types of innovation and Functuonal system

Eight main types of innovation ... o Products o Processes o Marketing o Organisation o Roles o Relations o Norms o Values

Across four functional systems: o Economy o Culture o Politics o Law

(Howaldt Jürgen,Schwarz Michael(2010),(San Andrés(2013) Summer Course on Social Innovation, Universidad Nacional de Colombia)

4-4- The Transit project for Transformative Social Innovation The TRANSIT project co-funded by (European Commission) and runs for four years, from January 2014 until December 2011, is an ambitious research project that will develop a theory of transformative social innovation which is about empowerment and change in society. It will utilize a research method which encourages feedback from social entrepreneurs and innovators, policy makers and academics to develop a theory with practical relevance. The theory will be based on insights from other theories (transition theory, social movement theory and institutional theory). The research project studies how social innovation can bring about empowerment and societal transformation, it draws on the emerging field of social innovation research, the field of sustainability transitions research. In its initial phase, the TRANSIT project used the (Multi- Level perspective) to conceptualize different levels of transformative social innovation. Social innovations were conceptualized as new services, practices or ideas at the micro-level of ‘niches’. System innovation was conceptualized as change at the meso-level of ‘regimes’. Game-changers were conceptualized as exogenous developments at the macro-level of the ‘landscape’. We conceptualized transformative social innovation as a non-linear interaction between these levels of change and innovation, and introduced ‘narratives of change’ as a particular communication between these different levels. We illustrated these conceptualizations by using three empirical examples of ‘game-changers’, as depicted in figure the below.

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Figure 3. Multi - level Perspective on Transformative Social Innovation

As a result, the TRANSIT project now has as its starting point a conceptual heuristic that proposes five foundational concepts to help distinguish between different pertinent ‘shades of change and innovation’: 1) social innovation, (2) system innovation, (3) game-changers, (4) narratives of change and (5) societal transformation. The five foundational concepts distinguishing between different shades of change and innovation provides short working definitions for each concept. The conceptual heuristic serves to empirically explore how these different shades of change and innovation interact. The working definitions help to guide explorative research on this interaction, in which one can have various empirical starting points. (Avelino . Flor1 & All (2014 ). Table 4. Five Shades of Change and Innovation Shades of Change & Innovation Working Definition Social innovation New social practices, including new (combinations of ideas, models, rules, social relations and/or products). System innovation Change at the level of societal sub-systems, including (Institutions, social structures & physical infrastructures). Game-changers Macro-developments that are perceived to change the (rules, fields & players in the) game of societal interaction. Narratives of change Discourses on change & innovation, (sets of ideas, concepts, metaphors, and/or story-line)s about change & innovation. Societal transformation Fundamental & persistent change across society, exceeding sub-systems & including simultaneous Changes in multiple dimensions.

4-5- Social innovation in NGOs

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Social innovation in NGOs can be most simply defined as: “any solution that has the potential to address an important development problem more effectively than existing approaches. (Bond. Civil society network for global change (2016). TEN FUNDING MODELS. Devising a framework for nonprofit funding present's challenges. To be useful, the models cannot be too general or too specific. 1. HEARTFELT CONNECTOR. Some nonprofits, such as the Make-a-Wish Foundation, grow large by creating a structured way for these people to connect where none had previously existed. Nonprofits that take this approach use a funding model. We call the Heartfelt Connector. 2. BENEFICIARY BUILDER. Some nonprofits, such as the Cleveland Clinic, are reimbursed for services that they provide to specific individuals who have benefited in the past from these services for additional donations. We call the funding model the Beneficiary Builder. 3. MEMBER MOTIVATOR .There is some nonprofits, such as Saddleback Church, that rely on individual donations and use a funding model we call Member Motivator. 4.BIG BETTOR. There are a few nonprofits, such as the Stanley Medical Research Institute, that rely on major grants from a few individuals or foundations to fund their operations. We call their funding model the Big Bettor. 5. PUBLIC PROVIDER. Many nonprofits, such as the Success for All Foundation, work with government agencies to provide essential social services, such as housing, human services, and education. Nonprofits that provide these services use a funding model. we call Public Provider. 6.POLICY INNOVATOR. Some nonprofits, such as Youth Villages, rely on government money and use a funding model we call Policy Innovator. 7. BENEFICIARY BROKER. Some nonprofits, such as the Iowa Student Loan Liquidity Corporation, compete with one another to provide government-funded or backed services to beneficiaries. Nonprofits that do this use what we call a Beneficiary Broker funding model. 8. RESOURCE RECYCLER. Some nonprofits, such as AmeriCares Foundation, have grown large by collecting in-kind donations from corporations and individuals, and then distributing these donated goods to needy recipients. Nonprofits as this model we call Resource Recycler. 9. MARKET MAKER. Some nonprofits, such as the Trust for Public Land, provide a service that straddles an altruistic donor and a pay or motivated by market forces. Nonprofits that provide these services use a funding model we call Market Maker. 10. LOCAL NATIONALIZER. There are a number of nonprofits, such as Big Brothers Big Sisters of America, that have grown large by creating a national network of locally based operations. These nonprofits use a funding model we call Local Nationalizers. (William Landes Foster, & All (2009).

5- Finding Social innovation labs are increasingly popping up and evolving all over the world. They mostly focus on startups and business development around topics such as energy, environment, civic participation or the cities as laboratories but a lot is happening outside this scope focusing on people, society, challenges and how new technologies and new form of cooperation can result in change and impact. These are the (19 inspiring social innovation):

5-1- Examples and case studies of social innovation in practice worldwide

1- IMPACT HUB NETWORK, One of the pioneers of social innovation labs are impact hubs with 80 locations worldwide. They were already working on a more holistic innovation model that goes beyond just startup incubation. The results are projects that go in various directions for

11 non-profit. Since its beginnings, the Impact Hub has focused on the global south and has an impressive worldwide representation. 2- LONDON, UK: PARTICIPATORY CITY, This lab focuses on a specific district in London to test a new participatory system. So far they have designed and tested 20 new practical projects to see how such a new form of neighborhood collaboration can work for an every-day benefit. 3- GERMANY: SOCIAL IMPACT LAB, These Social Impact Labs are located in half a dozen cities (Berlin, Frankfurt, ...) in Germany and focus on social enterprise development. People with project ideas can apply and receive a six-month mentorship and training programme. Projects are diverse starting from cooking with kids, over online driving training for elderly, to microfinance. 4- FRANCE: LA 27E RÉGION , La 27e Région calls itself a “public transformation lab.” The goal behind the lab is to e-examine public policy by engaging citizens and civil servants. It mobilizes the capabilities of multi-disciplinary teams composed of designers, idea generators, and social scientists from many fields (ethnography, sociology, participant observation) and engages in ground-level actions (do-it-yourself projects, adult education actions, etc.). 5- BARCELONA, SPAIN: BCNLAB, Barcelona Laboratori is a place and platform for creativity from the Future Institute Barcelona. Their main objective is to encourage innovation through public and private collaboration between the arts, science and technology. The lab’s origin lies on the culture domain, but they experiment a lot with technology and citizen science. 6- DENMARK: THE MINDLAB, The MindLab is a cross-governmental or civic innovation lab whose projects are based on finding solutions to social problems. They cover broad policy areas such as entrepreneurship, digital self-service, education and employment. 7- AUSTRIA, GRAZ: THE CITY LAB, The City Lab is civic and social innovation lab created to tackle issues relating to urban quality of life. At their core lies the vision of a sustainable city or Smart City, considering its diverse technical, planning, economic and social challenges to increase the quality of life in neighborhoods, city districts and city regions together with the people concerned. They create spaces for ideas and engage with stakeholders from business, public administration, science and research as well as citizens and civil society. 8- VANCOUVER, CANADA: THE LOCAL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT LAB, The Local Economic Development Lab is a social innovation lab with an economical focus. Their aim is to promote or achieve inclusive and sustainable economic development in disadvantaged urban communities through social projects and with the support of stakeholders. LED lab has worked on social innovation projects together with Vancouver’s local residents, university graduates, organizations and networks to generate job opportunities, hence increase personal income. 9- NEW YORK CITY, USA: THE GOV LAB, A civic innovation lab that aims to engage individuals and civil society as well as governmental institutions to find solutions to common problems. To achieve collaboration, they build platforms, networks, and assess whether existing governance innovations do actually have an impact on people’s lives. They have a range of interesting projects with a heavy technology and data focus. 10- BALTIMORE, USA: SOCIAL INNOVATION LAB, The Baltimore Social Innovation Lab supports companies and organizations developing innovative solutions to local and global problems with funding, mentorship, and resources. They believe that social entrepreneurship can serve as a transformative and empowering force capable of creating jobs, improving public welfare, and revitalizing communities.

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11- , USA: CIVIC INNOVATION LAB, A civil innovation lab located in LA where citizens and government work collectively to develop urban solutions, (housing, education, small businesses, neighborhood stabilization, and transportation). How they work? They create a multi-stakeholder process designed to prototype and test viable solutions for civic and social challenges - driven by citizens, informed by open data, and supported by local government. 12- AUSCKLAND, NEW ZEALAND: CO-DESIGN LAB, The Lab has been established to provide a neutral space to explore the case for change using collective impact, co-design and other innovative approaches to complex social issues. The Lab is funded by Treasury, and is co- located with its other key sponsor Auckland Council’s Southern Initiative team in Manukau. 13- LAHORE, PAKISTAN: CIVIC INNOVATION LAB, A civic innovation lab conformed mostly of volunteers who work in collaboration with government, non-profits and media. They work with technology, data, policy and design projects to strengthen their communities. Some of their projects are: Fuel Locator, an app to help people find fuel available in times of shortage; Social Story Telling App, an app to empower citizens to be heard people can share their stories with the world and even find solutions together. Behind the initiative is the (Codeforall network). 14- JAKARTA, INDONESIA: UN GLOBAL PULSE, They are a civic innovation lab driven by the United Nations focusing on projects using social media and other sources of data to address social development challenges, (food and fuel prices, employment and urban poverty). The Pulse Lab work in cooperation with government, UN agencies, academia, private sector, and other international organizations to kick-start projects such as, “Translator Gator, a new language game to support research.” The United Nationals Global Pulse has another lab in Kampala, Uganda. 15- SOUTH AMERICA: SOCIALAB, Socialab is a whole Southern Latin American network around social innovation. They are an NGO whose aim is to tackle social challenges, such as poverty and inequality, and generate positive social impact through a socio-economic development model. Their main task is to support, fund and co-work with entrepreneurs who have ideas to solve social problems and have a social impact vision. Through their social innovation workshops and consulting, they put to good use work methodologies, lessons-learnt, and know-hows to actually achieve results. 16- MEXICO CITY: LAB FOR THE CITY, The Lab for the City is a hybrid (governmental and civic) innovation lab which facilitates collaboration and dialogue between citizens and government. They promote creativity and innovation in and out of government and are constantly prototyping and testing practices and ideas to adapt them to the needs of the city. 17- CHILE: LABORATORIO DE GOBIERNO, Part of the Government of Chile, the Laboratorio de Gobierno is a civic innovation lab, which serves to build new relations between the government and citizens. They develop, facilitate and promote innovation processes in public services with an emphasis in citizens. 18- INNOVATION LAB KOSOVO, As a civic innovation lab, it works on projects related to children and youth. With the use of information and technologies they can analyze and understand the dynamics of need and service provision in ways never previously possible: we can uncover pockets of vulnerability, understand need in real time, and radically increase transparency and accountability. 19- NAIROBI, KENYA GARAGE, An innovation lab in Kenya that hosts various fascinating initiatives such as Code for Africa working on open data and open government projects. One such project is Star Health: Keeping the health sector accountable to citizens. ( Kreutz.Christian ( 2016 ) .

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5-2- Practical Model (proposed) for social innovation: After analyzing the literatures of and the Models related to Social innovation, I propose below practical model: Figure. 4. Proposed Practical Model for Social Innovation

Identifying the needs of: Research & ideas: Building relationship with:

- Economic sector - Innovative researches - Local partnership - Social sector -Benefiting of best (Public, Private,NGOs,Civil,..) - Environmental sector practices. - National Partnership

- Other sectors. - International partnership.

Social Innovation Model Process

Doing &Improvement by: Social Innovation Models Organizing the work by:

- Starting by pilot project - Searching for Innovators - Resources and means - Diffusion - Social Capital Flow - Multidisciplinary Team - Evaluating & feedback - Inventing Models works - Improving& Progress. - Adaptation. - Effective Plan - Standards & Measurements

- Conclusion and recommendations: Social investment can give entrepreneurs and decision-makers the opportunity to significantly increase their impact, such as a change in strategic direction, organizational structure, culture and values in relation to the company's initial mission. These are the conclusion and recommendation: 1- The social innovation is a new approach describing variety of social programs and remarkable initiatives especially in developed countries. 2- Many governments have put in place social innovation policies to encourage creative solutions to difficult socio-economic and environmental challenges. 3- The majority of scientific works and best practices on social innovation have demonstrated an interdisciplinary elements and models or different perspectives on the interaction between technology, society, culture, politics, ecology and economics to understand the processes of transformative change. 4- Action -research and trans-disciplinary research can engage with societal challenges as a means of exceeding a closed academic field, involving the experience and tacit knowledge of practitioners. 5- The approach to social innovation is an action-oriented vision with the major changes in services for families, children in disadvantaged areas and in the world of work. 6- Social innovation practice is rooted in urban territories and rural areas. 7- This Paper proposes a practical model designed to improve this innovative approach and implement it in the developed and developing countries.

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References - After Westall, A. 2007. How can innovation in social enterprise be understood, Encouraged and enabled? A social enterprise think piece for the Office of the Third Sector. Cabinet Office, Office of The Third Sector, UK, November. Available at http://www.eura.org/pdf/westall_news.pdf (accessed 10 October 2008). - Antadze . Nino (2009). Making a Difference: Strategies for Scaling Social Innovation for Greater Impact. The Public Sector Innovation Journal, Volume 15, Issue 2, article 2. pp. 1-18). - Anderson .Tara & All (2014) Definition and Theory in Social Innovation- Master of Arts in Social Innovation, Danube University, Krems). - L'association RECMA: Revue des études coopératives , mutualistes ,et associatives), http://www.recma.org/la-revue). - Avelino. Flor & All.(2014) Report Synthesis Workshop Game-changer & Trans-formative Social Innovation, TRANSIT Proceedings, Synthesis Workshop , 01-02 September 2014, DRIFT | Erasmus University Rotterdam, TRANSIT: EU SSH.2013.3.2-1 Grant agreement no: 613169). - Avelino .Flor 1 & All (2014 ) Game Changers and Transformative Social Innovation. The Case of the Economic Crisis and the New Economy, Workshop on “The role of Game-changers in Transformative Social Innovation”, TRANSIT: EU SSH.2013.3.2-1 Grant agreement no: 613169, 1-2 September 2014, Rotterdam). - Bittencourt .Bernadete de Lourdes ,Luciana Francisco de Abreu Ronconi (2016) Social innovation and development policies: the case of Land Exchange (Bolsa de Terras), Revista de Administração Pública , Print version ISSN 0034-7612 , Rev. Adm. Pública vol.50 no.5 Sept./Oct. 2016 , ).http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7612151759 ). - Bonneau .Marcelline , Jégou .François (2014 ) Social innovation in cities, URBACT II Capitalisation, December 2014, Saint Denis, France, http://urbact.eu). - Bond . civil society network for global change ( 2016 ) An introduction to social innovation for NGOs- Issue briefing , bond.org.uk.) - Business Dictionary. www.businessdictionary.com/definition/innovation). - Caulier-Grice. Julie & All (2012:18) Defining Social Innovation- Part 1, TEPSIE, The Danish Technological Institute and the Young Foundation.) - Eschweiler .Jennifer , Hulgård .Lars ( 2012 ) SOCIAL INNOVATION AND DELIBERATIVE DEMOCRACY, Research Centre for Social Entrepreneurship ,Roskilde University, Denmark, WP no. 12/04. EMES European Research Network 2012). - European Commission, 1995: Green Paper on Innovation. .http://europa.eu/documents/comm/green_papers/pdf/com95_688_en.pdf). - European Union – TEPSIE project,( 2014 ) SOCIAL INNOVATION THEORY AND RESEARCH- A Guide for Researchers, SOCIAL INNOVATION THEORY AND RESEARCH , https://webgate.ec.europa.eu/ socialinnovationeurope/, tepsie.eu). - EUROPEAN COMMISSION- Directorate-General for Research & Innovation Socio-economic Sciences and Humanities ( 2013 ) Social innovation research in the European Union Approaches, findings and future directions -POLICY REVIEW, Brussels). - EUROPEAN UNION (2013 ) GUIDE TO SOCIAL INNOVATION- Regional and Urban Policy, February 2013, http://ec.europa.eu/bepa/pdf/publications_pdf/social_innovation.pdf.

- Frost & Sullivan (2014 ) Social Innovation to answer Society’s Challenges – white paper, FOTRST.com, Canada). - George Ritzer Nathan Jurgenson( 2010 ) Production, Consumption, Prosumption - The nature of capitalism in the age of the digital ‘prosumer’, First Published March 9, Journal of Consumer Culture 2010, Vol 10, Issue 1, 2010 ). - Grice, J. Davies, A. Patrick, R. Norman, W. (2012) Defining Social Innovation. A deliverable of the project: “The theoretical, empirical and policy foundations for building social innovation in Europe”

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(TEPSIE), European Commission – 7th Framework Programme, Brussels: European Commission, DG Research. - Groot, A., Dankbaar, B. (2014). Does Social Innovation Require Social Entrepreneurship? Technology Innovation Management Review,Vol. 4 (12), pp.17-26 ). - Hochgerner .Josef , & All .(2011)” Vienna Declaration - The most relevant topics in social innovation research, publ i shed Nov . 10, 2011,Dortmund, Sozialforschungsstelle der Technischen Universidad ». Published Nov.10, 2011. www.sfs-dortmund.de) . - Howaldt, J. and Kopp, R. (2012). Shaping Social Innovation by Social Research , chapter in: Hans- Werner Franz, Josef Hochgerner, and Jürgen Howaldt, Challenge Social Innovation: Potentials for Business, Social Entrepreneurship, Welfare and Civil Society. Springer: Berlin/Heidelberg: 43-56). - Howaldt Jürgen , Schwarz Michael(2010):Social Innovation: Concepts, Research Fields and International Trends. The first is from 2010 and provides an overview of trends in emerging social innovation concepts and research areas. You can download the whole (slim) book from the internet and dig into the first 37 pages they have big margins - and relatively big fonts ;-) ) : http://www.internationalmonitoring.com/fileadmin/Downloads/Trendstudien/Trends_V2/IMO- MAG%20Howaldt_final_mit_cover.pdf. - KLEIN, Juan-L et al. The Quebec system of social innovation. A focused analysis on the local development field. Finisterra, v. 47, n. 94, p. 9-28, 2012). - Klein .Juan-Luis(2009) L’innovation sociale au Québec : un système d’innovation fondé sur la concertation, Cahiers du Centre de recherche sur les innovations sociales (CRISES), - Klein .Juan Luis & All (2014) L’innovation sociale, d'accord, mais laquelle,? Politis, 12/18 JUIN 14, Hebdomadaire ). - Kreutz. Christian ( 2016 ) 20+ INSPIRING SOCIAL INNOVATION LAB EXAMPLES WORLDWIDE, CRISSCROSSED, Thoughts and resources on digital social innovation Mar / 30 / 2016, HTTPS://WWW.CRISSCROSSED.NET/2016/03/30/SOCIAL-INNOVATION-LABS-WORLDWIDE) . - Lévesque .Benoît &All (2014) L’INNOVATION SOCIALE - Les marches d’une construction théorique et pratique, Presses de l’Université du Québec, Canada.). - Ligita Melece (2015 ) SOCIAL INNOVATION AND ITS TYPES IN RURAL AREAS, Latvian State Institute of Agrarian Economics, Proceedings of the 2015 International Conference “ECONOMIC SCIENCE FOR RURAL DEVELOPMENT” No38 , Jelgava, LLU ESAF, 23-24 April 2015, pp. 142- 153). - Melece . Ligita SOCIAL INNOVATION AND ITS TYPES IN RURAL AREAS, Latvian State Institute of Agrarian Economics , Proceedings of the 2015 International Conference “ECONOMIC SCIENCE FOR RURAL DEVELOPMENT” No38 Jelgava, LLU ESAF, 23-24 April 2015, pp. 142-153). - Murray .Robin, & All ( 2010 ) .THE OPEN BOOK OF SOCIAL INNOVATION, SOCIAL INNOVATOR SERIES:WAYS TO DESIGN, DEVELOP AND GROW SOCIAL INNOVATION, The Young Foundation, UK ). - MOULAERT, Frank et al.(2013) The international handbook on social innovation: collective action, social learning and trans-disciplinary research. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing. - Noya, A. (2011). Social Innovation: Improving Individual and Collective Well Being. The OECD Perspective. Retrieved: http://efi2011.eai.eu/sites/default/files/documents/30november/NOYA_fin.pdf. Access: 3.01.2015). - Phills . James A. Jr., Kriss Deiglmeier, & Dale T. Miller "Rediscovering Social Innovation", Stanford Social Innovation Review Fall 2008). - Pisano. Umberto &All (2015 ) Social Innovation in Europe An overview of the concept of social innovation in the context of European initiatives and practices, Social Innovation in Europe ,ESDN Quarterly Report 36 – April 2015, Institute for Managing Sustainability, Vienna University of Economics and Business, Welthandelsplatz 1, Building D1, A-1020 Vienna, Austria). - Proulz SR,Promislow.DE,Philips.PC (2005 ) Network thinking in ecology and evolution, Center for Ecology and Evolutionary Biology, 5289 University of Oregon, Eugene, OR 97403-5289, USA 2

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Department of Genetics, The University of Georgia, , GA 30602-7223, USA, Trends Ecol Evol. 2005 Jun;20(6):345-53 ). - Pue .Kristen, &All ( 2016 ) TOWARD A THEORY OF SOCIAL INNOVATION, Innovation Policy Lab White Paper 2016-01, Munk School of Global Affairs, University of Toronto , Canada) . - Social Innovation eXchange (SIX) and the Young Foundation for the Bureau of European Policy Advisors. (2010). “Study on social innovation”. European Union: Social Innovation Exchange. Retrieved from http://www.socialinnovationexchange.org/node/4959). -Stanford Graduate School of Business, Center for social Innovation, https://www.gsb.stanford.edu/faculty-research/centers-initiatives/csi/research). - The web's Largest Resource for Definitions & Translations). - Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia,USA), http://kwhs.wharton.upenn.edu/2013/10/innovation). - WESTLEY, FRANCES; ANTADZE, NINO: Making a Difference: Strategies for Scaling Social Innovation for Greater Impact, Innovation Journal. 2010, Vol. 15 Issue 2, p1-19. 19p. 7 Diagrams). - William Landes Foster, Peter Kim , Barbara Christiansen ( 2009 )Ten Nonprofit Funding Models,Stanford social innovation Review , Spring 2009, https://ssir.org/articles/entry/ten_nonprofit_funding_models).2017 Stanford University.

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Steinhausen, 31. October 2017

Contact: Mr. Peter Brass Weidenhalde 11 D-88416 Steinhausen mailto:[email protected]

Content

1 Economical Beliefs ...... 3 1.1 Profit ...... 3 1.2 Utility ...... 3 2 Stable money circuit4) ...... 5 2.1 Current situation1) ...... 5 2.2 Demurrage money ...... 5 2.3 Time accounts ...... 6 2.4 Private sector and public sector ...... 6 3 Application of a utility oriented monetary scheme ...... 9 3.1 The problem ...... 9 3.2 The idea ...... 10 4 Implementation of the experimental monetary scheme ...... 11 4.1 Employees ...... 12 4.2 Employers ...... 12 4.3 Supply of goods and services; purchasing association, Import traders ...... 13 4.4 Public management, public money and time accounts ...... 13 5 Payment scheme and exchange mechanism ...... 16 5.1 Exchange and transaction mechanism ...... 17 6 Additional terms and considerations...... 20 7 Summary ...... 21 8 Appendix and references...... 23

1 Economical Beliefs

1.1 Profit

Our society is profit-oriented. Profit is the interest of individuals. It concerns microeconomic transactions, a peer to peer (p2p) consideration. It is the surplus or additional income in a transaction for the seller of goods and services and is an additional cost for the buyer. Not everybody profits in the transaction. The buyer has to pay the profit. This bad for the buyer because it reduces his own profit.

Profit can be measured. It is a part of the price and prices are measured using money as a medium of exchange.

Profit and ownership are two sides of the same coin. They coexist. Profit is the part of price which is kept to increase property. Owning property is a natural part of being human as a way of being less dependent from others. A self-determined life is the main motivation for entrepreneurship. Competition is the attempt to make it better than other’s. It benefits the market, which improves and so appears to be a positive aspect of this p2p consideration.

But from a macroeconomic standpoint it is the beginning of inequality. An increase in the concentration of money capital leads to an increase in the concentration of productive capital. Over time the general population is disadvantaged through loss of competitiveness and its own means of productivity, which leads to exclusion from economical participation and social function. It is a kind of wasting life.

The profit-oriented market is a p2p consideration. The less you trust others the more you have to depend on property. The more property you own, the less you trust others. The result of this normal human behaviour is a rising helix of inequality. Inequality is the consequence of mistrust. The pursuit of capital dominates all p2p transactions and leads to uneven negotiating power. In the usual economic sense, utility involves a maximisation of profit in p2p transactions as buyers attempt to save costs by choosing the best price for an optimum basket of goods and services in a competing environment of suppliers.

1.2 Utility

Why is utility defined in this way? Why can utility not be considered as a macroeconomic benefit, as a common or social interest? Shouldn’t the main objective be a more effective division of labour? An optimal division of labour includes also an optimal distribution of productivity and means an optimal distribution of wealth coming from this productivity. The immense technical progress of the last century and the near future produces fantastic opportunities to improve all our lives. We have opportunities we have never had before. We already have the means to improve our society and social life. If we start to take more care about the consumption of resources and the environment, life should become more peaceful and sustainable. We should start to appreciate the advantage of redefining the meaning of utility and how this could benefit society as a whole.

We have to recognize that our resources are not limitless and our objective should be a long- term consideration of utility orientation as a statement for sustainability. It means we should consume resources carefully, using only as little as possible, and keep goods in circulation for as long as possible through longer use.

Profit orientation is dominated by the need to generate profit. It reduces quality of life and encourages the consumption of resources and energy. If we recognize utility and profit as different objectives and consciously choose utility as the more useful objective, then we can exert minimum effort for maximum gain. The same amount of work may be necessary but, like the prosperity, it would be better shared. This would then lead to a reduced consumption of goods and services. We would adapt our behaviour to utility orientation and begin to enjoy improved quality of life. A better society empowers itself to fulfil these demands if everything is shared more equitably. Overall, the consumption of resources and energy decreases. Utility orientation and sustainability work synergistically. If we can overcome our fear, we can begin to focus on the more important things in life.

The aspiration of influence and power through increased wealth is maybe reasonable in a profit-oriented p2p and private consideration, but it also leads to the concentration of capital in among a small number of people. No one knows where it will eventually lead, but it already represents an incalculable risk for the peaceful coexistence of nations. We exert more economical effort trying to charge money reservoirs in off-shore financial places than we do respecting our own utility-oriented behaviour. Politics should be concerned with representing all social classes and counterbalancing profit-oriented market interests. Unfortunately, we observe that authorities support business and profit-orientation at the expense of lower social classes. This happens in all highly sophisticated and democratic societies.

Although we should respect people’s aspirations for wealth and their desire to take advantage of competition, we also want to reduce the overall influence of big business and money in favour of creating a utility-orientation approach. Profit and utility are neither contradictory nor the same. It is the (economical) belief of this paper that it is possible to change from profit to utility orientation. Money is at the heart of capitalism and profit- orientation is its disease. The proposal of this paper is an alternative money system that will allow capitalism to be a useful tool for everyone, lead capitalism into utility orientation, and domesticate capitalism.

2 Stable money circuit4)

2.1 Current situation1)

Why do we have a dangerous concentration of money? Money is the social achievement resulting from the division of labour in society. The process has been continuing over millennia. Until now it has been a profit oriented monetary system, but money is not a law of nature. It is human made and we have to the power to change the current system. Our society is obligate to consider better alternatives. Money is perfectly adapted to gain profit, but imperfect with respect to utility. There are two main disadvantages: It is interest based and the control of money supply follows the demand of profit. The total amount of money and receivables grows continuously, it never declines. Inflation and instability are the consequences.

From the point of view of the money owner it seems incomprehensible that money should disappear. Rather, our experience gives us the opposite feeling that money disappears too fast. We would prefer to keep it, which gives us a feeling of security. It goes against the grain that money should disappear. The reality however, is that money does not disappear. Instead it changes owner. More than that it finds its way to large and super-large accounts of the rich. This concentration of capital is a high risk for our future. These ultra-large assets can grow without limits and force us to continue to follow the profit-orientation of the market and money holders of these assets. We are dependent on the market and these money holders. Money holders could act in social responsibility but they seldom do. Their increasing assets signify increasing inequality and poverty.

Interest and profit are synonymous. They are the main concerns of banks and investors behind entrepreneurship. The key problem is interest and compound. Interest rates represent the profit of money holders and financial markets. Compound interest acts like a centre of gravity. The larger it is, the more it tends to attract more money. Large investments gain more money than small investments. It is mathematically evident that 1% of 100 is 1 and 1% of 1.000.000 is 1.000. However, interest rates on large investments are usually higher. Holders of large amounts of money are in advantage and gain more money. Wealth ends up being distributed to the few and the majority have to pay the interest on the large assets. The distribution of capital has been unequal for millennia, but the situation has become extreme. Money invariably flows to large assets and rarely never flows back to the wider population. If a large investor loses money through investments, he loses it to other large investors. It never goes back into society. We do not have to understand the behaviour of financial markets in detail. It is sufficient to understand the principle. We can distinguish between two classes. One class comprises money holders: those who have large assets that they can use to become wealthy. The other class comprises those who work for their money and have little prospect of becoming rich. Both classes use the same money. This leads to dramatic faults in price creation and makes a fair relationship between both sides impossible. We might reconsider the use of different types of money for daily life trading and speculative trading.

2.2 Demurrage money

Initially we might consider demurrage money as the best answer. Silvio Gesell invented the theory of demurrage money2). Demurrage money is money of low or zero interest, where the demurrage is always higher than the interest rate. Demurrage is not a fee or tax. Demurrage means that the money slowly disappears. Demurrage money behaves like ordinary money. It is a means of payment and medium of exchange. In a short-term consideration is it also a store of value. However, it does not allow a long-term storage of value. Large money accounts would dissipate over time. Large assets of money would become impossible. It solves the problem of money concentration. Money holders would have to find alternatives to increase their wealth, for example by investing in land. This is the disadvantage of demurrage money. If demurrage money is to benefit society then there must be protection to avoid the cumulation of alternative assets, productive capital, i.e. a fair distribution of land. Otherwise all non-asset holders are forced into a new dependence on asset-holders. Silvio Gesell called the protection against the sale of tangible values ‘reform of land’. Demurrage increases the circulation of money dramatically. This is the main benefit of demurrage money. The higher the circulation of money, the less money is necessary. It increases p2p transactions. Many more people become involved in business activities. The result is a better share of productivity and prosperity between the members of a community. Demurrage money is the main tool to reach utility orientation. A second aspect is cost reduction. The absence of interest reduces costs for almost all goods and services due to the absence of the hidden expenses caused by compound interest. Demurrage money is advantageous for all people who must work to get money. This affects almost all people. On the other hand it is not advantageous for money holders who earn money through money, though this is an extremely small minority. Currently, everybody tries to avoid the demurrage. The advantage of demurrage money for individuals is not appreciated. It is a big challenge to convince most people that this money would be an advantage for almost all of us.

2.3 Time accounts

Division of labour is the bedrock of our society and the foundation of prosperity. Division of labour means mutual dependence and allows all social classes to interconnect. These dependencies can overcome social boundaries. Social care is a common problem in the community. It is not possible to consider it as a p2p transaction. An alternative monetary scheme is required to improve social care. Time accounts are an instrument to count given time and to redeem this time later for required social and public services. It is an allocation scheme based on mutual supply of labour and help. Where such systems are absent in capitalist economies it establishes a social insurance system that develops public infrastructure and establishes an accepted and self-sufficient administration in the community. It is a sharing and payment system and scheme for social and public services. Mutual support and interest is the achievable value. Thereby are time accounts the most advanced store of value. It is a public monetary scheme. Time accounts can count public money and time money. Public money is owned and will be used by the public sector. Time money as savings of the private sector. It is the same money, only distinguished by the ownership.

2.4 Private sector and public sector

We distinguish between public sector and private sector. Demurrage money is money of the private sector. Price formation is a consequence of trading, the equilibrium of supply and demand in p2p transactions. This needs the private sector and money as a mean of payment and medium of exchange. Demurrage money meets these requirements for the daily p2p transactions. It is a self-balancing system and reflects the free market mechanism. It allows members of the community to create their own business and entrepreneurship to gain properties by trading. It supports the idea of a free market, but it does not allow savings.

Time accounts is the monetary scheme of the public sector. To share is the advanced form of saving money. Time money and public money meet this requirement, they are a store of value, particularly in a long-term consideration.

Time accounts are not a stand-alone solution, because public sector is critical for price formation and a free market mechanism. They must be a complement and extension of demurrage money. Thereby public money and time money can only arise by transactions of the private sector into public sector and savings. They are without demurrage and interest. Demurrage would destroy the function as a sharing and saving system. Vice versa time accounts would destroy the effect of demurrage. Thereby public money and time money should not be used for p2p transactions in the private sector. Transactions from the public sector and savings into private sector must change them back into demurrage money. A store of value needs stable money. Public sector pays with public money. It is a supplement to demurrage money and the private sector. It includes many functions and compensates the malfunction of free market behavior. On one hand it is an investment program into the public sector and social care. It allows the community to establish minimum wages, and even to establish an unconditional basic income. On the other hand it offers the opportunity for the private sector to generate savings, which is not possible with demurrage money. It reflects the advanced meaning of store of value in a utility oriented society. Savings in time accounts take demurrage money out of circulation. This is a tool to avoid overheating money circulation, which could cause an inflation of demurrage money.

The exchange of official money are the reserves of local money. Demurrage is not a tax, but it creates a gap between the amount of reserves and demurrage money. It offers the opportunity to use this gap for issuing additional public money as capital investment into the local economy – see figure 1.

Figure 1 – gap between demurrage money and reserves in official money

Demurrage money and time accounts are an approach to improve the cooperation between private and public sector. It keeps money in circulation and lead into a better distribution of capital. This scheme does not claim to be complete. It could include other monetary schemes, but it is a first draft, and worthy of experimental validation. It is the draft of a sustainable and stable money circuit. 3 Application of a utility oriented monetary scheme

My previous papers are all theoretical approaches3)4)5). Experimental validation is in these previous cases is not possible. This new approach allows experimental validation. It offers a first small and feasible step to transform our profit-oriented system to utility orientation. An experimental structure includes the private and public sector. The size of this first experiment is probably a local community. The dimension of the structure must be sufficient to enable self-sufficiency, at least for the daily life needs of this community. The elements of the private sector are employees, employers, traders, import traders and banks. It is the trading in the free market, p2p transactions, entrepreneurship, selling and purchasing. The elements of the public sector are public management, authority or administration of the community, purchasing association and banks. It means development of public infrastructure and social care and management of imports and exports to and from the scheme. Compliance with national law is important. An experimental monetary scheme requires the good will of authority and central bank, but the first experimental structure should be unobserved and without too much global observation. However, there are always powerful and global interests who fear losing profit and power. They will try to prevent the experiment before it starts. We can assume that financial markets will recognize the benefits and accept the scheme, if the experiment succeeds. Money needs trust. The free decision of almost all members of a community to use an alternative monetary scheme is an essential precondition. Donation or start up financing would promote the decision, especially in communities where the local economy is struggling. This monetary scheme is much more efficient than by the direct donation of official money.

3.1 The problem

Money needs trust. Money owners want to be able to buy all available goods and services for a certain price. They do not want any restrictions. The problem of almost all local monetary schemes is that only certain local products are available at some local traders. Some explanations: We can call local business cycles the Inside The inside is the space for the implementation of the experimental monetary scheme. Inside is not able to produce everything locally. Inside is not completely self-sufficient. It needs the Outside. The Outside is the global market and big business who provides all goods and services, which are essential, but not available to the Inside. These are imports. The Outside does not accept local money. It needs official money to purchase imports. Due to this is it not possible to substitute official money. Alternative money must run beside official money. This leads to the next problem. Why would someone use alternative money if he can use the normal money? Nobody puts official money into a local scheme without gaining some benefit, except collectivists. It is difficult to get alternative money in circulation, as nobody wants it. It cannot create business and acceptance without circulation. The most important and difficult challenge is to convince the community, the authority and central bank to start an experiment. Compared to this all of the other obstacles are minor. If one community can succeed then it will demonstrate that it is possible establish alternative monetary schemes.

3.2 The idea

Almost all transactions involve official money. Local money creates a closed local space, but a stand-alone alternative monetary scheme is not possible. The idea is to divide the price into two parts. One part is in official money. The other part is in local money. The price-part in official money is the proportion of imports. This cannot be avoided, because this is the proportion of essential outside goods and services. This part escapes to the outside market as productivity and profit of the big business. The price-part in local money is the proportion of local input. We want to increase this part of the price, because this part remains as local productivity and profit in the community. The more the price shifts to the local side, the more the community benefits, and the opportunities of self-determination are improved. If the community is able to act carefully and responsibly, d reasonable, self-determination means they have the opportunity to create prosperity and social peace. We do not want eliminate profit orientation, but we want reduce it to a reasonable size. The objective is to establish a convincing stable money circuit. If a pilot experimental monetary scheme succeeds, other communities will follow the lead. 4 Implementation of the experimental monetary scheme

What is the local input? A community is a geographical location with inhabitants. The inhabitants are the members of the community. In economical-terms this means productivity where the power of labour is the local input. Without local people’s labour there is no means of productivity. These are the resources of a community. To use, to improve and to increase these resources is the objective through a shift to the local input. The means of productivity without the power of labour is useless. Only labour and division of labour creates prosperity. Wages are a key factor in establishing an experimental monetary scheme.

The first and most important aspect is enthusiasm. The experimental monetary scheme fails completely if community does not accept and trust the idea. They must be interested in the concept and goals. This requires promotion and education to recognize that the benefits outweigh the disadvantages.

The second approach is to pay wages in local demurrage money. If employees can choose, they should spend their income in local money. Fair conditions for the employees are vitally important. The experimental monetary scheme will fail completely, if the purchasing power of wages decreases.

The third approach. Local money is not present at the beginning. It becomes necessary to change profit oriented into local money to pay the wages or the local part of price. This secures the value of local money, because the asset of exchanged official money guarantees the value and the exchange mechanism. The exchange rate between the different types of money is always 1:1. This keeps the comparison of prices simple and exchange becomes easier. Local money is a payment system charged by official money. It is not money in the official sense. It is not an extension of money or the creation of new money. This should allow the national authority and central banks to accept this experimental monetary scheme, especially if an advanced government is willing to support the development of local and national economies. If the pilot scheme is kept small and allowed to develop largely unobserved, it will not affect global business or international relationships. It is a payment system comparable to the charging and payment with mobile phones.

The fourth approach. It is also possible to pay the local part of price with official money. This part exchanges automatically in local money. These are exports and increase the trading surplus of the local economy.

The fifth approach is to avoid the immediate return-exchange to official money and the non- use of local money. It might be useful to charge money exchange from local to official money. The exchange over transactions in goods and services must be kept free of charge. This is necessary to keep prices unaffected.

The sixth approach. If authority does permit payments in local money then taxes should be transferred into official money. This keeps the system in compliance with national law. It is an advantage for the local economy if the local authority accepts local taxes in local money.

The seventh approach. Everybody shares the disadvantages of demurrage. Everybody assumes hidden fees or taxes. There must be acceptable schemes for saving money, otherwise most members of the community will not be able to save. The system must offer accounts for saving time accounts and even official money. Deposits in time money are time- fixed to avoid the immediate transfer into official money.

The eighth aspect is a simple handling of the local money. It is an important part of the experimental design that the administration of the local monetary scheme as simple as possible. Any additional complexity would make the scheme less attractive.

Development of prosperity by accelerating money circulation is the main objective. The introduction of a stable money circuit with demurrage money is the key feature of this experimental monetary scheme. It will be convincing if the community can recognize strong benefits despite the expenses of demurrage. A reform of land is not necessary as rich money holders can keep their assets in official money. This is an advantage compared to a stand- alone solution of demurrage money.

4.1 Employees

What are fair conditions for employees? Purchasing power must remain equal or improve better for the same work. At the very least, the purchasing association or import traders must guarantee the availability of goods and services. This enables everything to be purchased in local money, even goods and services from the outside market. The purchasing association or import traders must offer competitive prices to keep the level of purchasing power constant. Employees assume the disadvantages of demurrage like all other groups. However, this group are the first to benefit and benefit more than the other groups. Employees consume most of their income. They are usually not able to generate appreciable amount of savings. They spend the income before demurrage arises. Demurrage is not relevant for this group. However, the increasing money circulation increases demand for local services. This increases the demand for employees. On average there is an increase in income for employees in the community. The individual income does not change, but more people gain an income. As purchasing power increases, individuals begin to seek local services that they were afraid to ask for previously because they were avoiding demurrage. They can also do it more often as they begin to lose their fear of not gaining any income. Nevertheless, implementation and acceleration of money circulation must happen in a short time, otherwise the benefits are not obvious and the experiment fails.

4.2 Employers

It makes no difference to the employer whether he pays wages in official or local money. The costs for wages are the same. It is slightly more difficult to handle more than one money, but dollarized economies are already forced to handle two currencies. A small local employer will recognize the benefit of a local monetary scheme and start paying wages in local money, while a rich local employer might be concerned about his assets and wait until he recognizes the benefits. Then he starts paying wages in local money. Multinational employers keep wages in official money. This is a challenge but not an insurmountable one. Payment of the local part of the price with official money comes through exports. The higher the payments of wages and exports, the faster the acceleration of money circulation and the faster the shift to local input. The experiment fails if not enough people move into the local monetary scheme.

4.3 Supply of goods and services; purchasing association, Import traders

Local business cycles need a sufficient supply of goods and services. Local supply is usually not self-sufficient and requires imports. Imports are goods and services from Outside. It is not essential but it is desirable to use local money for imports. Imports and inside supply in the local scheme must be also competitive. This should be taken into account in the planning of the scheme. Otherwise consumers remain in the official system and the experimental monetary scheme fails.

Usually exchange is from local into the official money necessary to enable purchasing of imports. However, the aim is to maximise the number of transactions through the local monetary scheme. This increases the use of local money. The greater the number of transactions in the local scheme, the greater the amount of securities in official money. This improves the credibility and confidence in the local scheme. Due to this is it useful to introduce import traders to enable purchasing of imports with local money. The import trader accepts local money and offers the service for the complete exchange procedure. The purchaser can buy goods and services as he would with official money. The import trader offers the imports and carries out the exchange of money for his own benefit. This allows imports through the local scheme and increases the number of transactions.

It is difficult to describe the requirements for import traders, because every community is different. Part of the experiment is to understand the requirements and to adjust the scheme for each community. Getting a business cycles in a local monetary scheme is especially difficult, as few suppliers will be willing to accept the local money. It might require a particular regime at the beginning, before the behaviour of free market can be established. A local purchasing association might be a reasonable approach for the active initiation of supply in the local scheme. The function of this organization is to support the initiation and implementation of the experimental scheme. It must be a non-profit organization controlled and established by the community. The purchasing association initiates the circulation in such a way as to offer all missing products using local money. It connects not only the demand with outside supply, but also with inside supply to introduce the participating local suppliers who accept local money. The less suppliers accept local money, the more the local scheme must compete against these outside suppliers. It might force the organization to operate supermarkets and a purchasing platform on the internet for all members and suppliers who want to buy with local money. This would be a remedy for the dominance of global players. If the volume of transactions increases significantly and the local monetary scheme succeeds, private traders will be able to completely substitute for the purchasing association and import trading can change back to free market behaviour.

4.4 Public management, public money and time accounts

This monetary scheme is a general approach to support not only for private business but also social life and local infrastructure in a community. One special objective is for public services to become possible in communities with less or no social and local infrastructure. As every community has different requirements, is it impossible to describe the adjustment of the local monetary scheme in detail. A general design rather than a specific design is required. Negotiations over the implementation might be extremely difficult, as expectations will be different. The behaviour and terms of community members, local authority and national law must all be in agreement. However, if agreement is not reached, there will be no progress and new ideas will be needed if a sustainable and wonderful future is to be possible. The approach must be feasible, sustainable and fair. Public sector is the complement to the private sector. Public management is the complement of private business. Public management means education, health care, geriatric care, local infrastructure, means for communication and decisions in the community and much more. The management is also responsible for the local monetary scheme.

Some idealized assumptions are necessary to allow an explanation of the monetary scheme in a very general way. Community is social and not profit oriented, able to control and establish public affairs and the monetary schemes. The local authority is a part of the public management. Everything is in accordance with national law. It is the objective of the government to promote a fair distribution of prosperity.

First aspect – transactions from public to private sector: Public money is the unit of account for payments in the public sector, because local authority will probably not accept losses by demurrage. Demurrage is not necessary, as public sector is not profit oriented. Due to this public bank accounts are without time-end fixation. This allows local authorities to accept the local monetary scheme and to use the local money for local expenditures. The public sector uses public money for payments into private sector. Its name changes to time money, but the money is the same type. Individuals of the private sector own time accounts, but time accounts have a time-end fixation in order to avoid bypassing demurrage. Recipients of public money can choose the exchange either in demurrage money, if they need the money for own expenditures, or they keep it as time money, if they want to increase savings.

Second aspect – transactions from private to public sector: Individuals own time accounts. They can use time money at the end of time-end fixation for payments to the public sector. Time money is equal to public money. There is no need for any exchange. The private sector can also pay with demurrage money. Demurrage money exchanges into public money. The exchange rate is 1:1 and there is no charging.

Third aspect - Exchange mechanism between official money, public money and time money: It is not possible to exchange official money into public money or time money, because they are a supplement of demurrage money. Payments with official money from the private to the public sector is possible but would be unusual because the private sector prefers to spend demurrage money in order to save official money. Payments with official money from the public to the local private sector can either be done with official money. The exchange into demurrage money is preferred. The handling process is the same as for payments with official money in the private sector. An direct exchange of official money into time money is not provided, as official money owners usually want to gain interest in the conventional bank system.

Fourth aspect – Surplus of public money: Demurrage means that the money disappears. It is not a tax. It disappears but corresponding amount of exchanged reserves in official money does not. It leads to a surplus of securities in official money compared to the circulating demurrage money. It allows the issuing of the corresponding amount of public money. Public money is always an investment in local and public services.

Fifth aspect – issuing of additional public money: Payments with public money are possible for goods and services. Issuing of additional public money means the use of the gap between declining demurrage money and the reserves in official money. The use of this money is restricted to payment of wages. This leads to direct investment into human resources and is an important measure to reduce unemployment in a community. It should be no problem to establish public paid services, as the focus of this monetary scheme is suffering communities with high rates of unemployment (and almost all public services are based on labour?). It even offers the opportunity to improve and enlarge public services. Recipients of public money again can exchange it in demurrage money or can keep it as time money in their time accounts. The employee will exchange almost all received wages in public money into demurrage money, as it is probably an important part of their income.

Sixth aspect – enabling savings for individuals: Prosperity could increase to a point where the local money circulation overheats. An oversupply of money creates inflation. Savings in time accounts can take demurrage money out of circulation and help to avoid inflation. Time accounts are a store of value. They must have time-end fixation to ensure this function. Time delay is also necessary to avoid the bypass of demurrage money. However, this is the safest and most advanced method for savings. It is sharing, the taking and giving of social and public services. This ensures a strong community, which will then make sure that individuals and supported and protected through their lives.

Seventh aspect – It is necessary to offer loans in local money. This is possible if the stock of savings in time accounts is constantly high enough. The value of a loan is limited to the stock-level of time accounts in time-end fixation and to the time of credit-payback. Local money needs to keep the correct correlation to the exchanged and backing official money. Loans should not generate new money out of nothing. Creditors must take loans in official money if not enough time accounts are available for lending. All local loans are in demurrage money. It is an exchange of the corresponding time- accounts into demurrage money.

5 Payment scheme and exchange mechanism

At least one payment scheme is necessary. It doesn’t necessarily have to be a public scheme, but it must offer all members of the community access. It manages the accounts, the exchange between the different types of money and ensures sufficient backing with official money. The easier the handling of exchange is, the higher the acceptance of the local monetary scheme.

First aspect – charging of local money: local money always arises through the exchange of official money. This guarantees the value of local money and the access to imports. Might be comparable to a payment system with mobile phones like M-PESA6). Due to this is it possible to describe the local scheme as a payment scheme and not as an alternative currency. It enhances position of the monetary scheme when trying to get national authorities, the central bank and global players to comply with national law and interests.

Second aspect – volume of transactions: the higher the volume of transactions in local money, the higher the volume of reserves in official money. The higher the volume of reserves, the better the financial standing of the monetary scheme. A certain volume enables the of the deposits in official money, in the same way as banks do it. However, the community should avoid these investments on the global financial market. This could be dangerous as these assets could lead to greed. A serious payment system is needed that would not does not allow this possibility.

Third aspect – price split or transaction split: The price divides into two parts. One part is in official money for the imports and the other part in local money for the domestic business. The name of this transaction scheme is price-split. However, price-split in a domestic transaction is not necessary if it is not a prepayment, because the purchaser carries out the import-part for selling in a previous and separate transaction. It makes it possible to distinguish between import and domestic transactions. It allows domestic transaction to be carried out completely in local money instead of using complementary money. In this case, every domestic transaction automatically exchanges payments into local money. The name of this transaction scheme is transaction-split. The advantage is that it increases the volume of transactions in local money and simplifies the payments. The scheme of import trading ensures the competitive availability of import goods and services. However, local traders might fear the loss of business from a purchasing association or from traders who do not join the local scheme. They might not accept the import scheme and do not want become an import trader. The acceptance of an import scheme strongly depends on the experience and attitude of the community. However, the community can choose between price-split or transaction-split in domestic and import trading. The choice depends on the trust of the community in the local monetary and import scheme. If the community wants to become economical independent and self-determined, it will be transaction-split. If members prefer to keep property in official-money, especially if they do not like the import scheme, it will be price-split.

Fourth aspect - Bank scheme or block-chain technology: Mobile phones and block chain technology are probably the best solution for all described transactions in the local monetary scheme. Block-chain is a technology for decentralized accounting and let become a conventional bank system and accounts less important. Paying with mobile phone is the future and already common in many places. It could simplify the handling of the local monetary scheme completely. It might be useful as back-up solution have a centralized system to record assets in time accounts. However, it is part of the experiment to evaluate the stability and trustworthiness of communication and block-chain transactions. This method is not suitable for poor communities where people rob or kill other people for mobile phones. We should not endanger life. Such places might have to use a classical bank scheme with usual accounts and bank notes. The situation and attitude in a community determine the payment scheme. Each community needs its own solution. This paper does not mean to describe the payment scheme in detail. It is part of the experiment to evaluate detailed solutions.

5.1 Exchange and transaction mechanism

The exchange rate from official money to demurrage money is 1:1. Exchanges should be as easy and as simple as possible. The exchange is not charged. The mechanism should avoid any kind of restrictions. Purchasing of goods and services priced in local money and paid with official money can be seen as export trading of the local business area. The payment exchanges official money automatically into demurrage money without charging. Exports are highly welcomed to increase the volume of transactions in local money.

The exchange rate from demurrage money to official money is 1:1. Exchange must be sufficiently charged to avoid purchasing power being lost from the local monetary scheme. The fee must be experimentally determined. Payments for goods and services priced in official money and paid with local money are imports. The payment exchanges local money automatically into official money without charging. All kind of transactions concerning goods and services are free of handicaps. This also includes imports handled by a purchasing association or import traders.

The mechanism does not provide the exchange from official money to time money. The exchange from official money to demurrage money as an intermediate step is necessary to enable savings in time accounts.

The mechanism does not provide the exchange from time money to official money. The exchange from time money to demurrage money is an intermediate step necessary for the exchange in official money. Time accounts are exclusive for savings in the community.

The mechanism does not provide the exchange from official money to public money. Payments to the public sector remain in official money.

The mechanism does not provide the exchange from public money to official money. The public sector will use official money for payments priced in official money. Public money is exclusive to the local sector. It forces the public sector to keep public money in the local sector.

The exchange rate from demurrage money to time money is 1:1. Exchange is possible without any restrictions or charging. If the monetary scheme overheats, it might be useful to limit the savings in time accounts. It is part of the experiment to determine the limit and to find out if a limit is necessary.

The exchange rate from time money to demurrage money is 1:1. Time accounts have time- end fixation. The time-end fixation is necessary to avoid the escape of demurrage money into time accounts, because everybody wants to avoid demurrage. Exchange without limitation and charging is possible after time-end. The exchange of time money before time-end is charged. The closer to time-end, the lower the fee. It is part of the experiment to determine the time-end and amount of charging until time-end arrives.

The exchange rate from demurrage money to public money is 1:1. Exchange is possible without any restrictions or charging. Demurrage money exchanges automatically into public money.

The exchange rate from public money to demurrage money is 1:1. The receiver of the public money can choose either to exchange it into demurrage money or to keep it in time accounts with time-end fixation. It depends on whether the recipient wants to spend or save the money. The recipient can tailor this process to his own needs.

Time accounts and public money are equal. Time accounts are the savings of the private sector. Public money is the payment system of the public sector. Time accounts are for payments in the public sector. In this case time accounts are without time-end fixation. The main objective is to spend the savings in time accounts for public services so as to provide social care in the community.

The exchange rate from public money to time money is 1:1. The recipient of public money can choose either to exchange it into demurrage money or to keep it in time accounts with time-end fixation. It depends on whether the recipient wants to spend or save the money. The recipient can tailor this process to his own needs.

Demurrage gets public money. As already mentioned, demurrage money disappears. This leads to a surplus of reserves in official money. The public sector can use this surplus.

It is possible to use the stock of time accounts for loans. Local money should not be issued if there are no reserves. This it is it important to keep the stock of time money in time-end fixation in balance with the payback of credits. The lent time money exchanges into demurrage money with the exchange rate of 1:1. A small charging of loans might be possible. Interest rates are not possible. It would destroy the sense of demurrage money. It is a bank business.

6 Additional terms and considerations

This monetary scheme applies mainly to poor communities with informal economical infrastructures. The implementation in rich communities based on modern and profit oriented infrastructures is possible but requires more conviction. Whether poor or rich, members must be convinced to put money and effort into change, as the scheme is voluntary.

The first and most difficult step is to find and to convince an appropriate community. If this community succeeds in the implementation of a local monetary scheme, many other communities will follow quickly. Success in the community means stable or growing business cycle and well-distributed prosperity for all members. Major changes will happen as soon as the society recognizes the benefit of a utility-oriented economical infrastructure.

At the start the monetary scheme is an experiment. The target is to find the right parameters and settings. The community has to be of a sufficient size. The fewer the number of participants, the fewer the transactions. The local monetary scheme will fail if the business volume is too small. Business cycles will not run properly and the number of transactions cannot grow. However, it is possible to connect communities together, as the exchange rate of the local money into official money is always 1:1. All communities use the same local money. It is possible to extend the local monetary scheme up to a national monetary scheme. As soon as the national central bank accepts and secures the complementary monetary scheme, it offers additional opportunities to extend the amount of complementary money over the amount of exchanged and officially backed money for effective public investment programs. The realm of official money is the maximum possible extension, as the scheme needs the backing of official money. The scheme should remain within national border or the risk of money laundering would be too high. Transformation into official money and substitution of official money is desirable as soon as the global financial markets are willing to accept the currency and exchange system of ANNA3)4)5). 7 Summary

Our society is profit oriented. That leaves us with big challenges like f. e. environmental protection and a fair future for everybody. The term sustainability summarizes all aspects. Sustainability is only possible if we transform our profit-oriented economy into utility- orientation. However, our current profit oriented monetary system does not allow this transformation. It requires an alternative utility oriented monetary system, but changes are only possible on a local level within small communities. We have to use the complementary monetary scheme, as it is impossible to substitute the dominating profit-oriented monetary system. However, acting locally can bring about changes globally, as local economies can merge and grow together. In the end this leads to a sustainable global solution and a wonderful future.

The approach of this utility oriented complementary monetary scheme is to split the price into two parts. We still have to pay one part in unavoidable official money, but the idea is to pay the other part in a local monetary scheme. The task is to keep and distribute the productivity fairly in the local economy and to prevent the profit being lost into the global financial markets where only global stakeholders benefit. The foundation of all utility, and also for this scheme, is division of labour. The more transactions that take place in the local scheme, the more prosperity and benefit based on local labour can be realised locally. The higher the interest and motivation to run the local scheme, the more utility is created for the community and the less money is wasted in the global financial system. It is the perfect scheme to help economically struggling regions.

This paper describes a complementary monetary scheme, but it is a first draft and does not claim completeness. It describes only general aspects, but the approach is feasible on a local scale. For a sustainable and fair future is it desirable to transfer the theory into practice. The first implementation will be an experiment and investigation to find and adapt the necessary terms and requirements. The first community to be convinced and willing to take the first step and initiate the experiment has the opportunity to change the world. Let us take the first step.

Many thanks for proofreading to David

8 Appendix and references

1. essay with the title “financial crisis explained by the theory of Freigeld“ available at http://de.slideshare.net/SehrGlobal http://sehrglobal.blogspot.de/2013/

2. Silvio Gesell (*1862 +1930): Die Natürliche Wirtschaftsordnung durch Freiland und Freigeld, (published by Gauke, Kiel SBN: 978-3-87998-421-3) http://userpage.fu-berlin.de/~roehrigw/gesell/nwo/

Werner Onken: Silvio Gesell und die Natürliche Wirtschaftsordnung. Eine Einführung in Leben und Werk, ISBN 3-87998-439-5

Margrit Kennedy: Interest and Inflation Free Money (Published by Seva International; ISBN 0-9643025-0-0;) or http://userpage.fu-berlin.de/~roehrigw/kennedy/english/chap1.htm

3. availability of the essay “model of a neutralised currency and exchange system for central banks - part I introduction “ http://de.slideshare.net/SehrGlobal http://sehrglobal.blogspot.de/2014/

4. availability of the essay “model of a protected currency area for developing countries - part II application“ http://de.slideshare.net/SehrGlobal http://sehrglobal.blogspot.de/2015/

5. availability of the essay “complementary currencies and deflationary crisis“ http://de.slideshare.net/SehrGlobal http://sehrglobal.blogspot.de/2016/

6. William Jack, Tavneet Suri: Mobile Money. The Economics of M-PESA. The National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge MA 2011 (NBER Working Paper Series 16721).

7. list of figures and tables

a. figure 1 – gap between demurrage money and reserves in official money

b. table 1 – overview exchange and transaction mechanism Social technology as a means for community empowerment and its transformation in public policy: The Brazilian case of ITEVA

Ana Clara Aparecida Alves de Souza Programa de Pós-Graduação em Administração Universidade Federal do e-mail: [email protected] Rua José do Patrocínio, 408. Ap. 102. Cidade Baixa – Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul.

Bruno de Souza Lessa Programa de Pós-Graduação em Administração Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul e-mail: [email protected] Rua José do Patrocínio, 408. Ap. 102. Cidade Baixa – Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul.

Social Technology (Tecnologia Social) emerged in Latin America, more specifically in Brazil, and aimed to offer a rupture in the social vision of technology (DAGNINO, 2009; THOMAS, 2009). The conception and development of social technologies are based on the interaction and political struggle between social groups that pursue to defend the interests and needs of local communities through a critical action when compared to the ones established by the mainstream. The notion of social technology refers to a broader meaning in which organizational methods and arrangements are considered in their specificities (POZZEBON, 2015). Cruz (2017) defends the triple thesis that social technology is technically legitimate and authentic; it is a singular and irreplaceable way for designing certain types of technical solutions that align more properly with the sociotechnical horizons of popular groups; and it enables to transform the mode of technological production. According to this perspective, we focus on the case of the Instituto Tecnológico e Vocacional Avançado (ITEVA1 - Technological and Advanced Vocational Institute in Portuguese). ITEVA is a non-profit organization of the civil society located in Aquiraz, , a municipality with strong roots in indigenous traditions, located about 30 kilometers from the capital Fortaleza. Since 2004, via the Midiacom Project, ITEVA has promoted the qualification of young people for free in various areas. Through training courses involving information and communication technologies (ICTs), the Institute has been forming adolescents and young people from public schools in the region. Because of this work that has been developed for more than 20 years, ITEVA has been acknowledged as one of the municipality’s public utilities. The Midiacom Project began when ITEVA’s creators, Fábio Beneduce and Vanessa Belém, realized the opportunity to train young people of Aquiraz to produce good visual PowerPoint presentations to be sold to companies or individuals. The presentations were outstanding even for professionals of the area. Although the project started with this specific product, nowadays, it offers other services, enabling young people benefited to be also agents in improving the lives of others just like them. Something that takes place once they reach a certain level of knowledge, a moment when

1 http://www.iteva.org.br/ these youngsters can choose to leave the project and go for the conventional job market or to be hired by the Institute and transfer the knowledge acquired to other young people through the Cooperative Midiacom.net. By mostly choosing for the latter, the protagonism of these activities has become based on a collective construction engendered by those who had been previously benefited. The success of ITEVA’s efforts made the social technology they developed to be recognized as an important and innovative social strategy during the Cid Gomes Government (2006-2009 / 2010-2013 PSB), with Professor Izolda Cela (current vice governor 2014-2018 / 2019- 2022). Such recognition led that administration to establish ITEVA’s methodology as a public policy for the inclusion of young people, meshing it with another project that had also already been developed for a while: the State Schools of Professional Education, an initiative also widely recognized for its success. The Midiacom methodology conceived by ITEVA gained scale with this partnership with the State Government by providing training in ICTs, which, despite the use of conventional resources, makes a methodological turn as the protagonism passes directly to and through the social actors benefited. We understand here that ITEVA’s work configuration, which has led to its recognition as a relevant agent even in public policies, has allowed the reapplication of a social technology based on a conventional one. This articulation of the social technology over the conventional signals to the possibility of restructuring the functionality normally given by the status quo to any technology. Thus, empowerment is promoted in a dynamic and interactive process involving innovation and learning, with the active participation of local communities and their knowledges, as well as with the broader engagement of other political movements (POZZEBON; FONTENELE, 2018). Taking into account the reflection presented thus far and considering the relevance of expanding the debate around the concept of social technology in Brazil, this proposal hopes to advance with this debate by starting with remounting the concept of social technology. After that, we will analyze ITEVA according to the theoretical framework proposed by Pozzebon and Fontenele (2018). Such framework will serve as a tool to operationalize the concept of social technology, feature that can also contribute to refining and transforming the framework itself, as the authors have previously foreseen. Picture 1 illustrates the conceptual elements to be worked in the application of the framework.

Picture 1: Framework for analyzing tecnologia social

Source: Pozzebon e Fontenele (2018)

The framework focuses on identifying the key principles that characterize the social technology in question. Moreover, it highlights the combination of social practices, tools, methods and devices, indispensable sociotechnical arrangements for social transformations that are key in any process of replication or dissemination. We understand that the use of the framework above to the ITEVA case could be a relevant contribution for the discussion about social technology as conceived in the contributions brought forward in this abstract.

REFERENCES CRUZ, C.C. Tecnologia social: fundamentos, legitimidade e urgência. Pensando – Revista de Filosofia, v. 8, n. 15, p. 119-147, 2017. Acesso em: 04 Mar. 2019. DAGNINO, Renato. (Org). Tecnologia social: Ferramenta para construir outra sociedade. IG/UNICAMP. Campinas, São Paulo, 2009. Acesso em: 04 Mar. 2019. POZZEBON, M.“Tecnologia social: A South American view of technology and society relationship”. In: Vaujany, François-Xavier; Mitev, Nathalie; Lanzara, Giovan Francesco; Mukherjee, Anouck. Materiality, Rules and Regulation, New trends in management and organization studies. Palgrave Macmilian, Hampshire, UK. Chapter 1, p. 33-51, 2015.

POZZEBON, M.; FONTENELLE, I. A. Fostering the postdevelopment debate: the Latin American concept of tecnologia social, Third World Quarterly, 2018. DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1432351

THOMAS, Hernán. Tecnologías para la inclusión social y políticas públicas en América latina. In: OTERLOO et al.: Tecnologias Sociais: Caminhos para a sustentabilidade, RTS, Brasília, 25-81, 2009. Acesso em: 04 Mar. 2019.

AGENT-BASED MODELING (ABM) OF THE INSTITUTIONAL WORK AT HUILA SUB-REGION AREA IN COLOMBIA, SOUTH AMERICA

Cristian Yepes-Lugo1

The coffee sector at Huila sub-region in Colombia has led the production for five consecutive years and has allowed the development of entrepreneurship projects about organic and specialty coffees. This paper aims to explain the influence of the institutional work on the importance and emergence of organizations in the coffee industry at Huila sub-region in Colombia, using an Agent-Based Modeling (ABM). We find a growing number of new associations and increasing importance, as practices raise. Traditional organizations such as the National Federation of Coffee Growers (FNC) and the Departmental Committee (CDC) lose importance over time due to the new practices and interactions of producers and the emerging organizations of the sub-region. Finally, we recommend policymakers to re-assign resources based on this new emerging organizational field. According to Posada (2012), the coffee sector has been the creator of a national econothanks to the possibility of cultivation in several regions and the export orientation. It has contributed to the development of the internal market with the stimulation of employment, consumption, transportation and industrialization. Considering that smallholding is the axis of the coffee crop, democratic processes were strengthened with the emergence of small agricultural producers. As a result of the growing coffee economy in the first half of the twentieth century, coffee growers were organized as a guild through the creation of the National Federation of Coffee Growers that was launched in 1927 (Cerquera & Orjuela, 2015). This organization promoted the coffee activity, assumed the vocation of the guild in front of the national government and defined the institutional framework of the coffee activity. Within its achievements, we observe the development of a wide commercial policy, the stability of prices and the provision of goods and services for the coffee growers to improve the productive activity.

Nowadays, coffee is the second most traded commodity in the world after oil and its market is characterized by the low price elasticity of demand. Similarly, in Colombia, one out of three agricultural jobs are provided by this sector, which generates 631 thousand jobs per year. It surpasses 3.7 times the total contribution of flowers, bananas, sugar and palm (Cano-Sanz, Vallejo, Caicedo, Amador & Tique, 2012). Colombia ranks third in coffee production after Brazil and Vietnam, and is the world's leading producer of soft coffee types thanks to the implementation of new techniques in the field of specialty coffees and origin. The coffee activity, through consumption, has a bigger impact in the economic growth than the mining activity because of the generation of employment of large population groups

1 Assistant Professor, Universidad de la Salle, Colombia. Researcher, Escuela Superior de Administración Pública. PhD candidate, Universidad Nacional de Colombia. Postal code: 110141. E-mail: [email protected] and the dynamization of regional production. However, a loss of economic importance of coffee production have appeared in the last decades in Colombia due to the fall in productivity, the impoverishment and aging of coffee growers and their crops, and the slowness in adopting new technologies (Cano-Sanz et al., 2012). Organizations in Colombia have been important to structure the coffee industry by fostering prosperity in several regions of the country, such as Antioquia, Caldas, Quindio, Risaralda and Valle del Cauca. However, the volatility of international coffee prices has affected several regional economies, especially the less diversified ones. Some regions have not transformed the coffee business model, which implies a transition from the production of coffee only as a commodity to the creation of special varieties and origins. Good organizational management has helped the Huila sub-region to lead coffee production for five consecutive years and has allowed the development of entrepreneurship projects related to organic and specialty coffees. Huila contributes with 18% of the national coffee production and it is the first sub-region in agricultural production units with 16.91% of the total units in the country (Federación Nacional de Cafeteros, 2014). This organizational management is related to the constant qualification of the human resource, the impulse to associativity, the consolidation of the physical infrastructure, the strengthening of the renewal processes, the certification, the access to credit and governmental incentives. All these characteristics are linked to an institutional work (Zietsma & Lawrence, 2010) that transform the routines and thus the effects of the industry and the sector. This paper explains the influence of the institutional work on the importance and emergence of organizations in the coffee industry at Huila sub-region in Colombia, using an Agent-Based Modeling (ABM). This sector has developed in different stages, in which the regulatory agents have provided technical assistance, logistical, research and financial processes and have created cooperatives, associative groups and productive companies. The literature on institutional work has focused on observing institutional entrepreneurs from the center of an organizational field, i.e. managers or leaders in those fields that promulgate change (Greenwood & Suddaby, 2006; Reay et al., 2013; Zietsma & Lawrence, 2010), or in certain movements that instigate change in an endogenous or exogenous way (Van Wijk, Stam, Elfring, Zietsma & den Hond, 2013). On the contrary, the present article seeks to observe the institutional work, which refers to all those routines that are sought to transform, from the periphery of this field, considering that practices of peripheral institutional entrepreneurs transform Colombian coffee organizational field.

Keywords: Organizational Field, Institutional work, Colombian Coffee Sector, Agent-Based Modeling.

SOCIAL MANAGEMENT AND SOCIAL ADMINISTRATION: AN ANGLOPHONE PERSPECTIVE

Airton Cardoso Cançado - Doctor in Management (UFLA) - PPGDR / UFT - [email protected]

Flávio Ayres Marinho - Master’s in public management / UFT - [email protected]

Helga Midori Iwamoto - Doctor in Management (Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie) - GESPOL / UFT - [email protected]

This paper sought in English literature for the meanings of Social Management (SM) and Social Administration (SA). Social Management in the Brazilian perspective can be understood as collective-decision-making, without coercion, based on intelligibility and transparency, moving towards the emancipation (Cançado, Pereira & Tenório, 2015). The basis of this research are the papers that have the expression SM or SA in the title. Other inclusion criteria were most cited papers and being available in the CAPES Journals Portal (2018). Only the papers of the areas of Public Administration and Public Management were considered. To find the papers, it was used the Scholar Google search box inside the CAPES Journals Portal. Then, the papers with SM or SA in the title that had more than 10 citations were downloaded. It is highlighted that the papers that appeared as most cited but that were not available for free download inside the Portal were not accessed. To analyze the papers, the method used was Content Analysis with open grid (Bardin, 2009). Next, it was made a floating reading (Bardin, 2009) to identify the meaning of SM and SA inside the papers. Thirty-one papers were identified according to the methodology adopted. During the analysis of the meanings of SM and SA an additional classification was performed. The country or region of the analyzed paper was identified. This analysis was important because 16 articles (52%) are Chinese, and when considering only SA there are 7 papers and 5 of them are from the United Kingdom. The results are shown in Table 1.

Table 01 – Means of Social Management in Public Administration Area Meaning of Social Paper Author(s) and Title Country or Management Region Closer to Brazilian Adrianow, S. (1995). Social management and the Netherland Perspective applicability of British and French experiences to The Netherlands. Hashi, A. A. (2011). Team Spirit and Collective USA Decisions in Social Administration from the Qur’anic Perspective: A Textual Analysis. Journal of US- Public Administration, 8(7), 791-799. Irwin, A., Georg, S., & Vergragt, P. (1994). The social Europe management of environmental change. Xuan Dinh, B. U. I. (2016). The Role of Village Vietnam Conventions in Rural Social Management at Present. Government control over Ahmad, N. S. Y., & Halim, W. P. M. W. (2011). Malasya society Administering social issues in Malaysia: An application of social management system. Creemers, R. (2015). Cyber China: Updating China Propaganda, Public Opinion Work and Social Management for the 21st Century. Dobrianov, V. (1984). Social indicators and social Not identified management. (conceptual paper) Fulda, A. (2016). The logic and limits of the Party’s China social management approach in maintaining stability: lessons from Bismarck. In China in the Xi Jinping Era Liu, J. (2014). From social management to social China governance: social conflict mediation in China. Novaretti, S. (2017). Social Governance vs. Social China Management: Towards a New Regulatory Role for Social Organizations in China? Peng, O., & Li, M. (2014). The Social Management China Innovation of “Two Dimensional Four Points” and “The Trinity”-Based on the Example of Chongqing Rural Human Resources Development. Pieke, F. N. (2012). The Communist Party and social China management in China. Schlæger, J., & Jiang, M. (2014). Official China microblogging and social management by local governments in China. Shuzhuo, L., Zijuan, S., & Feldman, M. W. (2013). China Social Management of Gender Imbalance in China: A Holistic Governance Framework. Yuwen, H., & Guangxing, S. (2013). Research on China Online Public Opinion Management Mechanism Based on Social Management Innovation. Government Control Over Bowen, W. (2014). Observation of Social Management China Society Coming Closer to from the Perspective of Micro-Blogging Politic. Brazilian Perspective Bulmer, M. (1989). The British tradition of social USA administration: moral concerns at the expense of scientific rigor. Sociological Practice, 7(1), 21. Cowling, M. (1982). Marxism and social The U.K. administration: a shaky start. Critical Social Policy, 2(6), 6-13. Culyer, A. J. (1981). Economics, social policy and The U.K. social administration: the interplay between topics and disciplines. Journal of Social Policy, 10(3), 311-329. Fewsmith, J. (2012). ‘Social Management’ as a Way of China Coping with Heightened Social Tensions. Roberts-DeGennaro, M., & Packard, T. R. (2002). The U.K. Framework for developing a social administration concentration. Journal of Teaching in Social Work, 22(1-2), 61-77. Smith, G. (1985). Dimensions of the ‘crisis’ in social The U.K. administration. Sociology of Health & Illness, 7(2), 260-268. Wenyan, J., & Chengshui, L. (2013). Research on the China Social Management Innovation Under “Legal Guarantee”. Wu, F., & He, J. (2013). Capacity Development of China Civil Society Organizations: Towards Inclusive Social Management in China. Management of Social Bin, W., & Lei, H. (2013). Social Management in China Public Policies China in the 21st Century: Trouble and Breakthrough Based on the Different Management Subject. Chuanli, H. (2014). Functional relationship model- China based research on participation of non-government organization in social management innovation. Ma, G., Zhang, T., & Nabi, G. (2016). Practices, China Policies and Prospects of Social Management in China: A Study based on “Shidu” Elderly People. Terziev, V., & Georgiev, M. (2017). Active Social Bulgaria Programs Development in Bulgaria: Contemporary Challenges and Social Management Instruments. WARHAM, J. (1972). Social and public The U.K. administration. The British Journal of Social Work, 2(2), 229-232. Wei, M. (2013). The Social Management and Not defined Development Approach of Urban Minority: “Boundary-Crossing” and “Cultural-Sensitivity”. Others (Scientists careers Wenk, E., & Wenk, E. (1995). Making waves: USA in Public Management) Engineering, politics, and the social management of technology. Source: Developed by authors. The results show 5 categories and the bigger is the Government Control Over Society with 11 papers. China is the most important country in this cluster with 9 (82%) papers. Other important result is the category Management of Public Policies with 6 papers. Another interesting result is the possible changing in Chinese perception of Social Management coming closer to the Brazilian Perspective. Four articles (44%) of category Government Control Over Society Coming Closer to Brazilian Perspective are Chinese. The articles with the meaning closer to Brazilian perspective represents 13% (4) of the total.

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Social Governance vs. Social Management: Towards a New Regulatory Role for Social Organizations in China?. Opinio Juris in Comparatione, 1(1), 1-30. Peng, O., & Li, M. (2014). The Social Management Innovation of “Two Dimensional Four Points” and “The Trinity”-Based on the Example of Chongqing Rural Human Resources Development. Asian Social Science, 10(10), 219-234. Pieke, F. N. (2012). The Communist Party and social management in China. China Information, 26(2), 149-165. Roberts-DeGennaro, M., & Packard, T. R. (2002). Framework for developing a social administration concentration. Journal of Teaching in Social Work, 22(1-2), 61-77. Schlæger, J., & Jiang, M. (2014). Official microblogging and social management by local governments in China. China Information, 28(2), 189-213. Shuzhuo, L., Zijuan, S., & Feldman, M. W. (2013). Social Management of Gender Imbalance in China: A Holistic Governance Framework. Economic and political weekly, 48(35), 79-94. Smith, G. (1985). Dimensions of the ‘crisis’ in social administration. Sociology of Health & Illness, 7(2), 260-268. Tenório, F. G. (1998). Gestão social: uma perspectiva conceitual. Revista de administração pública, 32(5), 7-23. Tenório, F. G. (2002). Gestão social: uma perspectiva conceitual. In: Tenório, F. G. (ed.). Flexibilização organizacional: mito ou realidade? Rio de Janeiro: FGV. Tenório, F. (2005). (Re)Visitando o Conceito de Gestão Social. Desenvolvimento em Questão, 3(5), 101-124. Terziev, V. & Georgiev, M. (2017) Active Social Programs Development in Bulgaria: Contemporary Challenges and Social Management Instruments. Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3122062 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3122062 Warham, J. (1972). Social and public administration. The British Journal of Social Work, 2(2), 229-232 Wei, M. (2013). The Social Management and Development Approach of Urban Minority: “Boundary-Crossing” and “Cultural-Sensitivity”. Paper presented at the Second International Conference on Public Management: Public Administration in the Time of Regional Change. Pattaya, Thailand. Organised by Burapha University (Saen Suk, Thailand), in association with Yunnan University of Finance and Economics (Yunnan Sheng, China) and Jenderal Soedirman University (Purwokerto, Indonesia). Wenk, E., & Wenk, E. (1995). Making waves: Engineering, politics, and the social management of technology. University of Illinois Press. Wenyan, J., & Chengshui, L. (2013). Research on the Social Management Innovation Under “Legal Guarantee”. Paper presented at the First National Conference for Engineering Sciences. Baghdad, Iraq: International Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers – Iraq Section, University of Al-Mustansiria (Baghdad, Iraq) - College of Engineering. Wu, F. & He, J. (2013). Capacity Development of Civil Society Organizations: Towards Inclusive Social Management in China. A policy research paper prepared for the Governance for Equitable Development Project (UNDP China). Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=2798510 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2798510 Yuwen, H., & Guangxing, S. (2013). Research on Online Public Opinion Management Mechanism Based on Social Management Innovation. Paper presented at the Second International Conference on Public Management: Public Administration in the Time of Regional Change. Pattaya, Thailand. Organised by Burapha University (Saen Suk, Thailand), in association with Yunnan University of Finance and Economics (Yunnan Sheng, China) and Jenderal Soedirman University (Purwokerto, Indonesia).

Coproduction of public services in Brazil: how can structuration theory fit this debate?

The concept of public services coproduction (PSC) has existed for many decades in the international academy, but in the last years it has been reused and its phenomenon has been studied again (Osborne & Strokosch, 2013). Additionally, Chaebo and Medeiros (2017) highlight the fact that scientific production (national and international) on the subject has not moved towards an integrated approach or the production of a more cumulative knowledge on the subject. Thus, the conceptual extensions of the idea of co- production and theoretical models are still being developed. The authors also affirm that some nomenclatures are not clear since, depending on the author, the term citizens, users, consumers, and even customers is used. In addition, the question arises as to who would deliver the public good to the population when coproduction is discussed: would it be only the state or non-state actors that are the result of public-private partnerships or NGOs? This conceptual uncertainty, as seen, still permeates the debate about the concept in academia. In view of this scenario, the present proposal proposes a theoretical essay about the concept of Public Services Coproduction (PSC) in Brazil, through literature review and proposal of a theoretical interpretative model based on the theoretical Structuring lens formulated by Giddens (1979). In Brazil, this debate is gradually gaining space, as shown by Ribeiro, Andion, and Burigo (2015), for whom coproduction would be associated with the sharing of powers and responsibilities between public agents and citizens in the production of public goods and services. It occurs when the State is not alone in planning and executing the delivery of public goods and services to society, dividing this responsibility with private sector organizations, the third sector or both simultaneously. It this gap, as pointed out by Chaebo and Medeiros (2017), the construction of theoretical models capable of thinking about co-production and its relations with resources, rules, bureaucrats and citizens. In addition, the need to construct a model to think about the different results of their applications is emphasized, since according to the Brazilian studies mentioned, the analyzes are restricted to case studies or the state-of-the- art, not constructing or sharing a more solid theoretical contribution with greater plausibility in the results and in the analytical model. In order to understand this new phenomenon, we propose the lens of Giddens's Structuration Theory (Giddens, 1979), which has been used to understand the use of Informational Technology in organizations (Jones & Karsten, 2008), and the interaction between social structure and agency, and its recursive relation (Jones & Karsten, 2008). The Structuring Theory considers as 'structure' the set of rules and resources involved, recursively, in social practice (Giddens, 1979; 2009), as institutional norms and regulations. However, it is understood that the structure alone is not able to generate or guarantee the structuring, since there is the part that belongs to the social agents in this equation, that is, it is not considered a vision of watertight dualism between agent and structure, but an integrative, dualistic view of relational dependency, in a recursive and within a space-time format, between agents and social structures (Giddens, 1979). The notion of agency in Giddens refers to the ability of social agents to perform actions and to interact reflexively with social structure (Giddens, 2009, pp. 10). To detail this point Giddens affirms that the agent has a discursive conscience and a practical conscience, however, the differences between them are not watertight. Therefore, it must be understood that there is a difference between what can be said and what is done (Giddens, 2009), which can lead to unintended consequences of these to new actions, generating a feedback process. In this context, human cognoscibity is reflexive within the space-time relationship. PSC studies address how local bureaucrats and public service users dialogue and build proposals for implementing public goods and services, often using public rules and resources. From the practical lens originated in Giddens, we understand that the social structure is both the rules of the game, in the case the policy guidelines as the social reality that the policy wants to intervene, the public resources and the agents involved. In relation to reflexive actors, we can situate street-level bureaucrats in this case, especially, and citizens who, through their reflective capacity, act in a way to jointly build public service execution that is meaningful and will be beneficial to all the parties. Aligning the interaction between citizens and bureaucrats is what Giddens calls a discursive conscience with practical consciousness (Giddens, 1979; 2009). Thus, in reconciling studies on PSC and ST, we can point out an interesting path to be followed in what concerns the advancement of knowledge structuring around PSC. In this context, future research should understand the relationships between the levels of analysis (rules, resources and equipment, street level bureaucracy, and citizen) in a recursive way, understanding the relations between actors, processes or structuring result as one all. According to the proposed model, we have the recursive relation between structure and agencies, within a context of PSC, where the result itself can interfere in its levels (feedback), within a certain space and time (context).

References Chaebo, G. & Medeiros, J. J. (2017). Reflexões conceituais em coprodução de políticas públicas e apontamentos para uma agenda de pesquisa. Cadernos EBAPE.BR, [s. l.], v. 15, n. 3, p. 615–628. Giddens, A. (1979). Central Problems in Social Theory: Action, Structure, and Contradiction in Social Analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. Giddens, A. (2009). A Constituição da sociedade. São Paulo: Martins Fontes, 2009. Jones, M., & Karsten, H. (2008). Giddens’s structuration theory and information systems research. MIS Quarterly, 32(1), 127-157. Osborne, S. P. Strokosch, K. (2013). It takes Two to Tango? Understanding the Coproduction of Public Services by Integrating the Services Management and Public Administration Perspectives. British Journal of Management, v. 24, p. S31-S47. Ribeiro, A. C.; Andion, C. & Burigo, F. (2015). Ação coletiva e coprodução para o desenvolvimento rural: um estudo de caso do Colegiado de Desenvolvimento Territorial da Serra Catarinense. Revista de Administração Pública, [s. l.], v. 49, n. 1, p. 119–140, 2015. Democracy in urban conflicts: challenges and possibilities

Brazil and Colombia underwent a decentralization process in the late 20th century, in which power was transferred to country units that were closer to citizens (García, 2008). Urban policies were also decentralized and became the focus of democratic struggles and experiences. In Brazil, social movements guided the construction of the City Statute (2001) (Fernandes, 2007). In Colombia, the case of Medellín became internationally recognized by the fruits of its acclaimed ‘social urbanism’ (Echeverri & Orsini, 2011). Urbanists who follow a critical perspective, however, denounce that power relations ruled by market forces undermine a possible democratic resolution of urban conflicts (Purcell, 2006). They argue the urban space is fruit and accelerator of the process of accumulation of capital, cause and effect of neoliberalism (Brenner, 2009). The concept of the right to the city (Lefebvre, 2008; Marcuse, 2009) emerges with a twofold role: denouncing the city of capital; and shedding light on more democratic, socially just and sustainable forms of urbanization. Is it possible to blame neoliberalism for all the urban problems? Or are there other sets of regimes, actions, symbolisms, that could both hold or enhance democratic institutions and innovations? Taking into consideration that no hegemony encompasses the totality of social relations (Laclau & Mouffe, 2015) and that it is necessary to comprehend the fragmented and contentious relations in urban struggles (Blokland, 2002; Uitermark, Nicholls, & Loopmans, 2012), in this research I bring two paradigms together in a trading zone (Bénatouïl, 1999). The proposed trading zone is composed of the right to the city and the sociology of public problems (Cefaï, 1996, 2002), whereas this cross-fertilization can enable a better comprehension of micro/meso practices and macrostructures. A framework developed suggests the researcher must take a thorough look in the public arena that emerges around the problematic situation, the actors involved, publicization devices mobilized, courses of action and engagement regimes. Two case studies, of house displacement led by public projects which are facing resistance, are being analysed (Stake, 1998). One is a displacement in Medellín, Colombia, result of a new cable car project in a peripheral area of the city. The other is the displacement conducted in central São Paulo, Brasil, beside Cracolândia. I have closely followed both cases for a period of 18 months, collecting 48 interviews and attending 75 events. From the concepts mobilized, some perspectives of analysis emerge, which relate both to challenges and existing possibilities within the democratic realm: there are constant attempts to exclude low-power actors from the public arena and specific legislation and support of rights defence institutions are paramount; the publicization efforts are ongoing and cannot be seen as a single sufficient step to generate a public arena, the struggle is to keep the arena public; these efforts go beyond publicization, as they intend to diminish power asymmetry; the democratic spaces created, while prioritizing deliberation and argumentation, exclude other forms of expressions; emotions play a relevant role and are not being taken into consideration by public agents.

Bénatouïl, T. (1999). A Tale of Two Sociologies. European Journal of Social Theory, 2(3), 379– 396. https://doi.org/10.1177/136843199002003011 Blokland, T. (2002). Neighbourhood social capital: Does an urban gentry help? Some stories of defining shared interests, collective action and mutual support. SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH ONLINE, 7(3). Brenner, N. (2009). What is critical urban theory? City. https://doi.org/10.1080/13604810902996466 Cefaï, D. (1996). La construction des problèmes publics. Définitions de situations dans des arènes publiques. Réseaux, 14(75), 43–66. https://doi.org/10.3406/reso.1996.3684 Cefaï, D. (2002). Qu’est-ce qu’une arène publique? Quelques pistes pour une approche pragmatiste. In D. Cefaï & I. Joseph (Eds.), L’heritage du pragmatisme. Conflits d’urbanité et épreuves de civisme. (pp. 51–81). La Tour d’Aigues: Éditions de l’Aube. Echeverri, A., & Orsini, F. M. (2011). Informalidad y Urbanismo Social en Medellín. Retrieved from https://upcommons.upc.edu/bitstream/handle/2099/11900/111103_RS3_AEcheverri_ P 11-24.pdf Fernandes, E. (2007). Constructing the `Right To the City’ in Brazil. Social & Legal Studies, 16(2), 201–219. https://doi.org/10.1177/0964663907076529 García, D. G. (2008). Ordenamiento territorial y descentralización: competencias, recursos y perspectivas. Pap. Polít. Bogotá (Colombia), 13(2), 473–489. Laclau, E., & Mouffe, C. (2015). Hegemonia e estratégia socialista – por uma política democrática radical - Intermeios Cultural. (Intermeios, Ed.). São Paulo. Lefebvre, H. (2008). O direito à cidade. Centauro Editora. Marcuse, P. (2009). From critical urban theory to the right to the city. City, 13(2–3), 185–197. https://doi.org/10.1080/13604810902982177 Purcell, M. (2006). Urban Democracy and the Local Trap. Urban Studies, 43(11), 1921–1941. https://doi.org/10.1080/00420980600897826 Stake, R. (1998). Case Studies. In N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Strategies of qualitative inquiry (pp. 445–454). California: Sage Publications. Uitermark, J., Nicholls, W., & Loopmans, M. (2012). Guest editorial. Environment and Planning A, 44, 2546–2554. https://doi.org/10.1068/a44301

Blockchain and its relation with the Sustainable Product Consumption Edson Tavares Everton Chagas Abstract Blockchain is a certification technology that provides a range of benefits directly and indirectly connected with the United Nation (UN) Sustainable Development Goals (SDG). The advantages of decentralization are able to provide a better traceability and accountability on the supply chain management (SCM) of several business models and possibly change the way people consume food and energy. This study aims to perform a documental analysis regarding the relations of blockchain with the SDG and reflect on how the applications of this technology can make a turning point on people product consumption. In order to achieve our objective, we anchor in the concepts of the theory of sociomateriality, having in mind that this study may provide insights for public policies and/or regulation recommendations. Keywords: 1. Blockchain; 2. SDG; 3. Sustainable Product Consumption (SPC); 4. Sociomateriality Introduction and Summary of Data Analysis Considering the growth in the interest of a sustainable product consumption (SPC), this study aims to perform a documental analysis (Caulley, 2003; Silva, 2017) in order to identify the main relations with the blockchain and the SDG. A particular publication from Le Blanc (2015) which makes the relations between the SDG will guide our study because we found that SDG 12 – ensure sustainable consumption and production patterns – is linked with 14 other SDG. Taking this consideration, our research question is: “can blockchain change the way people consume products?”. In order to accomplish our goal, we anchor in the concepts of the theory of sociomateriality (Orlikowski, 2007; Orlikowski e Scott, 2014), which helps us understand the complex relations of trust intermediations chains (Coleman, 1990) and having in mind that this study may contribute to the literature providing insights for public policies and/or regulation recommendations (Walsham 2017). During the first phase of our data analysis we were able to identify benefits of blockchain in all 17 SDG, something that was not so clear on previous literature (Kewell, Adams, Parry, 2017), bur more than that, we found important relations between them. If we take the benefits connected with a better supplu chain management (SCM), in the food industry for example, blockchain has the power to improve the hole chain, from the resources management (like water and energy) to the point of sale (better food traceability reducing waste and contamination). The second phase of our study is based on Rockstrom and Sukhdev (2016) study presented in EAT Food Forum were they presented a new model totally changing the actual way to see the SDG. Their view divides the table in 3 levels: Ecological (Biosphere), Social and Economic. According to them, all SDG are directly or indirectly connected to sustainable consumption, as states Figure 1. This macro level analysis of the SDG is helpful to confirm that most objectives are concentrated in the society level.

Figure 1: 3 levels of SDG (Rockstrom and Sukhdev, 2016) These discoveries leaded us to search for more documents to provide better evidence that blockchain is able to improve SPC. Before start our document analysis we searched for a theorical concept that would give us the necessary framework to understand this phenomenon, which is described on next chapter. Blockchain and Sociomateriality As identified by Leornardi (2013), there are 2 distinct views of sociomateriality in IS studies, one based on relational ontology that the social and the material are inseparable, as are human and technology (Orlikowski, 2007). This view is also lined with Actor-Network Theory (Callon, 1984; Latour, 2005) and built on foundation of agential realism (Leonardi, 2013). The second view is based on the ontology that accepts the analogy of the social and the material separately through the concept of imbrications (structures), a framework built on foundation of critical realism (Leonardi, 2013). In this study we will anchor on the first ontological line to understand the interactions between human and technology, the social and the material (Barad, 2003). The concepts of intra-actions and performance of this theory will support our study to find the relations between blockchain applications and the SPC. Angerer (2018) analized the blockchain and sociomateriality linked with Coleman’s (1990) trust intermediation theories. Considering that blockchain eliminates the third party, the intermediate trust authority, she argues that “blockchain is a foundational technology: it has the potential to create new foundations for our economic and social systems” (Angerer 2018). Verifying Coleman’s (1990) intermediary models, we found that the entrepreneurial is the one more similar to what blockchain consists. “The entrepreneurial function consists in inducing the trust of several trustors, combining these resources and placing them in the hands of several other actors expected to realize gains for the original investors” (Coleman, 1990, p. 181 aput Angerer 2018). As we demonstrate on figure 2, the main difference of this model is that “a certain number of trustors must be simultaneously convinced to place trust and this process present special features (Angerer, p. 11).

Figure 2 – Model of the entrepreneur as the third intermediary in trust (Coleman 1990) The main discussion that this study wants to bring is what happens with SPC when the trust intermediary is automated and decentralized, as occurs with blockchain application? Do people will trust entirely on the technology? Angerer argues that “each trustor must first develop trust in the intermediary to promote trust in the final trustee thereafter” (p.13). We took this assumption to start our documentation analysis because digital transformation brought some challenges to Coleman’s theories of trusted intermediaries. References Denny, D. M. T.; Paulo, R. F.; Castro, D. (2017). Blockchain e Agenda 2030. Revista Brasileira de Políticas Públicas , 7(3), 121–141. (https://doi.org/10.3366/ajicl.2011.0005) Fowler, M. D. (2018). Linking the Public Benefit to the Corporation: Blockchain as a Solution for Certification in an Age of “Do Good” Business. Vanderbilt Journal of Entertainment and Technology Law , (c), 1–42 Le Blanc, D. (2015). Towards integration at last? The sustainable development goals as a network of targets. Sustainable Development, 23(3), 176-187. Kewell, B., Adams, R., & Parry, G. (2017). Blockchain for good? Strategic Change , 26 (5), 429–437. https://doi.org/10.1002/jsc.2143 Kshetri, N. (2017). Will blockchain emerge as a tool to break the poverty chain in the Global South?. Third World Quarterly , 38 (8), 1710-1732. Kshetri, N. (2018). International Journal of Information Management 1 Blockchain ’ s roles in meeting key supply chain management objectives. International Journal of Information Management , 39 (December 2017), 80–89. (https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijinfomgt.2017.12.005) Orlikowski, W. J. (2007). Sociomaterial practices: Exploring technology at work. Organization studies, 28(9), 1435-1448. Ølnes, S., Ubacht, J., & Janssen, M. (2017). Blockchain in government: Benefits and implications of distributed ledger technology for information sharing. Government Information Quarterly , 34 (3), 355–364. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.giq.2017.09.007 Ritzer-Angerer, D. (2018). Digital transformation and trust (dis) intermediation– Coleman’s models thirty years on. Digital Transformation and Trust (Dis) intermediation–Coleman’s Models Thirty Years On (October 23, 2018) . Rockström, J., & Sukhdev, P. (2016). How food connects all the SDGs. Stockholm resilience centre. Saberi, S., Kouhizadeh, M., & Sarkis, J. (2018). Resources , Conservation & Recycling Blockchain technology : A panacea or pariah for resources conservation and recycling ? Resources, Conservation & Recycling , 130 (November 2017), 80–81. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.resconrec.2017.11.020 Scott, S. V., & Orlikowski, W. J. (2014). Entanglements in practice: performing anonymity through social media. Wang, Y., & Kogan, A. (2018). Designing confidentiality-preserving Blockchain - based transaction processing systems. International Journal of Accounting Information Systems , 30 (June), 1–18. (https://doi.org/10.1016/j.accinf.2018.06.001) Walsham, G. (2017). ICT4D research: reflections on history and future agenda. Information Technology for Development, 23(1), 18-41. Wu, J., & Tran, N. K. (2018). Application of Blockchain Technology in Sustainable Energy Systems : An Overview, (October 2015), 1–22. (https://doi.org/10.3390/su10093067) Producing diverse realities through design: exploring care, friction and prototype in a design studio

Guilherme Englert Corrêa Meyer Cláudia de Souza Libânio

It is well known that the current civilizational model has been producing striking collateral damage that increases considerably the ecological crisis. The patriarchal model of modernity is thus closely related to climate change, social instability and the ruin of the Earth. This article seeks to discuss on how a design perspective can contribute with this catastrophic contemporary scenario. More precisely, it suggests the bases for a conceptual framework for design practice based on the concepts of Care (Puig de la Bellacasa, 2017), Friction (Tsing, 2005) and Prototyping (Meyer, 2018). Such a studio-based framework has been explored in the Graduate Program of Design at UNISINOS, Porto Alegre, Brazil. Since the elaboration of the framework is still ongoing, we will be able to bring to the OAP workshop some implications about how the design studio as a space for practices can create alternatives for the ecological crisis, exploring how such a conceptual framework is dealing with the crisis and social injustices in accessibility context.

Several scholars are discussing the potential of design to contribute to ecological transitions and to create desirable realities (see Escobar, 2018; Irwin et al, 2015). They seem to share the idea that such a prospective requires the reorientation of design from a functionalist and industrial tradition toward the relational and interactive qualities of its practice. While the former is concerned with one conspicuous language, i.e. that of the markets; the latter requires creating multiple languages, which implies diversity and openness. This ontological design orientation is understood here from a socio-technical basis and is concerned with difference and with missing masses (in Akrich and Latour’s sense, 1992). Such an approach requires departing from a radical critique with regards to the loss of our ability to take responsibility (one sentence is missing). As such, the idea of responsibility is positioned as forming the basis of studio practice.

The studio is considered as a private space for the production of artifacts whose potential opens up new realities (Farias and Wilkie, 2016). Its dynamics are largely based on how artifacts organize and distribute action (following Akrich, 1992) and agency morality (in Latour’s sense, 1994). This symmetric prerogative implies hybridizing humans and non- humans (as Strathern has explained, 2017), which requires the redefinition of the notion of politics, opening it up to Stengers’ concept of cosmopolitics (2010). Therefore, in the studio, politics is enhanced with the materials emerging from the encounters of humans and non- humans. Cosmopolitics imply a pluralism, the activity of which goes through a process of composition and negotiation among various, more-than-human actors. The main challenge in times of crisis and colonial practices is to comprehend who those actors are and what they require. Thus, specifically in the OAP workshop we want to discuss this design approach that seeks to respect the murmur of the idiot and produces new realities through care and friction.

Cosmopolitics require considering the other according to the notion of the “idiot”. “[T]he idiot demands that we slow down, that we don’t consider ourselves authorized to believe we possess the meaning of what we know” (Stengers, 2005a, p. 994). The cosmopolitical studio proposal orients on how “to slow down the construction of (a) common world, to create a space for hesitation regarding what it means to say ‘good’”(p. 995). For Stengers, ‘good’ is not something to be achieved through our judgments, our practices or our knowledge. It requires what Haraway calls “embodied objectivity” (1988, p. 581). Following Stengers’ argument, we understand that the concept of the idiot helps designers to comprehend that the actors that constitute a design network (including the designer) are incapable of knowing (Meyer et al., 2020), so it is not enough to give them a place to express themselves. It is not a question of how to discover, but of how to create. Therefore, it is necessary to design possibilities for the murmuring of the idiot, and to recognize that the situation of crisis requires a mode that cannot be anticipated. This openness is not interested in identifying what is important to the idiot, but rather it is interested in slowing down the pace, which avoids the urgency of the dominant (capital) idiom and then allows transformation.

Within this framework, the idiot is an actor that needs to be activated with the concept of care (Puig de la Bellacasa, 2017). The framework requires dealing (responsively) with different qualities of more-than-human actors, as such its greatest concern is how to hold open space for the other. The act of care means that: “the affective and ethical dispositions involved in concern, worry, and taking responsibility for other’s well-being, such as ‘caring about’ and ‘taking care of’, need to be supported by material practices” (Tronto, 1993, p. 105-108). It also implies considering more than a single stance, instead involving “affective, ethical, and hands-on agencies of practice and material consequences” (Puig de la Bellacasa, p. 4). Care is thus related to prototyping, as a practice of the concreteness that bring into focus nonhuman objects (as Knorr-Cetina has recommended, 2005) and enhances democracy. Such material orientation has a speculative bias. It is open-ended, an ongoing process that recreates relations “as well as possible” ((Puig de la Bellacasa, p.6) as a way of provoking imagination and creating desirable realities. The concept of prototype recognizes the agency of artefacts and their potential to amplify unknown realities (Meyer, et. al, 2020) through friction. Friction is related to care, as it relies on diversity as a way to enhance creativity. “(F)riction reminds us that heterogeneous and unequal encounters can lead to new arrangements of cultures and power” (Tsing, 2005, p.5). It does not consider collaboration as a way to share information (as collaborators do not share common interests), but as a way to create new goals, identities and ways of being. As such, this friction orientation implies a design studio practice interested in incompatibleness and not suppression.

References

Akrich, M. (1992). The de-scription of technical objects. In Bijker, W.E. and Law, J. (eds), Shaping Technology – Building Society: Studies in Sociotechnical Change, MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass

Akrich, M. & Latour, B. (1992). A Summary of a Convenient Vocabulary for the Semiotics of Human and Nonhuman Assemblies” in eds. Bijker, Wiebe & John Law, eds Shaping Technology/Building Society, MIT Press.

Dunne, A. and Raby, F.. (2013). Speculative Everything: Design, Fiction, and Social Dreaming, pp. 1–9. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press

Escobar, A. (2018). Designs for the Pluriverse: Radical Interdependence, Autonomy, and the Making of Worlds. Duke.

Farias, I. Wilkie, A. (2016). Studio studies: operations, topologies & displacements. New York: Taylor & Francis.

Haraway, D. (1988). Situated Knowledges: The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective. Feminist Studies, 14(3), 575. https://doi.org/10.2307/3178066

Irwin, T.; Tonkinwise, C.; Kossoff, G. 2015. Transition Design Provocation. Design Philosophy Papers 13(1):3-11. https://doi.org/10.1080/14487136.2015.1085688

Knorr-Cetina, K. K., Schatzki, T. R., & Von Savigny, E. (Eds.). (2005). The Practice Turn in Contemporary Theory. Routledge.

Latour, B. (1994). On Technical Mediation - Philosophy, Sociology, Genealogy. Common Knowledge, 3(2), 29–64. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1365- 294X.2010.04747.x

Meyer, G. (2018). O caráter último-primeiro do protótipo. Design Culture Symposium, Porto Alegre, UNISINOS.

Meyer, G., Lorenz, B., Mandelli, R., Batista, M., Smith, n., Guterres, E.. (2020). A construção de Protótipos e a Estupidez Essencial do Designer: Aspectos de um Projeto sobre Estudar. Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseño y Comunicación Nº83, p. 65-83.

Puig de la Bellacasa, M. (2017). Matters of Care: speculative ethics in more than human worlds. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Strathern, M. (1992). Parts and Wholes: Refiguring Relationships in a Post-Plural World, in Reproducing the Future: Anthropology, Kinship, and the New reproductive Technologies. Nova York: Routledge, pp. 90-116.

Stengers, I. (2010). Cosmopolitics I. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.

Tronto, J. (1993). Moral Boundaries: A Political Argument for an Ethic of Care. New York: Routledge.

Tsing, A. (2005). Friction: As ethnography of Global Connection. Princeton and Oxford, Princeton University Press.

Simone S. Luvizan – EAESP - Fundação Getúlio Vargas R. Belchior de Azevedo, 220 – ap 224 B – V. Leopoldina São Paulo – SP - Cep 05089-030 [email protected]

Materialidade Digital e os Desafios do Reuso de Dados na Prática

Com a abundância de dados e de tecnologia na era do Big Data (BD), cada vez mais os dados gerados para certa finalidade são usados para novos fins posteriormente. Esse fenômeno, denominado reúso de dados, é cercado de expectativas, mas também de certa polêmica. Ao mesmo tempo que ele pode alavancar soluções inovadoras para problemas das organizações e da sociedade, o reúso de dados também pode trazer ameaças a direitos individuais e coletivos, distorções de processos, desequilíbrios de poder e conflitos éticos e metodológicos (Newell, & Marabelli, 2015; Samarajiva & Lokanathan, 2016; Zuboff, 2015). Esse fenômeno, cada vez mais presente na vida dos indivíduos e das organizações, ainda foi pouco explorado na literatura acadêmica, que carece de estudos mais abrangentes, capazes de englobar suas inúmeras facetas (Custers & Bachlechner, 2017). A complexidade desse fenômeno aumenta a dificuldade de operacionalizar pesquisas com esta amplitude. O reúso de dados dá origem a um ecossistema complexo, caracterizado pela dispersão do poder, pluralidade de objetivos e diversidade de atores, que operam atividades baseadas em conhecimento. Pode-se dizer, portanto, que o reúso de dados se passa em um contexto pluralista (Denis, Langley & Rouleau, 2007) no qual se dá uma colaboração complexa (Faraj et al., 2012). Os desafios que emergem neste cenário refletem essa complexidade, abarcando dimensões intrínsecas, legais, tecnológicas, societais e econômicas do reúso de dados (adaptado de Custers & Bachlechner, 2017). Ao observar os desafios da dimensão intrínseca, ou seja, aqueles relacionados ao processo de geração e reúso dos dados em questão e aos grupos sociais diretamente envolvidos nesse processo, pode-se identificar que parte deles emerge na prática. Além dos desafios inerentes à implantação e uso de uma nova tecnologia, também surgem questões ligadas à dinâmica dos dados e seus conteúdos. A exploração de tais desafios requer um modelo conceitual capaz de capturar toda a complexidade de interações envolvidas, incluindo a dinâmica dos dados como agente do ecossistema do reúso de dados na prática. O presente artigo sugere a utilização dos conceitos da sociomaterialidade como alternativa para tal investigação. A teoria da sociomaterialidade reconhece a natureza imbricada e a operação indissociável da agência humana e material na construção da realidade (Orlikowski & Scott, 2008). Na teoria sociomaterial, materialidade não significa tangibilidade (Orlikowski & Scott, 2015; Yoo, 2010). Elementos intangíveis se materializam na prática. Explorando a ideia da materialidade digital (Yoo, 2010), o presente estudo sugere que a interação contínua dos dados no processo de reúso constitui a agência material digital do reúso de dados. O objetivo deste artigo é identificar os impactos das agências sociomateriais sobre os processos do reúso de dados na prática. Este trabalho irá utilizar os dados do estudo de 3 casos de reúso de dados no setor financeiro, que correspondem a tipos distintos de reúso de dados. Inicialmente, o artigo irá apresentar uma revisão bibliográfica sobre a sociomaterialidade e articular seus conceitos para caracterizar os dados como a agência material digital que opera no ecossistema em que se dá o reúso dos dados. A partir da análise dos casos, esse estudo irá identificar os desafios gerados na interação entre os agentes sociomateriais na prática. Por fim, refletirá sobre tais desafios e as dinâmicas sociomateriais envolvidas em cada um, buscando compreender o impacto da agência material digital sobre os processos nos casos analisados. Esse trabalho contribui para expandir o conhecimento sobre o reúso de dados, o que é fundamental para avançarmos sobre os benefícios e mitigar os efeitos indesejados desta prática, ainda pouco

1 explorada na literatura acadêmica e tão presente na vida contemporânea. Ele também contribui para os estudos da sociomaterialidade, ao explorar o conceito de materialidade digital nos casos empíricos, trazendo discussões que podem colaborar para a evolução da teoria e para sua utilização em pesquisas empíricas. Embora a sociomaterialidade esteja ganhando espaço na literatura nos últimos anos (Scott & Orlikowski, 2014), a operacionalização desta lente conceitual em trabalhos empíricos não é trivial. Pesquisas que reflitam sobre a aplicação de seus conceitos em casos reais são, portanto, relevantes para que esta corrente teórica se torne um elemento efetivo na caixa de ferramentas da área de SI.

Palavras-chave: Big Data; Reúso de Dados; Sociomaterialidade; Materialidade Digital.

Referências Bibliográficas

Custers, B., & Bachlechner, D. (2017). Advancing the EU Data Economy: Conditions for Realizing the Full Potential of Data Reuse. Information Polity, 22(4), 291. Denis, J. L., Langley, A., & Rouleau, L. (2007). Strategizing in pluralistic contexts: Rethinking theoretical frames. Human relations, 60(1), 179-215. Faraj, S. A., Kolker, E., Bevilacqua, L., & Özdemir, V. (2012). Collective Theranostics And Postgenomics Entrepreneurship: Rethinking Innovations As Knowledge Ecosystems Built By Complex Collaboration. Expert Review Of Molecular Diagnostics, 12(8), 787- 790. Martin, K. (2015). Ethical Issues In The Big Data Industry. MIS Quarterly Executive, 14(2), 67-85. Newell, S., & Marabelli, M. (2015). Strategic opportunities (and challenges) of algorithmic decision-making: A call for action on the long-term societal effects of ‘datification’. The Journal of Strategic Information Systems, 24(1), 3-14. Orlikowski, W. J., & Scott, S. V. (2008). Sociomateriality: challenging the separation of technology, work and organization. The academy of management annals, 2(1), 433-474. Orlikowski, W., & Scott, S. V. (2015). The algorithm and the crowd: Considering the materiality of service innovation. MIS Quarterly, 39(1), 201-216. Samarajiva, R., & Lokanathan, S. (2016). Using Behavioral Big Data For Public Purposes: Exploring Frontier Issues Of An Emerging Policy Arena. Scott, S. V., & Orlikowski, W. J. (2014). Entanglements in practice: performing anonymity through social media. MIS Quarterly, 38(3), 873-893. Yoo, Y. (2010). Computing in everyday life: A call for research on experiential computing. MIS quarterly, 213-231. Zuboff, S. (2015). Big other: surveillance capitalism and the prospects of an information civilization. Journal of Information Technology, 30(1), 75-89.

2 Bricolagem Sociomaterial: novas práticas de uso de sistemas de reputação em Economia Compartilhada.

Ulysses P. Pacheco Filho Fundação Getúlio Vargas [email protected]

RESUMO EXTENDIDO

A Economia Compartilhada tem se destacado como um novo fenômeno socioeconômico pelos resultados alcançados pelas empresas intermediárias como Uber e Airbnb (Koetsier, 2015; Olson & Connor, 2013; Schor, 2014; Tollefson, 2013). Um dos pilares desta economia é a necessidade de se promover a confiança entre estranhos para que uma quantidade mínima de participantes e de transações viabilize a sustentação e evolução da colaboração e até da empresa intermediária (BOTSMAN, 2016; Botsman & Rogers, 2010; Sutanonpaiboon & Abuhamdieh, 2008). As empresas intermediárias utilizam sistemas de reputação dos participantes para catalisar a construção da confiança inicial entre estranhos (Bente, Baptist, & Leuschner, 2012; Feitosa & Garcia, 2016; Nunes & Correia, 2013; Resnick, Kuwabara, Zeckhauser, & Friedman, 2000). A ideia é que o provedor pode confiar mais facilmente seu ativo a pessoas com uma excelente reputação (5 estrelas, por exemplo) do que má reputação (2 estrelas por exemplo). Este estudo investigou o sistema de reputação da Uber que se utiliza da avaliação mútua de motoristas e passageiros para a construção da reputação (número de estrelas) dos próprios participantes. Um dos requisitos para que funcionamento deste sistema é que ele proporcione incentivos aos mais bem avaliados e punições aos de pior avaliação (Resnick et al., 2000; Resnick & Zeckhauser, 2002). O uso da lente teórica da sociomaterialidade encaixou-se perfeitamente com necessidade de se analisar a construção dinâmica da reputação através dos usuários deste sistema assim como a necessidade de avaliar se os requisitos de incentivo e de punição eram percebidos pelos usuários utilizando-se da performatividade de cortes agenciais (Cecez-Kecmanovic, Galliers, Henfridsson, Newell, & Vidgen, 2014; Kautz & Jensen, 2012; W. J. Orlikowski, 2007; W. J. W. J. Orlikowski & Scott, 2008; Wanda J. Orlikowski, 2009; Riemer & Vehring, 2010). Foram utilizadas de várias formas de coleta de dados: entrevistas semiestruturadas com motoristas, análise de documentação da Uber e de seus sites, canais Youtube de motoristas, etnografia (pesquisador foi motorista de Uber) e netnografia em grupos de motoristas no Facebook e WhatsApp (Kozinets, Dolbec, & Earley, 2014; Sangasubana, 2011). Um resultado inesperado refere-se à criação de novas práticas de uso do sistema de reputação como reação ao sentimento da existência de privilégio no tratamento a passageiros pela Uber. Trata-se de um exemplo de uma bricolagem sociomaterial. O neologismo criado por Johri( 2011) refere-se à combinação de bricolagem e sociomaterialidade que busca a ressignificação do uso dos recursos já existentes de modo a se utilizá-los de uma nova forma, normalmente inesperada ou não prevista, para que possa atingir um objetivo. No caso dos motoristas, o objetivo principal das novas práticas é evitar assaltos em decorrência da criação de perfis falsos. Como qualquer novo passageiro do Uber recebe inicialmente 5 estrelas, os motoristas desenvolveram uma espécie de código de conduta que os orienta a dar uma nota falsamente baixa aos passageiros 5 estrelas que não são riscos para os motoristas. Desta forma, passageiros que ficam com 5 estrelas são potencialmente perigosos e terão dificuldade de conseguir motorista. Este código é trocado entre os motoristas por meio de grupos fechados de WhatsApp e de Facebook ou em encontro de membros grupo em postos de combustíveis, criando uma espécie de código informal de conduta dos motoristas para utilização de uma forma inusitada do sistema de reputação. Na figura 1, utilizamos o diagrama proposta por Johri (2011) para apresentar os fatores e o processo da bricolagem sociomaterial. Na parte da esquerda da figura estão os fatores criadores do risco: a existência de pagamento em dinheiro, a obrigatoriedade de aceitar corridas com esta forma de pagamento e as falhas de checagem de informação no processo de cadastramento de novos usuários da Uber. À direita, temos os efeitos da bricolagem sociomaterial com a cocriação de novas práticas produzindo notas propositalmente baixas e falsas, causando diminuição do risco de assalto, identificação de passageiros idôneos (pax na nomenclatura dos motoristas) e inovação

Figura 1- Representação esquemática da Bricolagem Sociomaterial de Motoristas.

De forma análoga ao caso descrito em Johri (2011), há dois fatores importantes para que a bricolagem sociomaterial fosse possível: a possibilidade de comunicação entre motoristas para divulgação dessas práticas e o desinteresse pelas notas dadas pela Uber e pelos próprios passageiros, reafirmando os resultados encontrados com relação à falta de performidade dos cortes agenciais de incentivo e de punição aos passageiros. Destacam-se diferenças importantes entre o caso explorado por Johri (2011 e este estudo. O ambiente da empresa estudada era favorável à criação de novas práticas: funcionários da mesma empresa, do mesmo departamento, facilidade para encontrar os dados das pessoas como telefone, e-mail, etc., facilidade para se comunicar por meio da infraestrutura da empresa, disponibilidade de vários recursos de comunicação e um interesse comum, amparado pela empresa para desenvolvimento de software. Neste estudo, a Uber não facilita e não promove troca de informações entre motoristas. Trata-se de um trabalho de divulgação de informação comprometedora (notas falsas) entre motoristas, via mídias sociais com excelentes resultados, dado o grau de conhecimento destas práticas pela maioria dos motoristas que foram entrevistados. Trata-se de um excelente exemplo de alcance da bricolagem sociomaterial, além das fronteiras das organizações ou de intermediários, em um canal de transformação e comunicação.

CONTRIBUIÇÕES PARA O WORKSHOP OAP

Esta pesquisa contribui para a discussão sobre a utilização de sociomaterialidade para estudos além das fronteiras das organizações e indivíduos através do processo de bricolagem sociomaterial, ressignificando artefatos e instrumentos para assegurar que um objetivo de um grupo seja atingido. Também contribui por apresentar o potencial de uso da sociomaterialidade para se desvendar a real utilização de artefatos e tecnologia, construído através de mutua significância como no caso de sistemas de avaliação mutuas.

REFERÊNCIAS

Utilize o link abaixo para acessar as referencias https://www.dropbox.com/s/5in56x2v4xoxsx5/2019-OAP%20-%20Sociomaterialidade%20- %20Uber_referencias.doc?dl=0

OAP 2019 Submission 19

A Glimpse of Eternity: Existential Concerns in the Management Team and

Investment Decisions

Extended Abstract

As stated by Slemrod (2003), "death is an integral part of life;" however, extant research in psychology shows that individuals and groups of individuals are trying to deny their own finitude. We propose a theory to explain how fear of death may influence managerial action and under which circumstances this influence is likely to be stronger. Investigating this issue could shed light on biases emerging in extreme situations of death events. Moreover, as our theory builds on social identity threat that is not limited to situations surrounding death events, we can learn on a great deal of biases arising from identity concerns among executives but also more generally in non-management settings.

Identity defense mechanism

In a very influential book Becker (1973) stressed the universality of existential concern and proposed a few ways in which individuals deny the reality of their own finitude. Building on this work some researchers proposed theoretical models and tested the underpinnings and moderators of death anxiety (Neimeyer & Van Brunt, 1995; Tomer & Eliason, 1996). Tomer and Eliason proposed that death anxiety is directly determined by concern about the meaningfulness of death, regrets about past actions and future impossibilities. This anxiety is provoked by the discrepancy between the future possible self and the future desired self. In other words, individuals aim at maintaining the continuity of their identity and capacity of

1

OAP 2019 Submission 19 action in a future that is threatened under mortality salience condition. The documented reluctance of retiring executive to give away positions of power is an anecdotal evidence of such a behavior (Sonnenfeld, 1988).

Consistent with the premise of a universal anxiety before death, several psychologists explain the need of healthy individuals for a legacy, leading to a strong desire for the creation and preservation of an eternal identity (Lifton, 1973; Lifton, 1976, 1979).

The notion of symbolic life introduced by Lifton is closely related to the concept of the extended-self developed by Belk (Ahuvia, 2005; Belk, 1988; Noble & Walker, 1997; Tian &

Belk, 2005). In essence, while Lifton stressed the existence of a life beyond the body, Berk concept of the extended-self made it possible to understand how the symbolic life could be influenced by our interactions in space and time. In a concrete way, Lifton (1973) affirms that human beings have “a compelling universal urge to maintain an inner sense of continuous symbolic relationship, over time and space, with the various elements of life” while Belk states that “the notion of the extended self suggests that we transcend the immediate confines of our bodies by incorporating into our identities, objects from our physical environment” (Belk,

1990).

Strategy for symbolic immortality

Various social psychologists have proposed and tested that extension of the self in space and time is a psychological viable answer to the fear of death. As we attach objects of the external world to the definition of our identity, we assert our identity across barriers of space and time, ultimately answering to a deep need of stability and self-preservation (Castano, 2004; Castano

& Dechesne, 2005; Castano et al., 2006; Castano et al., 2002).

As existential philosophers considered that actions reveal the true nature of individuals, similarly humans may look for symbolic immortality by engaging in creative acts (Vigilant & Williamson, 2003). These creations may be “visible testaments to one’s existence in the form of works of art or science, impressive buildings or monuments, amassing great fortunes or vast properties, and having children” (Florette Cohen, 2004). All of these acts reflect the urging desire to focus one’s energy into tangible artifacts that will eventually survive their initiator.

The specificity of buildings and capital expenditures

Buildings are containers of essential meaning for organizations (De Vaujani & Vaast , 2014), the understanding that social and material worlds are inseparable, constitutively entangled is the core tenet of the sociomaterial approach (Orlikowski & Scott, 2008)”. Buildings and to a lesser extent durable tangible asset representing capital expenditures have the characteristic of physicality and durability. As extension of our self, they increase our dimensionality in both space and time. The marketing literature has examples of comparable behavior. In particular the work of Urien exposes how some products such as having a tree planted after one owns death are catering the desire for symbolic life extension (Urien, 2003, 2007). Moreover, while being immobile for the most part, material assets are central to the activity developed to the firms because organizational life more or less happens in or around them. Therefore, they offer a definite opportunity to transcend the feared limitation of human existential finitude as a

“glimpse of eternity” or more modestly a way to inscribe one’s identity in an active, stable and desirable active future. Corporate buildings are physical evidences of social institutions that have the characteristic to be relatively stable in space and over time. The durability of architectural work is in sharp contrast with human beings (Gieryn, 2002). This is pictured in the propensity of political leaders to inaugurate libraries and buildings that will be standing extension of their identity; it is an example of the specific nature and symbolic value of buildings. Therefore we propose that decision makers may answer to social identity threat by investing “in forms of life and work that will outlive the self” (Kotre, 1984), which we call a OAP 2019 Submission 19

“symbolic immortality strategy”. At the level of a firm this will be evidenced by a surge in investments in tangible durable assets.

Analysis

A quantitative empirical study is conducted on a sample of 129 US public firms between 1988 and 2012. The results support our predictions. We found that our empirical findings establish the effect of the death of a top management team member on the time horizon of investments in the firm. This effect is moderated by the relative performance of the firm and by the level of identification between the deceased and the focal firm. We contribute the literature on

Behavioral Strategy and develop our understanding on how death cognition influences strategic investment in public firms. Following the analysis, we discuss the results and possible extensions. This first step contributes to the understanding of the impact of existential concerns on decision makers and corporate strategy. It explores how time perception and materiality of assets influence investment decisions in profit organizations.

“Eternity is really long, especially near the end.” Woody Allen (1975)

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Descrição Tecnológica dos Sistemas de Informação que suportam o Programa Bolsa Família Nadja de Antonio1 , Marcelo Fornazin 1,2 , Renata Araujo3, Rodrigo Santos1

1 Programa de Pós-Graduação em Informática (PPGI-UNIRIO), Rio de Janeiro, Brasil

1,2 Instituto de Computação – Universidade Federal Fluminense (UFF), Niterói, Brasil

3FCI, Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie, São Paulo, Brasil {nadja.antonio, rps}@uniriotec.br, [email protected], [email protected] Os Sistemas de Informação (SI) são entendidos e percebidos principalmente como ferramentas tecnológicas de suporte aos negócios. Contudo, cada SI é único e sua a construção, implantação e uso apresenta muitos desafios, devido a características particulares de cada contexto. Orlikowski e Iacono (2001) nos mostram que estudar um SI apenas como ferramenta limita o entendimento do SI e não o problematiza no seu contexto de uso. Um SI pode ser entendido como uma complexa rede sociotécnica e todo aquele que interage com ela pode ser visto como um ator dentro desta rede [Ciborra, 2002]. A rede sociotécnica é aquela que traz tanto interação tecnológica como humana na construção dos SI. Nesta rede, os atores se co-modificam, ocorrendo um movimento de translação entre os atores [Latour, 1998]. Conforme Orlikowski e Iacono (2001), os elementos sociotécnicos envolvidos nos SI são definidos como um conjunto (ensemble), que foca nas dinâmicas entre pessoas e tecnologia, seja durante a construção, implementação ou uso em organizações. O objetivo deste trabalho é expor brevemente a descrição tecnológica dos SI que compõem o Programa Bolsa Família (PBF1) desde sua criação em 2003 até os dias atuais. Nossa contribuição ao workshop será analisar conceitos disruptivos em desenvolvimento de sistemas através de uma abordagem sociotécnica. Conceitos como bricolagem, infraestrutura, hacking e cultivo [Ciborra, 2002] serão articulados em alguns pontos neste trabalho. Muito pouco se sabe sobre as características dos SI que suportam o PBF. Este programa é gerido pelo governo brasileiro e objetiva erradicar a extrema pobreza no país via transferência de renda para famílias de baixa renda. Busca também garantir a estas famílias o direito à alimentação, à educação e à saúde. O processo se inicia com o cadastramento das famílias nas prefeituras através do Sistema do Cadastro Único2 (SIDUN). Como se trata de um processo manual realizado pelos funcionários da prefeitura com inserção de dados no sistema, vemos a bricolage neste processo [Ciborra, 2001]. A bricolage significa utilizar os recursos que temos em mãos para realizar uma solução. Descobrem-se novos usos para as tecnologias envolvidas. Após o cadastramento, as famílias recebem um Número de Identificação Social (NIS). Este número é o registro social do beneficiário para que este possa receber o benefício, caso seja escolhido. Aqui identificamos a infraestrutura, indo além do artefato TI, vista com uma complexa e heterogênea rede de atores, que são eles: SIDUN, Sistema de Identificação Social (SIISO), Prefeituras e Famílias. Todos os meses, o SIDUN realiza a extração da base completa com as informações de todas as famílias cadastradas em todos os municípios brasileiros e envia a Secretaria Especial do Desenvolvimento Social (SEDS). A SEDS faz a seleção das famílias conforme orçamento

1http://mds.gov.br/assuntos/bolsa-familia 2 http://mds.gov.br/assuntos/cadastro-unico

mensal disponível e com base em quantas famílias já foram atendidas no município, em relação a estimativa de famílias pobres feitas para determinada localidade. Esta seleção é feita de forma imparcial e sistêmica. De posse desta informação da SEDS, o Sistema de Benefícios ao Cidadão (SIBEC) informa a SEDS as famílias selecionadas para receberem o benefício naquele mês e a folha de pagamento é gerada. Este ponto pode ser chamado de “coração” do processo. Neste ponto crucial, identificamos o conceito de hacking. O conceito de hacking emerge quando se foi criada uma solução inteligente e prática para resolver a questão dos erros e fraudes nos sistemas envolvidos: SIDUN, SIBEC e a SEDS. A solução foi adotada para evitar e minimizar fraudes e falhas dos SI para não incorrer em pagamentos indevidos. Após a folha de pagamento ter sido gerada, o SIBEC envia-a ao Sistema de Pagamento Social (SIPAS). Em todo processo verificamos uma ampla infraestrutura, tendo em vista os inúmeros atores que atuam no processo e na qual os SI que suportam o PBF se apoiam. Os SI podem ser considerados como "organismos com vida própria" e o cultivo significaria desenvolver táticas de interação com tal organismo. Nesse sentido, este trabalho apresenta os resultados iniciais de uma pesquisa em andamento que está utilizando metodologia de Estudo de Caso Interpretativo [Klein e Myers, 1999; Pozzebon, 2004, Antonio, Fornazin, Araujo et al. 2019]. Por meio de entrevistas com participantes e análise de documentos, buscamos reconstruir uma descrição dos SI que suportam o PBF, constituídos de forma contingencial em resposta a demandas urgentes do governo e da sociedade brasileira, como se diz: “quem tem fome, tem pressa”. Ainda assim, os sistemas alcançaram abrangência nacional e são utilizados em 5.500 prefeituras e por 14 milhões de famílias por todo o país. Conclui-se com esta breve análise que conceitos inovadores e disruptivos na forma de se desenvolver e manter sistemas não devem ser vistos como um processo desatualizado e negativo dentro das organizações, mas sim de forma inovadora e única. Entendemos que outras instituições públicas podem também pensar em seus SI de uma forma mais ampla e abrangente. Cabe ressaltar que o programa é atendido em âmbito nacional e os pagamentos dos benefícios são feitos de forma pontual todos os meses, sendo suportado por esses SI e atendendo ao cidadão, cumprindo assim seu objetivo.

REFERÊNCIAS

Antonio, N. Fornazin, M. Araujo R. e Santos, R. (2019) Metodologia de Estudo de Caso Interpretativo.

Ciborra, C. (2002) The Labyrinths of Information – Challenging the Wisdom of Systems. Oxford.

Orlikowski, W. e Iacono, S. (2001) Desperately Seeking the “IT” in IT Research—A Call to Theorizing the IT Artifact. ISR, Vol. 12, No. 2.

Latour, Bruno. (1998) Ciência em Ação. Editora UNESP.

Pozzebon, M. (2004) Conducting and Evaluating Critical Interpretative Research: Examining Criteria as a Key Component in Building a Research Tradition. Klein, H. K. and Myers, M. D. (1999) A Set of Principles for Conducting and Evaluating Interpretive Field Studies in Information Systems. MIS Quarterly, Vol. 23, No. 1, pp. 67- 93.

Paper proposal

th 9 Organizations, Artifacts and Practices (OAP) Workshop

Politics of Sociomateriality: Reconnecting with Societal Controversies and Political Struggles

#OAP2019

WANNENMACHER Delphine

Associate Professor in Management Sciences

Université de Lorraine, CEREFIGE, F-54000 Nancy, France

IUT Nancy-Charlemagne, 2ter boulevard Charlemagne, 54000 Nancy

[email protected]

Title Co-constructing mediating artifacts within multi-party reflective spaces: a major challenge in a context of strong mutations.

Title

Co-constructing mediating artifacts within multi-party reflective spaces: a major challenge in a context of strong mutations. Keywords

Mediating artifacts, stakeholders, reflective spaces, boundaries, mutations.

Abstract

Context

In the nowadays context of socially, environmentally, economically and politically crises and mutations, we have to think the sociomaterial analysis into a more concrete, societal and political level. In this context, there is no need to give some partial theoretical frame but to propose a real action framework based on multiple complex experiences. For that, the idea may be to build a reflective working group on those questions with diverse actors, to improve the action framework which will be proposed here and make it more transferable to different national, institutional and cultural contexts. In this context of mutations, diversity is not studied enough, although cognitive and cultural differences between stakeholders. Those differences engender more or less strong boundaries. To overtake those boundaries, mediating artifacts can play the role of boundary objects by making the stakeholders involved in the interactive reflective space, to explain and share their meanings, practices and interests, and to build original and acceptable solutions more focused on social and societal concerns.

Literature

The multiple actors and stakeholders involved in a reflective space develop their own collective tacit knowledge (Collins, 2010) and rarely share the same language, meanings, practices, and interests. There are more or less distances between them: geographical but also cognitive, organizational, institutional, social and cultural distances (Boschma, 2005). Those distances engender knowledge boundaries (Carlile, 2004) and require ways to build links and to share knowledge between the different stakeholders (Kerosuo, 2015). The literature highlights several ways to cross boundaries, including boundary objects (Koskinen, 2005) and boundary-spanning (Rosenkopf & Nerkar, 2001). For that, a boundary-spanner is often needed, who can be a participative action researcher or a cross-sectional manager (des Lauriers, 2018).

Literature Gap

The literature highlights one or another issue or way to find innovative solutions when stakeholders are working together. The literature gap is to propose an integrative practical framework to use artifacts in interactive and reflective multi-party spaces to reveal obscure languages and practices and to give voice to all stakeholders, in the aim to put human beings in the heart of societal and political preoccupations. Research Questions

We raise a main research question: How the co-construction of artifacts in reflective multi- party spaces can reveal obscure languages and practices and help to overtake knowledge boundaries and political power game? This question is also about the processes under which objects and people can play a mediating and translating role.

Methodology

We use a qualitative methodology developed in a pragmatist approach which do not separate theory and practice and which is based on three concept-keys (Lorino, 2016): the semiotic mediation which connects the situation with social experiment and history; the inquiry which brings together narrative thought, logical reasoning and experimental action; and the dialogism which applies that the direction is not the fruit of a subjective thought but emerges from exchanges in acts processes. In our pragmatist approach, the actors from the field are considered as co-researchers who bring as much if not more than academic actors and theories. More specifically, we build several case studies (Yin, 2014) in different fields and contexts as energy transition, public hospital and territorial development projects. For those cases studies, we used several methodological tools as participative observations, video-collecting, self- confrontation interviews, feedbacks and artifacts co-building sessions.

Results

We highlight several results from our different case studies. First of all, we show that differences and distances between stakeholders actually create tensions and misunderstandings, delays or discouragement, especially when political actors come into play. Those tensions occur without the actors really identifying the reasons or being aware of those issues. And we show that it is important to get the actors to interact around artifacts to reveal their languages, their practices and their interests. Without that, no acceptable solution can be found. We then highlight the different roles played by the artifacts, some of which are used more to explain collective tacit knowledge, others to co-construct meaning together during the interactions. Finally, we highlight the role of mediating artifacts and the role of boundary-spanners for interactive spaces to becoming reflective. Indeed, participative action researchers or cross- cutting managers can have a mediation and translation function, especially by facilitating the explanation and reflexivity. Our results still need to be discussed and put into perspective.

Contribution to Scholarship and to Practice

Given that our aim is to propose an action framework, the contribution of our research to scholarship and to practice are closed. We show that the different stakeholders involved in an interactive space explain their collective tacit knowledge and share meanings and practices by constructing artifacts together. For this, a boundary-spanner is often needed, who can be a participative action researcher or a cross-sectional manager. These results are also a contribution to practice. Practitioners are often facing difficulties when dealing with complex multi-party issues. Thus, the creation of an interactive reflective spaces and the co-construction of artifacts in those spaces, are valuable tools that we recommend to any practitioner or actor who deals with such issues.

References

Boschma, Ron A. (2005). “Proximity and innovation. A critical assessment”, Regional Studies, vol. 39, no. 1, pp. 61-74.

Carlile, P.R. (2004). Transferring, Translating, and Transforming: An Integrative Framework for Managing Knowledge Across Boundaries, Organization Science, 15(5), p.555-568.

Collins, Harry (2010). Tacit and Explicit Knowledge, University of Chicago Press. des Lauriers T. (2018), Managez en transversal. 6 règles d'or pour un management non hiérarchique, Ed. Eyrolles, 154 p.

Kerosuo Hannele (2015). “BIM-based collaboration across organizational and disciplinary boundaries through knotworking, 8th Nordic Conference on Construction Economics and Organization”, Procedia Economics and Finance, 21, 201-208.

Koskinen, Kaj U. (2005). “Metaphoric boundary objects as co‐ordinating mechanisms in the knowledge sharing of innovation processes”, European Journal of Innovation Management, Vol. 8 Issue: 3, pp.323-335.

Lorino, Philippe (2016). « L’apport de la pensée pragmatiste à l’approche processuelle », dans Vaujany F.X. de ; Hussenot A. ; Chanlat J.F., Théories des organisations. Nouveaux tournants, Economica, Paris, p. 279-298.

Rosenkopf Lori ; Atul Nerkar (2001). “Beyond local search: boundary-spanning, exploration, and impact in the optical disk industry”, Strategic Management Journal, 22: 287–306.

Yin, Robert K. (2014). Case Study Research. Design and Methods, Thousand Oaks: Sage, 5th ed., 282 p.

Feira da Sulanca no Agreste Pernambucano – Uma perspectiva Sociomaterial

Erica S. Siqueira [email protected] Estudante Doutorado FGV/EAESP Franscisco Carlos Lopes da Silva [email protected] Professor Doutor Universidade Federal de

A feira de Caruaru, localizada na cidade que lhe deu esse nome, é um espaço no qual convivem feirantes, ambulantes, mercadorias e inúmeros outros atores que circulam nesse espaço. Na feira encontra-se desde panelas, alimentos, frutas, calçados, artesanato, farinha, carne até confecção. A feira de Caruaru foi retratada nos versos do poeta Onildo Almeida, cantados por : “De tudo que há no mundo, Nela tem pra vender”. Essa feira surgiu há mais de 200 anos e nela está localizada a Feira da Sulanca (com surgimento muito mais recente), foco deste trabalho, na qual são vendidas confecções em aproximadamente 10.000 bancos (boxes) espalhados e organizados em diferentes territórios dentro da feira de Caruaru, como a Fundac, Brasilit e Maçonaria. O espaço fragmentado que constitui a feira da Sulanca atrai milhares de compradores para cidade semanalmente e, por isso, a feira constitui-se ainda em elemento central na dinâmica econômica da cidade (Sá, 2010). As mercadorias são produzidas em mais de 20 cidades ao redor. Essa grande região, que tem entre as maiores cidades Caruaru, Santa Cruz e Toritama, é a maior produtora confecções de Pernambuco e a segunda maior do país, atrás apenas de São Paulo. (Bezerra, 2004). Inspirados pela perspectiva sociomaterial de Dale (2007) que aborda a materialidade não como um conjunto de objetos sujeitos a significados, mas como um espaço particular de interação material e social, pretendemos enxergar a Feira da Sulanca (“a feira”) como um espaço cujas materialidades (estrutura física dos boxes, infraestrutura, mercadorias, ferramentas, etc) e seu entrelaçamento com os diversos atores sociais (produtores, costureiras, feirantes, fiscais da prefeitura, compradores, etc) são constitutivos e moldam os contornos e as possibilidades de vida e trabalho.

Para encontrar as práticas resultantes desse entrelaçamento utilizaremos dados etnográficos coletados no período de Novembro (2018) a Fevereiro (2019) aos moldes de uma etnografia urbana (Magnani, 2002) e de rua (Ipiranga e Lopes, 2017). Magnani (2002) fala de uma etnografia que permita olhar de dentro e de perto a realidade urbana, em contraponto a visão de longe e de fora. Para ele, há dois blocos mais comuns de abordagens do contexto urbano, uma que tem como base cidades de países subdesenvolvidos, na qual se atém a problemas como colapso do sistema de transporte, as deficiências do saneamento básico ou índices de poluição e violência. Esse tipo de abordagem faz uso de variáveis e indicadores econômicos. Um outro bloco de abordagens, mais dirigida a cidades e metrópoles do primeiro mundo, “projeta cenários marcados por uma feérica sucessão de imagens, resultado da superposição e conflitos de signos, simulacros, não-lugares, redes e pontos de encontro virtuais.” (p12). Em ambas as abordagens Magninai (2002) percebe que a cidade é vista “de fora e de longe” na qual se verifica a ausência de atores sociais. O autor propõe a etnografia urbana como alternativa, que privilegie os atores e que seja feita de dentro e de perto. Nosso olhar é de dentro da feira, a feira como uma mancha urbana (Magninai, 2002), na qual pudemos conversar e ouvir os feirantes e os produtores de confecção durante 4 meses, buscando encontrar as práticas sociomateriais, abordadas aqui como fruto de uma relação que tanto prioriza os atores sociais quanto os elementos materiais envolvidos.

Para apoiar nossas análises, também buscamos localizar a feira no chamado circuito inferior (Santos, 2008). A divisão do espaço em circuito superior e inferior, explica o Santos (2008), é fruto de um processo de modernização na tecnologia, produção, comércio e consumo. Essa modernização, geralmente baseada em alto emprego de capital, cria número limitado de empregos em atividades localizadas no circuito superior, ao passo que uma massa muito grande de pessoas com salários muito baixos e atividades ocasionais vai viver e trabalhar nos circuitos inferiores, as quais se beneficiam muito pouco dos progressos técnicos e das atividades a eles ligadas. A teoria dos circuitos da economia urbana prioriza assim visualizar os agentes sociais (hegemônicos ou não) que realizam diferentes atividades econômicas que vão caracterizar as cidades em países chamados “subdesenvolvidos”. Assim, enxergar a feira da Sulanca localizada no circuito inferior nos permite rapidamente identificar as práticas sociais e econômicas típicas desse circuito, elencadas por Santos (2008), mas também nos permite apontar práticas sociomateriais locais e específicas, que respondem, se adaptam e moldam o contexto da feira.

No circuito inferior, explica Santos (2008), a mão de obra é barata e por isso é fácil começar um negócio, além disso, há um fracionamento infinito das tarefas, que permite absorver bastante mão de obra. A feira possibilita, nesse sentido, esse funcionamento. A feira de confecções que ocorre uma vez por semana exige também uma produção semanal. As tarefas são distribuídas na cidade em oficinas domiciliares, que funcionam para sua própria produção (chamadas fabricos) ou para produção terceirizada, nesse caso são chamadas facções. Nas diversas facções as tarefas são altamente especializadas: modelagem, desenho (a mão, no computador), corte, estamparia (vários tipos), costura (vários tipos: fechar a peça, pregar bolso, abrir peito, colocar gola, pregar botão, costurar ombro, fazer casela de botão, costurar cós, travete, rialta, braguilha), acabamento (cortar restos de linha, dobrar, embolsar, etiquetar) e lavanderia (lavar, clarear, tingir, passar). Poucas são as “empresas” (geralmente recebem essa designação quando são maiores e mais estruturadas) que conseguem realizar todas as atividades produtivas internamente e por isso as facções e a terceirização é o método principal de funcionamento da produção das mercadorias vendidas na feira da Sulanca. Que a feira aconteça apenas uma vez por semana é o que permite que a produção ocorra nos demais dias.

Santos (2008) explica que no circuito inferior estão em larga escala aqueles membros cujos serviços (costureiras, domésticas, porteiros, etc.) serão consumidos por pessoas do circuito superior. A feira impõe alternativa a essa lógica, pois oferece possibilidade de que a produção das costureiras seja vendida por elas e suas famílias diretamente e que, portanto, seu trabalho não esteja subordinado diretamente ao circuito superior. Santos (2008) fala ainda de um trabalho preferencialmente no ambiente doméstico no circuito inferior, pois esse possibilita vantagens em relação a impostos, realização de múltiplas atividades, como os de cuidado com casa e filhos, prolongamento do horário de trabalho, atendimento de clientela a qualquer momento. No contexto da produção a ser vendida na feira também pudemos observar isso. A produção das confecções é domiciliar, geralmente liderada por mães que conciliam a costura com demais atividades da casa, trabalhando em longas jornadas. Quando funcionam como facção, atendem clientes a qualquer horário, especialmente por meio de celular e trabalham em longos “serões” (após horário normal) para comprimir prazos demandados pela “clientela” (nesse caso, dono da peça de confecção que está sendo costurada). Por outro lado, para aquelas que vendem suas mercadorias na feira, há o componente de trabalho fora do domicilio, que é justamente o momento da feira, e que possibilita participação comunitária, estreitamento dos laços com demais feirantes, aproximação de clientes e potenciais clientes. A feira é democrática, permite que peças sejam vendidas até em lonas, carrinhos de mão ou nos boxes regularizados pela prefeitura (há 10.000 desses). Santos (2008) observa essa facilidade de comércio no circuito inferior: “Algumas caixas, uma prancha, uma cesta, não mais que duas mãos: isso é suficiente para improvisar um vendedor”. A feira abre essa possibilidade de improvisação do vendedor, que tanto pode vender suas peças de confecção, como comprar de outros e revender. Ou, ainda, é possível vender produtos complementares e de alimentação. O comércio de ambulantes é variado na feira da Sulanca: cds, brinquedos, sucos, alimentos, ervas, etc. Assim, vemos como uma prática sociomaterial a produção e venda pelas famílias que lhes permite não prestar serviços para circuito superior, não fazer apenas trabalho domiciliar ou só de comerciante. A feira organiza o tempo de vida, de produção, de venda e lazer ao passo que as necessidades de produção e vida também determinam feira (local, extensão, dias e horários de funcionamento).

Pretendemos com essa discussão demostrar que a feira é fluída e dinâmica, que se constitui e é constituída como um espaço de interação material e social (Dale, 2007), como uma mancha urbana que precisa ser enxergada de perto e de dentro (Magnani, 2002) e que tem suas atividades marcadas pela divisão do espaço em circuito superior e inferior (Santos, 2008). Esperamos contribuir para ampliar formas de compreensão sobre como os sujeitos vivem, produzem e se organizam nesse espaço.

Referências Bezerra, B. (2004). Caminhos do desenvolvimento: uma história de sucesso e empreendedorismo em Santa Cruz do Capibaribe. Edições inteligentes. Dale, K. (2005). Building a social materiality: Spatial and embodied politics in organizational control. Organization, 12(5), 649-678. Ipiranga, A.S. R.. Lopes, L.L.S. O Organizar da Estética Espacial: Uma História Táctil da Praça dos Leões. Spatial Aesthetics Organizing: A Touch History of the Lions Square . Sociedade, Contabilidade e Gestão, Rio de Janeiro, v. 12, n. 31 jan/mar 2017. Magnani, J. G. C. (2002). De perto e de dentro: notas para uma etnografia urbana. Revista brasileira de ciências sociais, 17(49), 11-29. Sá (2010). Feirantes: quem são? Como administram seus negócios. Encontro Nacional dos Programas de Pós-Graduação em Administração, ANPAD 34.

Santos, M. (2008). O espaço dividido: os dois circuitos da economia urbana dos países subdesenvolvidos. Editora Universidade de São Paulo. São Paulo. Silvia RODRIGUES FOLLADOR Institution: special student at the ICT4D course at FGV/EAESP E-mail: [email protected] Postal address: Rua Dr. Gabriel dos Santos, 626 apto 304 CEP: 01231-010

OAP 2019 - Politics of Sociomateriality: Reconnecting with Societal Controversies and Political Struggles

The pervasiveness of technology and changes in labor conditions

{REPROGRAMA}: a case study on gender and technology

Abstract:

This research paper discusses the activities developed in a social startup, whose focus is the training of women through bootcamps in the programming area. {reprograma} is a non-profit organization that aims to reduce gender inequalities in the Brazilian technology market by offering free courses to unemployed and /or low-income women. At first, the work presents a literature review on gender and technology to then discuss the notion of gender in the field of sociomateriality studies. Regarding methodology, the study articulates a bibliographic review with a preliminary data analysis obtained through open and semi-structured interviews with the bootcamp participants, the instructors and the management team. The objective of this work is to demonstrate how the notion of gender is mobilized in the activities of {reprograma} and how it is understood and experienced by the participants. Finally, it is suggested that the inequalities that mark the gender relations in the labor market are better understood from the perspective of sociomateriality. This approach enables the perception of the recursive interweaving between the social and the material, and also demonstrates the sociomaterial practices and the "organizational aesthetics" that initiatives like that of {reprograma} intend to transform.

Keywords: sociomateriality; gender; gender gap; gender related issues; women’s empowerment; ​ career development; information and communication technology; programming; employability; Latin America; Brazil

Extended abstract

INTRODUCTION

This paper presents the preliminary results of a case study on gender and technology in a social startup, founded in 2015 in São Paulo, Brazil. {reprograma} aims to teach programming to unemployed and/or low-income women in order to reduce the gender gap in the Brazilian technology sector. Although this is the fastest growing sector in the world, it lacks trained professionals able to fill the vacancies offered by the market. In 2017, UN Women made a general warning that women worldwide are unable to reach the main jobs generated by the digital revolution. In Brazil, data from the Ministry of Education revealed that the female presence in science and technology courses is still extremely low. As a result, Brazilian and Latin American women are underrepresented in the programming area (Yansen & Zukerfeld 2014). Given this general outlook, this research paper proposes an approach to the relations between organizations, artifacts and practices, with a focus on the gender and technology areas. This study aims to contribute to the field of sociomateriality research, in an area that is still unexplored by the Information and Communication Technologies literature as well as the Human Sciences. It is proposed that gender, combined with an intersectional perspective, can connect the socio-cultural singularities of Latin America (Gantman et al., 2015; Stratton & Bailey, 2015) to those of the "Global North", since data on the gender gap reveals that this is a problem of transnational scope (Odme 2005; Ameen & Willis 2018; Antonio & Tuffley 2014). The literature and research on intersectionality (Crenshaw 2002; Akotirene, 2018; Tolbert et al., 2007) in countries such as Brazil point to the need to overcome the premises of liberal feminism. The 2030 Sustainable Development Agenda, adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 2015, precisely affirms the "sense of urgency" implied in the problem of gender inequality. The finding that women are excluded from the digital revolution requires the formulation of practices and projects of social impact, capable of transforming not only the lives of individuals, but also the environments, organizations, as well as the daily and work relationships. Although the approach of Amartya Sen (1999) finds resonance in the activities of {reprograma}, it is necessary to remember that technology alone will not solve the basic issues of gender equity related to capacities and opportunities (Patel & Parmentier 2005; Toyama 2015). As Dale (2005, p.652) suggests, "materiality is impregnated with culture, language, imagination, memory; it cannot be reduced to mere object or pure objectivity. " An argument similar to that of sociologist Manuel Castells (2002), when he highlights that "the type of technology that develops and diffuses in a given society decisively models its material structure" and, one could complement, its social structure. The perspective of sociomateriality (Orlikowski 2007) is a fundamental part of this study, because it enables precisely the perception of the recursive interweaving between the social and the material. The research by Russo & Guerreiro (2017) serves as a reference for the identification of the institutional logic of {reprograma}, based on the following questions: how is gender mobilized in teaching programming? Does the institutional mission and the bootcamps offered promote a widespread appropriation of technologies and artifacts? How do bootcamp participants see the development of gender awareness? After participating in the courses, do they perceive a change in their professional performance? The concept of gender will be used in its performative sense (Butler 1994), and not as a result of supposedly natural attributes or socially determined roles since birth. Therefore, gender is understood as a process of "becoming", which is intermingled by power relations and by efforts of autonomy and emancipation of individuals and social groups. The hierarchies present in everyday relationships are generally reflected in the environment of organizations and produce what Wasserman & Frenkel (2011) call "organizational aesthetics". This research paper is interested not only in the observation of the existence of an aesthetics mostly masculine in the technology sector, but also in demonstrating how initiatives such as {reprograma} can contribute to a transformation of organizational aesthetics and sociomaterial practices. For this reason, the main objective of this work is to demonstrate how the notion of gender is mobilized in the activities of {reprograma} and how it is understood and experienced by its participants.

MATERIALS AND METHODS

The study articulates the literature review with a preliminary analysis of the data obtained through open and semi-structured interviews with participants, teachers and the management team of {reprograma}. The bibliographic survey was conducted in the main databases of academic journals. The EndNote software was used to organize the data. "Search words" were used both in English and Portuguese, with emphasis on sociomateriality, gender, technology and programming.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Since {reprograma} started in 2015, seven bootcamps have been held, 179 women were trained with a completion rate of 96%. In addition to the bootcamps, {reprograma} developed a "speed hiring" partnership with companies in the technology area, which made it possible to hire 80% of the group as front-end developers (graphic environment and website interface). Preliminary results show that the participants report that general education in the programming area has allowed them not only to obtain professional training, but also to understand the importance of female leadership in the technology sector. They emphasize that the psychological support, the sorority and the mentoring of professional women were fundamental for them to feel encouraged to continue in the area, as well as for them to contribute to the creation of work environments and products which are friendly to the female public. Initially, gender appears in the testimonials as a diagnostic category of inequalities that are reflected in everyday life, in sociomaterial practices and in the organizational aesthetics of companies in the technology sector. However, during and after the bootcamps, gender is gradually seen as a category that refers to an open-ended process in which women improve their skills and discover new opportunities for professional action.

CONCLUSION

Based on preliminary data, the objective of this study was partially achieved. The theoretical and empirical bases that allow to affirm that the inequalities that mark the gender relations in the technology sector can be better understood from the perspective of sociomateriality were demonstrated. This approach enables the perception of the recursive intertwining between the social and the material, as well as highlights the sociomaterial practices and the "organizational aesthetics" that initiatives such as {reprograma} aims to transform. As limitations to this paper, it is worth highlighting the need to deepen the literature analysis and carry out a new and more extensive stage of interviews. Finally, it is suggested the need for an ethnographic field research, through participant observation, in order to understand and describe how the relationships and activities in the bootcamps offered by {reprograma} are given.

WORKS CITED

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Author´s names: Bernardo Bignetti ([email protected] ); Maira Petrini ([email protected] ) Institutional Affiliation: PUCRS, Porto Alegre - Brazil Postal Address: Ipiranga Avenue, 6681- Building 50 Partenon – Porto Alegre/RS - Brazil Postal code: 90619-900

Abstract. Conventional technology is a term used to define large-scale technologies, developed in specific Western-based contexts, that are resource intensive and may often contribute to labor impoverishment and social exclusion when directly transferred to developing countries (Pozzebon, 2015). In fact, most of the attempts made to transfer and adapt conventional technologies to developing countries have been unsuccessful regarding social inclusion and poverty reduction (Dagnino et al., 2004; Dagnino, 2010). Technological advancement in developing regions should contemplate cultural and natural aspects along with regional and social demands. In South America, a concept called tecnologia social has been developed to acknowledge local demands and local community knowledge. In a way, tecnologia social implies in approaching political processes capable of promoting social transformation, conceivably creating public policies and arrangement that address social problems and demands of local communities (Pozzebon, 2015; Pozzebon & Fontenelle, 2018). Furthermore, tecnologia social aims to establish an inclusive and participative local development (Fonseca & Serafim, 2009), considering the well-being and the “good living” (buen viver) of community residents (Escobar, 2011). One way to develop local communities is through entrepreneurship, known for creating jobs and stimulating region economy (Lee, Florida, Acs, 2004). The present research aims to understand how the construction of a tecnologia social may occur from a government program called Inova Jovem, a program that provides entrepreneurial education for young people from vulnerable communities (favelas) in Brazil. Launched by the Brazilian National Youth Secretariat, in partnership with Besouro Social Agency, this program offers training and counseling, promoting opportunities to entrepreneurial education and practices, encouraging. the creation of business ventures and the generation of income, in some way taking the youth out of poverty and impacting their entire community. The Inova Jovem program has reached more the 2,000 young people from 83 different cities, in all regions of Brazil. However, despite the apparent success of this initiative, this educational program is not a collective social construction, since the local peripherical communities did not participate in its original conception. In addition, the program provides counseling and monitoring of the future entrepreneur for only three months after the conclusion of entrepreneurial training, which limits the evaluation of the effectiveness of this program as a tool of social transformation. Thus, we are tempted to do more field work in order to understand how the practices of entrepreneurship are established and transformed by young people living in vulnerable communities, revisiting the Inova Jovem program with the objective of, maybe, conceiving it as a tecnologia social. Actor-Network Theory (ANT) is the path we have chosen for our research. By "following the actors", according to ANT (Latour, 2005), we may expand our understanding of the network of actors, both human and non-human, entangled in the entrepreneurial endeavor of young people from favelas, identifying practices, negotiations and controversies that may occur in this process. The collection and analysis of data will take place in an interactive way, from the follow-up of the youth that attended this program in two different moments: (1) students attending the training program and its follow-up for up to six months after completing the entrepreneurial training and (2) graduates from this program after a 6 months period, counting from the start of data collection (this program includes mentoring and support services for up to three months after entrepreneurial training). Identified actors should attend the following profiles: students who graduated from the program and did start an entrepreneurial endeavor, graduates who did not undertake an entrepreneurial venture, students who started, but did not continue an entrepreneurial venture, instructors and councilors of the Inova Jovem program, community members impacted by the young entrepreneurs (family, local clients, etc.). This research, through the use of ANT, can provide a theoretical discussion for the OAP 2019 Workshop related to material semiotics, in which entities are produced in human-non-human relationships, redirecting, in the applied social sciences, the focus of analysis for organizational processes that can result in entrepreneurship and social innovation (Alcadipani & Tureta, 2009; Tonelli, Brito, Zambalde, 2011). In addition, the concept tecnologia social can also be further explored and debated, since there are two main Brazilian perceptions of tecnologia social, according to Duque and Valadão (2017): (i) tecnologia social seen as social constructions that can be reapplied, whose main national author is Renato Dagnino and (ii) tecnologia social seen as artifacts, programs, methods or techniques that, introduced in a social environment, can improve the local community well-being, whose main author is Silvio Caccia Bava. These two perceptions of tecnologia social are not contradictory but interrelated. Therefore, one can question how these concepts, in fact, complement each other in an empirical case: an entrepreneurial education program for young people from vulnerable communities. How can a government program be reshaped into a social construction? What practices are needed? What controversies emerge? These questions and discussions can allow the implementation and/or improvement of public policies aimed at young people from vulnerable communities in Brazil, allowing other ways to alleviate poverty and social inequality in a context of developing countries.

References Alcadipani, R., & Tureta, C. (2009). Teoria ator-rede e estudos críticos em administração: possibilidades de um diálogo. Cadernos EBAPE. br, 7(3), 405-418. Dagnino, R., Brandao, F. C., & Novaes, H. T. (2004). Sobre o marco analítico-conceitual da tecnologia social. Tecnologia social: uma estratégia para o desenvolvimento. Rio de Janeiro: Fundação Banco do Brasil, 65-81. Dagnino, R. (2010). Tecnologia Social: uma ferramenta para construir outra sociedade. 2º edição. Campinas, SP: Komedi. Duque, T. O., & Valadão, J. D. A. D. (2017). Abordagens teóricas de tecnologia social no Brasil. Revista Pensamento Contemporâneo em Administração, 11(5), 1-19.

Escobar, A. (2011). Encountering Development: The Making and Unmaking of the Third World. Princetown University Press Fonseca, R. & Serafim, M. (2009). A Tecnologia Social e seus arranjos institucionais. In In Dagnino, R. (Ed.) Tecnologia Social: ferramenta para construir outra sociedade. Campinas, São Paulo: Instituto de Geociências de UNICAMP, 154-183. Latour, B. (2005). Reassembling the social: An introduction to actor-network-theory. Oxford university press. Lee, S. Y., Florida, R., & Acs, Z. (2004). Creativity and entrepreneurship: A regional analysis of new firm formation. Regional studies, 38(8), 879-891. Pozzebon, M. (2015). Tecnologia Social: A South American View of the Regulatory Relationship between Technology and Society. In Materiality, Rules and Regulation (pp. 33-51). Palgrave Macmillan, London. Pozzebon, M., & Fontenelle, I. A. (2018). Fostering the post-development debate: the Latin American concept of tecnologia social. Third World Quarterly, 39(9), 1750- 1769. Tonelli, D. F., de Brito, M. J., & Zambalde, A. L. (2011). Empreendedorismo na ótica da teoria ator-rede: explorando alternativa às perspectivas subjetivista e objetivista. Cadernos EBAPE. BR, 586-603. Multi-history and construction of methodologies in Brazilian cyberfeminist collectives

Narrira Lemos de Souza PhD candidate at Federal University of Rio de Janeiro E-mail: [email protected]

This paper refers to an on going research on feminist and technology field. Beyond utopic and distopic visions, individuals and feminist collectives have been working on building news ways to produce and share knowledge from tech fields to non-scholar women. Trough the etnographic method, observation participant in workshops and trainings, and interviews with the trainers, this paper shows a partial amount of the cosmologies built in some brazilians groups focused in digital security and privacy. There is also a mapping made with participants in an Latin America workshop.

To inspire this study, we explore the techno-scientific journey materialized and established in the post-Second World War context, the chemical and nuclear war, Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Cold War. Human and non-human bodies shattered by the streets, burned, forgotten, aimless, without port. The impact of the use of nuclear weapons is still not well resolved: devastated and abandoned cities, and the aftermath with lives impacted by diseases derived from the use of such weapons. The techno-scientific production of this space race is thus, navigating between utopian and dystopian glimpses: a promise of a better and more beautiful world, in the case this world is destroyed, by accident or greed. Technoscience emerges in this scenario as a knowledge that doesn't live the supposed neutrality of science or technology, it is the recognition of the existence of context, of the social sciences, of society.

Thus, the historical narratives that permeate scientific theories and fictions seem to be centered on the masculine construction of the white US-European man, reflecting the situated reproduction of unique "truths", characteristic of a normative and positivist science. With the perception of the partial truths some activist groups, and especially feminist groups, locate the need to create their own narrative production space, that are argued here.

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Cultrix, 1968. A Flexibilização da Gestão de Pessoas através das TICs: Um caso no Agreste Pernambucano.

Francisco Carlos Lopes da Silva

[email protected]

Professor Doutor Universidade Federal, de Pernambuco

Luciano Manoel da Silva [email protected] Estudante de graduação em Administração Universidade Federal de Pernambuco

Luana Brenda Gomes de Oliveira [email protected]

Estudante de graduação em Administração Universidade Federal de Pernambuco

Erica S. Siqueira

[email protected]

Estudante Doutorado FGV/EAESP

A flexibilização da Gestão de Pessoas (GP) impactada pelas tecnologias da informação e comunicação (TIC’s), induz as empresas a uma maior adaptação, levando- as a se livrarem do trabalho burocratizado, desde as técnicas para realizar comunicações internas como e-mails via web, oferta de seleção de candidatos online, treinamentos e desenvolvimento. Além da utilização das TIC’s nos procedimentos internos da empresa, nos cadastros dos funcionários, remuneração e benefícios, tem sido frequente o uso de sistemas de gestão (SG) e sites que facilitam o de recrutamento de candidatos para uma vaga por empresas. (Zonato; Pavan; Nardi, 2015, Colombini, 2001).

Entretanto, essa flexibilização tem levado a redução de trabalho nas estruturas de GP, visando a redução de custos mediante a compra e utilização do SG. Apesar disso, essa reestruturação não modifica as práticas tradicionais do trabalho desenvolvido pelo taylorismo-fordismo. (Tenório, 2007) quais sejam divisão do trabalho, especialização, controle do tempo etc. Nos apoiamos na concepção de Orlikowski (2000) “não há social que também seja material, e não há material que também não seja social” assim há um entrelaçamento entre ambos. Neste sentido, buscamos compreender como ocorre a flexibilização da GP a partir da utilização das TICs. Para tanto realizamos uma pesquisa exploratória- descritiva Denzin e Lincoln (2006) nos meses de setembro e outubro de 2018, em uma empresa de médio porte do ramo de alimentos e bebidas localizada no agreste pernambucano. Foram exploradas as ferramentas TIC’s utilizados no setor de GP e analisadas as contradições na sua utilização. Para coleta dos dados realizamos entrevistas semiestruturadas no setor de GP, em seguida exploramos site externo à organização que presta serviços em GP. Apontaremos as Tics utilizadas na GP e uma discussão sobre as implicações para as organizações e trabalhadores.

O ERP Datasul

A empresa pesquisada, utiliza o ERP “Datasul” desenvolvido pela TOTVS S/A. Abaixo, analisamos os módulos para a GP.

Tabela 1 ERP Datasul.

Recrutamento e Seleção disponibiliza consultas e relatórios. Desenvolvimento de Pessoal disponibiliza consultas e relatórios. Habilidades e competências disponibiliza as habilidades e competências dos funcionários e perfil do cargo Benefícios Sociais relatórios relacionados aos benefícios dos funcionários.

Gestão Quadro de Informações sobre admissão de funcionários, desligamento etc. Funcionários. Requisição de Realiza requisições de materiais em estoque (almoxarifado) ou realizar Material/Compras compras externas (débito direto). (Fonte: TOTVS, editado, 2019)

Na tabela 1, observamos que as principais ferramentas utilizadas pela GP racionalizão os processos da área além integrar o departamento a outros da empresa. Segundo os entrevistados os benefícios são: agilidade, redução de perdas com material físico e tempo. Entretanto, os usuários relatam problemas de uso que são ignorados pelos seus fornecedores. Uma das dificuldades enfrentadas é a pressão por qualificação profissional, competência técnica e social aliada a ausência de treinamento para os colaboradores que o utilizam, fazendo com que os trabalhadores criem uma dependência das empresas fornecedoras do SG que são responsáveis pela instalação e manutenção dessas ferramentas. Outro aspecto importante é a diminuição do departamento de GP, pois conta apenas com um analista de recursos humanos e um estagiário para fazer a gestão de 300 colaboradores. Assim o SG perde a sua capacidade de melhorar os processos e se torna apenas mais uma f burocrácia .Nesse caso específico, o resultado desse arranjo sociomaterial: (Pessoas + sistemas) são rotinas automatizadas, demissão, burocratização e poucos (ou nenhum) ganhos de melhorias nas condições de trabalho para colaboradores da empresa que seria objetivo de uma área de GP

A flexibilização na contratação

(Fonte: Catho Empresa)

O avanço tecnológico faz surgir novas organizações, um exemplo identificado é a Catho, uma empresa brasileira de tecnologia que oferece serviços de recrutamento para trabalhadores e organizações. A plataforma online reúne cerca de 7 milhões de currículos cadastrados, e segundo o site 4 mil novos são cadastrados diariamente. Além disso, oferece recrutamento de pessoas com deficiência.

Analisamos o site, nele, os candidatos cadastram e anexam seus currículos em um banco de dados por um preço, onde qualquer empresa possa consultá-lo. É um serviço voltado para os setores de GP, especificamente para os processos de recrutamento.

Os entrevistados do setor de GP da empresa percebem como uma aliada nos processos de recrutamento e seleção, permitindo maior acesso a currículos, evitando a impressão; possibilitando o filtro de competência e interesses o que gera uma precisão melhor na hora de selecionar e entrevistar um candidato Concordaram que o fornecimento desses serviços com inovações tecnológicas por um lado “facilitam” a vida de trabalhadores e organizações na hora da seleção e contratação. Todavia, essa prática diminui empregos em geral, sobretudo na área de GP. Para os trabalhadores, reforçam a estratificação social pois a maioria da população tem baixa escolaridade e é excluída digitalmente. Araujo e Reinhard (2018) classificou os usuários de internet no Brasil, com base nos dados da Tic Domicilios, e perceberam que há um grupo grande de pessoas que, apesar de acesso ao celular e a internet, não tem competências informacionais suficientes para aproveitar oportunidades online de treinamento, busca de empregos, realizar transações financeiras etc

Considerações Finais

O objetivo desse trabalho foi realizar um estudo exploratório com o intuito de identificar as ferramentas TIC’s utilizadas na GP. Na perspectiva positivista, ela traz vários benefícios para empresas e para trabalhadores, principalmente no tocante ao recrutamento. Para os trabalhadores, têm permitido a participação mais frequente em processos seletivos, uma vez que com o recrutamento online a pessoa não precisa se deslocar para a empresa ofertante, apenas nos casos de aprovação em que seguem os tramites normais. Entretanto, por um viés crítico, encontramos problemas causados pela falta de treinamento e qualificação do trabalhador no uso dessas tecnologias, o que gera certa dependência da organização com a empresa fornecedora do ERP utilizado. Os trabalhadores e profissionais de GP, necessitam escolarização, capacitação e aprimoramento constante. Para as empresas compradoras dos ERPs, é uma estratégia de redução de custos na GP. Já para as fornecedoras, um negócio vantajoso pelos milhões de candidatos que pagam para ter seus currículos cadastrados em sua plataforma além da venda dos serviços às empresas que as contratam.

Referências

ARAUJO, M. H. D., & REINHARD, N. (2018). Caracterizando os usuários de Internet no Brasil: uma análise a partir das habilidades digitais-Characterizing Brazilian Internet Users: An analysis based on Digital Skills. CETIC.org.br

DENZIN, N. K. e LINCOLN, Y. S. Introdução: a disciplina e a prática da pesquisa qualitativa. teorias e abordagens. 2. ed. Porto Alegre: Artmed, 2006. p. 15-41.

TENÓRIO, F.G. Tecnologia da Informação transformando as organizações e o trabalho. Rio de Janeiro. Editora FGV, 2007. ZONATO, J.R; PAVAN, N.C de A; NARDI, Antonio. O impacto da tecnologia na gestão de recursos humanos: Rev. Científica Eletrônica UNISEB, Ribeirão Preto, v.5, n.5, p.104-117, jan./jun.2015.

Sites Consultados:

https://www.towerswatson.com/ Acesso em: 12 de nov, 2018

https://www.catho.com.br/empresas/ Acesso em: 20 de nov, 2018

https://portalerp.com/erp/totvs-datasul/fabricantes/ Acesso em: 29 de set, 2018. Autores: Luiz Arthur Silva de Faria - [email protected] - FGV-SP e UFRJ - Rua Dr. Pereira Nunes, 77/501, Ingá 24210-430, Niterói, RJ

Nadja Piedade de Antônio - [email protected] - UNIRIO - Rua Uruguai, 375/701, Tijuca 20510-055 RJ - RJ

Paulo Henrique Fidélis Feitosa - [email protected] - UFRJ - Rua Uruguai, 471/703, Tijuca 20510-055 RJ - RJ

Title:

Technical-regulatory conflicts: governance and sustainability in Brazilian peripheries

Abstract:

Starting from the description of two researches with Brazilian peripheral collectives, we intend to demonstrate the importance of considering, at the analyzes and the practices on the subject of governance, not only the "social practices" that permeate particularly social movements, but also the technologies and regulatory frameworks envolved. The first experience examined is the Associação RevoluSolar, which has been conducting courses and the installation of solar panels in the Morro do Leme favela in Rio de Janeiro, since 2016, and tries to expand its activities with regulations which restrict its desire of organizing itself as a cooperative in order to generate low-cost solar electric power in the favelas. At the second case, the Rede Brasileira de Bancos Comunitários de Desenvolvimento (BCDs) hopes that the legislation about electronic payment arrangements will allow it to be financially sustainable, and, in order to that, has been digitalizing its social currencies since 2013, even if it implies on depending on external experts. On the one hand, the birth of the RevoluSolar cannot be dissociated from the imbrication between favelas, photovoltaic systems (that are becoming familiar to the members of the initiative) and the regulation of the electric power generation sector; on the other hand, the complex interaction between new legislations and digital technologies is decisive for the BCD Network to change its social currency infrastructure (which began in 1998 and has more than 100 BCDs) for a digital one, which are not familiar for its members, in what we can consider a rebirth of BCDs.

Generally built from influences of richer groups, regulation is observed in both initiatives in conflicts with the social movements that deal with technologies as elements of transformation of the reality of exclusion and poverty. It seems a common point in both examples that the complex regulations present themselves as tensions for the projects promoted by poor collectives, presenting decisive scenarios for the sustainability of these initiatives.

In the case of RevoluSolar, a cooperative for the generation of solar energy (in a context of the high energy potential of the roofs and the culture of social mobilization in the favelas), the regulation, in practice, limits its activities. At the time of their birth, the idealizers were motivated by the possibility of generating energy cooperatively from the roofs of the favelas, using mainly the mobilization, labor and local resources as differentials for the success of the initiative. The activities were then focused on the appropriation of the photovoltaic technology and the installation of pilot plants in local commerce and community institutions. RevoluSolar were thus born with the pattern of technological appropriation. It turns out that the regulatory model of shared micro-generation of electric power was ideally shaped for situations such as condominiums with use of their common areas, or that of cooperatives with land use separated from the houses for the implementation of small solar plants, situations that do not fit the favelas. The legislation does not allow the sharing of roofs of different units, which is the great potential of favelas, so that RevoluSolar has not yet established itself as a cooperative of solar energy micro-generation.

The BCDs Network began to envisage their financial sustainability based on a legislation (law 12865/2013) that allows them to be remunerated by the management of their social currencies, as long as they are digital. The regulation incorporated both a promise of regulatory stability (BCDs have suffered legal questions since the early 2000s) and of financial sustainability, as it allows community banks to be remunerated for their work. However, what appeared to be just a technological change (from paper-money to digital media) that would not alter the principles of the BCDs, has implied on reconfigurations and dependencies, in a situation where the company that maintains the system occupies a central position, as well as the BCD that manages the platform. As a result, some of the more experienced "community bankers" say they have not yet been able to feel "the flavors of technology" that they planned to implement themselves. An indication that softwares, databases, blockchain etc., new actors in this network, are relatively ignored by the BCD builders. They seemed to consider information technologies merely as tools, such as developed artifacts that intend to do what they are programmed to do, riskly delegating them to technology company "experts".

Authors such as Orlikowski and Iacono (2001) argue that a view that encompasses "equipment, techniques, applications, and people" is needed. Fololwing this line, Kling and Scacchi (1982) understand that a "web of computing" includes commitments, additional resources (such as training, qualified staff and support services) and the development of organizational arrangements, policies and incentives to enable effective management and use of new technologies. In addition, technologies embed / propagate / facilitate modes of acting and relating, (re)creating environments, in a way comparable to regulations and laws, as Lawrence Lessig (1999) suggests. Thus, in these two cases, we observe that technology and regulation act - in the sense of making difference, of "making do" (HENION, 2015, p.12) - in the governance of such initiatives. In the perspective of a participatory management of common resources (pursued by the social movements described here), Marie Fare and Tristan Dissaux (2017, p.13) point out that "if the commons do not exist naturally, it is the social practices that are established around a resource that allows it to be established as such [a commons]". Contributing to this debate, we defend, anchored in the field of STS (Science and Technology Studies), the impossibility of separating on one side the "social practices" and on the other the materialities present in the referred cases. We privilege, in the case of digital social currencies as well as in that of the solar panels, the need for a sociotechnical approach, which includes, in a symmetrical way (non- privileged a priori) heterogeneous elements such as laws and technologies. In this sense, this discussion contributes to several subjects of the OAP Workshop, as far as it describes for example social movements and their infrastructures, considering social currencies and technopolitical struggles.

References:

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KLING, R.; SCACCHI, W. The Web Of Computing: Computer Technology as social organization. Adv. Comput. (21) 1–90. 1982 Researcher and Social Activist at the same time: challenges in cooperative inquiry research about a Brazilian corporate environmental crime

Armindo dos Santos de Sousa Teodósio, Postgradute Program in Management, Pontifical Catholic University of - Brazil [email protected]

This critical essay narrates the experience of the author with the recent and still the evolving tragic experience of Brumadinho, Brazil that was seriously destroyed – with hundreds of deaths and un-sizeable environmental and social destruction – by the action of a mining corporation called Vale. The essay discusses the interactions and connections between university and local communities, between researchers and social and environmental activists and local public managers and between local, community and popular knowledge and academic and scientific knowledge. As theoretical background we use literature of the Third Sector research, Public Management, and Sustainability Studies. Our main theory focus of analysis oriented to discuss the South-Epistemologies (as Boaventura de Sousa Santos, the Portuguese sociologist understand this), the Cooperative Inquiry (mainly as the Colombian social researcher Sonia Ospina understand this) and the relationship between Mining Corporations and local communities in the Brazilian context (as Brazilian social scientist as André Dias, Regina Silva, Andréa Zhouri and Pedro Jacobi discuss this). The author has a double role in the city of Brumadinho, as academic and representative of a university, making the connection between local people and academic specialists and as an activist of the hub or social network movement called “I Fight, Brumadinho Lives” (in Portuguese “Eu Luto, Brumadinho Vive” ). This role brings new challenges to the academic research about Third Sector because the author became an engaged researcher working in the gray area between university and society, between the academy and local communities. Brumadinho, in the state of Minas Gerais, Brazil is a small city that depends on the mining activities as the main way to generate local development. The environment crime perpetrated by this corporation is considered the most important crime in terms of deaths and the second one in terms of environmental damage in Brazil. After the catastrophe-crime, a lot of government agencies (army, police, firefighters...), international NGOs and universities went to the Brumadinho to support the search for victims, to give human rights support and to rebuilt the economy, environment, society and cultural life in this small city. In this scenario, we have a lot of contractions and a rich experience to discuss the role of the engaged research, the political and environmental role of the academics and the positive and negative interactions between local people and communities that have important knowledge of the environment and society and the technical and academic knowledge of the specialists of the NGOs, government agencies and universities. References COSTON, J. M. (1998) A model and typology of government-NGO Relationships. Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quaterly, 27, no. 3, September, pp. 358-382.

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Being an Inclusive Organization at Brazil and UK: a critical analysis of the Social Enterprises

Armindo dos Santos de Sousa Teodósio, Postgradute Program in Management, Pontifical Catholic University of Minas Gerais - Brazil [email protected]

Walter Msawa, The Business School, University of Huddersfield – United Kingdom

Graziella Maria Comini, Postgraduate Program in Management, University of São Paulo - Brazil [email protected]

Frederico Dornellas Martins Quintão, Postgraduate Program in Management, Pontificial Catholic University of Minas Gerais – Brazil [email protected]

Social enterprise as a concept has experienced phenomenal growth over the past years as societies across the globe continue to explore innovative ways of addressing socio- economic deprivation and exclusion. Despite this growth, the concept is a relatively new area of study from an academic perspective. One of the key emerging areas requiring further scrutiny is the conceptual framing of this concept. There is no clarity or consensus in current discourses and debates on this key component of the establishment and evolution of the social enterprise. The objective of this paper is to address this gap in knowledge by proposing and comparing the Brazilian and UK approaches on framing social enterprise using an in-depth case study approach of social enterprises in the UK and Brazil. The paper argues that the analysis of social enterprises in the UK and Brazil is largely underpinned by the mainstream theoretical approach and by the frames that organize the strategies and action developed by civil society organizations, private enterprises, and government that support the social enterprises. The social enterprise ability to achieve its objectives related to social inclusion is influenced by the market, institutional and societal influences. So, an important question is what about “how inclusive is the inclusive business” (one of the multiple terms used to describe the social enterprises). We try to answer this question addressing Brazilian and UK realities. Research in social enterprise is increasingly gaining prominence a field of academic scrutiny (Bull, 2008). Despite this development, there is very little theoretical development and research on the concept (Dorado, 2006; Thompson et al, 2000). This is exacerbated by its contested nature and lack of consensus in a number of key areas that characterize it (Kerlin, 2010). From a theoretical point of view, it is not surprising therefore that social enterprise is therefore relatively new and underdeveloped (Kolki, Rivera-Santos, and Rufín, 2014; Haigh and Hoffman, 2012; Deffourny and Nyssens, 2010). There are still too few explanatory or prescriptive theoretical approaches to understanding social enterprise (Young and Lecy, 2012; Peattie and Morley, 2008; Young, 2007; Heath, 2006). Most of the work, therefore, derives from frameworks of political, economic and social changes (Johnson, 2000). Contemporary social enterprise literature largely dwells on practical elements of social enterprise and there is a dearth of intellectual analysis to frame this emerging concept. This paper argues and suggests ways in which social enterprise can be conceptualized and unpacked for detailed analytical treatment, focusing on Brazil and the UK. These two countries have been selected on the basis of the increase in growth of social enterprise and importance in addressing deprivation through enterprise. In the UK, the creation of viable and sustainable social enterprises is at the core of the government’s social reform programmes (McCabe and Hahn, 2006). Similarly, in Brazil social enterprise has emerged as an intervention aimed at raining deprived communities out of poverty and promoting the local sustainable development (Fischer and Comini, 2012; Bornstein, 1988). This paper is organized as follows. In the first instance, we discuss the contested understanding of social enterprise then this is followed by a discussion of how this concept is conceptualized in both the United Kingdom (UK) and Brazil. We then scrutinize the literature on social enterprise particularly focussing on the selected theoretical framework for understanding and analyzing how social enterprise address the inclusion in these countries. The paper then presents systematic studies developed in the last five years by two research centers in Brazil and one in the UK analyzing the emergence of social enterprises. We conclude by showing the position that social enterprises occupy within the matrix of state, society and markets interactions in with country and the impacts of this in the social inclusion in Brazil and the UK. In Latin America and specifically Brazil, social enterprise is also an emerging concept, driving a type of business to serve the poor and promote the sustainable development of communities (Comini and Teodósio, 2012). Base on Pyramid strategies, new regulation about Third Sector and cooperatives and partnerships between social enterprises and corporations are some of the topics that generated important debates between the academics and bringing new challenges to the practitioners of the social enterprise field in Brazil nowadays (Comini and Teodósio, 2012). Researchers and academics generally agree that a social enterprise is a business that seeks to bring people and communities ‘together for economic development and social gain’ (Martin and Thompson, (2010, p.6). Unlike conventional commercial businesses, surpluses or profits generated by social enterprises are reinvested into the organization to develop its capacity to deliver more services or goods to the communities that they serve (Reis, 1999; DTI, 2002). They come in a variety of forms such as development trusts, co- operatives, social firms, credit unions, community finance initiatives, community businesses and trading arms of charities (Marshall and Lovatt, 2004). There is a general conception among researchers that social enterprises have emerged within a complex framework of socio-economic trends (Kramer, 2005). Discussion about different expressions is in competition to define social enterprise in Brazil: inclusive business, social entrepreneurship, socio-environment entrepreneurship, Base on Pyramid, ... Although this multiple concepts about social enterprises, we can identify the main three approaches: USA, European view and emerging countries point of view about social enterprises. There is a possibility of merging the European and the emerging countries approaches about social enterprises: the focus in the self-governing organizations and the impacts in the improvement of the quality of life and the citizenship of poor people living in risk communities. In the contemporary society the government programs to fight against poverty and even so the cooperatives and communities organizations have been a subject of great controversies. In this context, the social enterprise is considered a good way to fight against the social, political and economic inequality by the left and right political point of view. Nowadays there are important questions about the capacity of social enterprises to fight against poverty, reduce the social inequalities and promote the local sustainable development. Some of the critics see the social enterprises created by left parties and its supporters, grassroots organizations and poor communities as organizations that no promote a modern way of life in the community and manage the business, reproducing a charitable and not self-sustainable way of manage the business. In the last years, the social enterprise field has advanced significantly in issues involving how organizations from different sectors should interact to improve social enterprises. We can see too the increasing presence of civil society organizations, the State and the corporations in the social enterprises' field configuring an arena of disputes, convergences, conflicts, partnerships and risks to the social inclusion. The Brazilian and UK case are rich experiences of improvements in the rights of the poor There many other actors and organizations struggling for the changing of the local institutional conditions about poverty alleviation, the creation of jobs, environment protection, improving the quality of life and right to public space. But some of these fights bring controversies, new perceptions about social reality and about social justice and rights. The advances in the social and economic inclusion on the societies bring new institutional realities and new challenges related to economic, environmental, social and cultural conflicts between civil society, state, and corporations that support social enterprises. Analyzing the reconfiguration of the relations between actors of civil society, State and corporations, a number of questions arise about the prospects and threats to the insertion of the social enterprises in this reality. In this sense, several questions are enunciated from the cross-sector interactions between social enterprises, advocacy movements, government agencies and businesses, such as: Are the social enterprises capable of economically feasible management? Are the social movements capable to keep and expand their participatory spaces in the public process of management of social enterprises field? Are the social enterprises able to promote consistent sustainability processes in societies? Are there management learnings between social enterprises, social movements, government, and corporations? Which organizational rationalities are in a struggle in these cross-sector interactions? Are building new meanings about fair, democratic and sustainable relations in the societies from this new reality of the social enterprise field? Do these new meanings represent advances or retreats to the social inclusion promoted by social enterprises? Our paper put highlights in research questions as the way that the changes that came from the by social enterprises are understood by civil society organizations, government agencies, corporations and the regular citizen in the societies. We can see in the cross- sector relationships new meanings about rights, practices, and structures in the struggle to be legitimated in the day-by-day and in the governance of the social enterprises. Our research is based on the assumptions of the "New Sociology Economy" that highlights the merging between markets and society and the legitimacy of the economic activities in the Max Weber classical studies as in the contemporary analysis that came from Thomas Swedberg and Philippe Steiner, for example. We understood the social change through the "Structuration Theory" by Anthony Giddens and "Social Skills" approach by Neil Fligstein. These gave to us a complex view about the possibilities of social change and transformation of the social reality. In the same way, we use the Sonia Ospina approach about "Leadership for the Social Change" to understand the social change, not an agency capacity or a "heroic view of individual actors" (to use the same expression of the call for papers of this sub- theme), but as a collective process where some ideas (not individuals and organizations by themselves) can be assumed as main orientation to the societal change. In the last decades, a main idea or frame that supports the social fights for social change in the so are the social enterprise field is the social inclusion or the poverty alleviation. The social reality is viewed in our research through the "Institutional Theory" too. We use the approaches that came from the sociological background of the institutional analysis. This theoretical basis leads our research to emphasize the practices, routines, values, interests, and role of the social actors in the reproducing and changing of the institutions in the local contexts. In this way, we create a dialogue with the research and approach of Barin Cruz, Delgado, and Gond about resilience in risk social realities and the Haigh- Hoffman analysis about hybrid organizations. These basic theoretical assumptions give to us an overview of the relationships between civil society, State and corporations based on the merging and gray areas of overlapping between the market and the society. This overlapping and attenuation of boundaries would occur above all when an organization from a given sphere adopts or captures roles traditionally associated with the dynamics of action and rationality of actors from another sphere. As a way to improve the complex analysis the new organizational forms that are created by the interactions, relationships, partnerships and struggles between civil society actors, government agencies and corporations related to the solid waste management, we adopt the hybrid organization approach (Haigh & Hoffman; Battilana & Dorado) and the "Cross-Sector Interactions" analysis that came from the Selsky & Parker studies, specially the called Social Sector Platform. Differently from dependence on resources approach, in which one assumes that organizations aim primarily at their own interest and only later deals the social issues, in the Social Issues Platform fundamentally the organizations aim at addressing the social meta-problems, and from this perspective, the cross-sector interactions would appear and be designed from this central motivation and perspectives. These theoretical models allow the problematization of a series of relevant research questions that mark the social enterprises in Brazil and the UK. Research questions connected to the construction of references and shared meanings as to the advance or not of a new field of policies, social and productive inclusion and generation of social enterprises located in the gray areas of intercession and superposition of the organizational forms of the civil society, state, and market actors. Besides, this discussion supplies important vectors of analysis about the traditional roles of each actor in their sphere and power games involving the change and/or permanence of their práxis, towards encounter or not with organizations of other spheres marked by different rationalities and practices. In these cross-sector interactions, we can find new organizational forms, hybrid organizational forms related to the governance of the social enterprises and of organizing the labor process in these organizations too. Social enterprises, social movements that support these organizations, international and national NGOs that support the social enterprise field, government agencies and corporations are trying to diffuse their organizational forms about the way of managing social enterprises and bringing different practices and values to promote the social inclusion. Dealing with this social inclusion issues in a multidisciplinary approach gives us an opportunity to confront its problems regarding social enterprises in an innovative form seeking state-of-the-art knowledge. The intention of this article is to look at these challenges, given the complexity of social inclusion of the poor in the multiple dimensions of contemporary societies. This analysis can bring not only relevant insights about the social enterprises and the social inclusion as to bring opportunities to discuss the theoretical basis to problematize the practices, values, interests, social relations and confrontation between civil society organizations, government agencies, and corporations in the rebuilding of the institutions. Pact of silence between Business Ethics and CSR?: a Southern reflection on corporate behavior and the dematerialization of marginalized identities at social and environmental conflicts in Brazil

Yuna Fontoura, Fundação Getulio Vargas, Brazil, [email protected]

Armindo dos Santos de Sousa Teodósio, Pontifical Catholic University of Minas Gerais, Brazil, [email protected]

Flávia Naves, Universidade Federal de Lavras, Brazil, [email protected]

Marcus Vinícius Peinado Gomes, Cardiff University, UK, [email protected]

For over 70 (seventy) years, the classical view of Business Ethics and Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) research (and practice) have prescribed principles and best practices to businesses and their managers in order to enhance shareholder value and make good business sense to all stakeholders affected (Flaming, Roberts, and Garsten, 2013; Carroll, 2015; Jamali, Sidani and El-Asmar, 2009; Porter and Kramer, 2006). Their importance is reflected in Business and Management schools’ programmes (from the undergraduate to MBA classes), glossy corporate websites and civil society organizations (CSO)’s policy releases (Flaming et al, 2013; De Bakker, Groenewegen, & Den Hond, 2005). The growing relevance of Business Ethics and CSR also highlights the legitimate corporate role in delivering business sustainability and contributing to the common good (Whiteman et al, 2013; Griffin & Mahon, 1997). Together with those academic disciplines come the established expressions of ‘corporate greening’ (i.e. Kallio and Nordberg, 2006), ‘corporate sustainability’ (i.e. Whiteman et al, 2013), ‘corporate citizenship’ (i.e. Matten and Crane, 2005), ‘corporate environmental management’ (i.e. Milne et al, 2006), ‘triple bottom line’ (i.e. Elkington, 1994), ‘stakeholder management’ (i.e. Freeman, 1984), ‘codes of ethics’ (i.e. Heath, 2006), ‘sustainability report’ (i.e. Carroll, 2015), ‘CSR reports’ (i.e. Porter and Kramer, 2006), ‘ethics and compliance’ (i.e. Alm and Torgler, 2011), ‘ethics, responsibility and diversity’ (i.e. Bear et al, 2010), among others.

However, the paradox posed herein follows the triple aspects: first, is the unsustainable accumulation as the hegemonic behavior in capitalist society; second, the growth of CSR and Ethics reports and, third, the increasing number of ‘green’ think-tanks. These three aspects, together, have not prevented irresponsible operations of the big business in developing and poor countries (Ehrnström-Fuentes, 2016; Nyberg and Wright, 2015; Moog et al, 2014; Banerjee, 2014; Adanhounme, 2011). Moreover, we have witnessed the proliferation in scale, ambition, and scope of the ‘business as usual’ in which profit-maximizing logic prevails over social impacts and needs.

From these examples and many others from the Global South, we observe the detachment from what has been strongly proclaimed as an ethical, social, responsible and environmentally conscious corporate behavior in CSR reports from what is really happening to people and the environment in subaltern ‘worlds’. Actors directly affected in the company’s value-chain, local and indigenous people, rural and peasant communities, social movements, co-ops, and small-scale enterprises have been historically and socially seen as outsiders to big business managers and to Business Ethics and CSR fields of research. Likewise, in ecological

1 terms, these people are usually the most affected by the declining state of Earth systems (Lanka et al, 2017; Littlewood, 2014; Whiteman et al, 2013; Banerjee, 2010).

In this sense, considering the limitations of the classical views of Business Ethics and CSR, recent approaches (Banerjee, 2008, 2014; Sanders, 2012; Scherer & Palazzo, 2007, 2011; 2016) have attempted to overcome CSR pro-business approach of creating shared value in order to ‘legitimize business again’ (i.e. Porter and Kramer, 2011: 5). For instance, Political CSR (PCSR) scholars have argued for ‘an extended model of governance […] where private actors such as corporations and civil society organizations play an active role in the democratic regulation and control of market transactions’ (Scherer and Palazzo, 2011: 901). Others, from a critical perspective, have claimed that, although PCSR gives great contribution to CSR discussions, it still fails in not accommodating different legitimacies over resource extraction (Banerjee, 2017) and by still centering the private corporate power compared to other efforts of progressive change (Levy et al, 2016; Fooks et al, 2013; Whelan, 2012).

Drawing on the view that discourses construct and encompass a broad array of social phenomena (organizations, individuals, social reality) (Alvesson & Karreman, 2011; Grant et al, 2004), and that Business Ethics and CSR discourses permeates political and popular consciousness, in this study, we aim to investigate the dynamic interaction between identities and organizations through decolonial lenses.

Decolonial studies have become more prevalent in Critical Management Studies (CMS), especially in Latin America (Ibarra-Colado, 2006; Mignolo, 2011, 2009; Wanderley & Barros, 2018; Abdalla & Faria, 2016; Wanderley & Faria, 2012). For decolonial authors, coloniality is not just something from the past of former European colonies, but rather something that persists in modern rationality in which knowledge is generated and local challenges is still neglected or ignored. In this sense, one of the possible paths to overcome this colonial inheritance is to (re)construct knowledge in Management and Organization Studies (MOS) by theorizing from the ‘margins’ and their own social realities, making new alternatives to modernity in those fields a possibility (Mignolo, 2009; 2011). However, it is incorrect to affirm that modernity contains an external element. On the contrary, “marginal thinking is the epistemology of externality, that is, the external that is generated from the internal” (Mignolo & Tlostanova, 2006, p. 206).

By doing so, we ask the questions: How Business Ethics and CSR discourses balance tensions and contradictions between the corporate reputation sense of ‘enlightened self’ interest and marginalized groups? How these discourses may interact and inform responses to overcome (de)materiality conflicts between identities in those type of situations?

In agreement with Ibarra-Colado’s (2008: 934) view that Latin American scholars should overcome “the epistemic coloniality through transference and translation”, we argue for the need of generating Business Ethics and CSR knowledge from the borders.

In our paper we present different researchers developed discussing social and environmental conflicts in the state of Minas Gerais, Brazil, related to the mining activities of iron and mineral water extraction. The relationship between local communities, workers, local government and the corporations in these social and environmental conflicts are marked by a tacit negation of identities between the people (working and not working to the corporation), nature or environmental landscape, the civil society organizations and the government. The mining activity of big corporations extract not only rich materials and pure water from the ground but creates symbolic mechanisms of the dependence of the international capital invested

2 on these small cities through of mechanisms of neutralization of conflicts, despite the corporation discourse of stakeholder centrality and corporate social responsibility. We can say that in this social and environmental reality the community, the civil society, and the local government suffer from a real mining dependence or a “mining-addiction”.

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4 Mignolo, W., Tlostanova, M. (2006) Theorizing from the borders: shifting to geo- and body- politics of knowledge. European Journal of Social Theory, 9(2), 205-221. Mignolo, W. (2009) Epistemic disobedience, independent thought and de-colonial freedom. Theory, Culture & Society, v. 26, n. 7-8, p. 1-23.

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5 Call for Papers Politics of Sociomateriality: Reconnecting with Societal Controversies and Political Struggles

Tópico Social management, social movements, social innovation, social technologies

Discutir o desenvolvimento a partir da perspectiva sociotécnica de tecnologias sociais

José de Arimatéia Dias Valadãoi José Raimundo Cordeiro Netoii

Resumo: Sempre discutimos, entre os autores desse resumo, que falar de tecnologia social (TS) não é simplesmente falar de tecnologia, mas de desenvolvimento, muito próximo do que Pozzebon e Fontenelle (2018)1 apresentaram em seu trabalho. É por isso que entendemos que deve haver gestões em desenvolvimento, no sentido de propor que “a gestão em desenvolvimento se expresse muito mais em estratégias em ação do que em planos preestabelecidos e próprios ao determinismo tecnoeconômico e ao difusionismo típico da administração do desenvolvimento (AD) e da administração e gestão do desenvolvimento (AGD)”2. Acreditamos que a sociomaterialidade, principalmente se vincularmos o debate à administração pública, como temos tentado fazer3, pode ser uma saída para o que Acosta (2016)4 chama de bem-viver. Isso é muito diferente do que temos visto no Brasil, destacadamente recentemente, principalmente por haver uma ausência quase que completa de outros parlamentos nas decisões públicas, que não seja o parlamento humano, como disse Latour (2004)5. Mas para que as TS cumpram essa missão, é preciso discuti-las em uma perspectiva sociotécnica, sociotécnica no sentido de “híbridos sociotécnicos”, como já temos discutido6. Ao discutir as tecnologias sociais na perspectiva sociotécnica, é possível visualizar a “ação” do governo como visualizamos ao estudar o Governo de Rondônia, a partir de 2010. Para nós, ficou muito claro que a “atuação coletiva foi vista como a garantia de que as participações e os envolvimentos dos atores contribuem para o delineamento das translações, seja influenciando, seja deixando-se influenciar nas associações, definindo o que os próprios atores consideraram como sendo transformação social”7. Para que se efetive uma mudança nesse sentido, é preciso começar pela educação. No nosso caso, temos nos esforçado para oferecer uma disciplina específica para esse

1 POZZEBON, M.; FONTENELLE, I. A. Fostering the post-development debate: the Latin American concept of tecnologia social. Third World Quarterly, v. 39, pp. 1-20, 2018. 2 ANDRADE, J. A.; CORDEIRO NETO, J. R.; VALADÃO, J. A. D. Associações sociotécnicas e práticas de gestão em desenvolvimento: analisando rastros por entre o traçado do P1MC. Cad. EBAPE.BR, v. 11, n. 2, Jun., pp. 274-294, 2013. 3 ANDRADE, J. A; VALADÃO, J. A. D. Análise da instrumentação da ação pública a partir da teoria do ator- rede: tecnologia social e a educação no campo em Rondônia. RAP, v. 51, n. 3, pp. 407-430, mai, 2017. 4 ACOSTA, A. O bem viver: uma oportunidade para imaginar outros mundos. São Paulo: Elefante, 2016. 5 LATOUR, B. Políticas da natureza: como fazer ciência na democracia. São Paulo: EDUSC, 2004. 6 VALADÃO, J. A. D.; ANDRADE, J. A.; CORDEIRO NETO, J. R. Abordagens sociotécnicas e os estudos em tecnologias sociais. Pretexto, v. 15, n. 1, pp. 44-61, jan-mar, 2014. 7 VALADÃO, J. A. D; CORDEIRO NETO, J. R.; ANDRADE, J. A. Bases sociotécnicas de uma tecnologia social: o transladar da pedagogia da alternância em Rondônia. O&S, v. 24, n. 80, Pp. 89-114, Jan.,Mar. 2017. fim8. Além disso, é preciso avançar na compreensão geral que se têm atualmente a respeito de TS, como mostra muito claramente o Projeto de Lei que propõe instituir a “Política Nacional de Tecnologia Social” no Brasil9, que apesar de propor uma iniciativa de política nesse sentido, seu conteúdo pouco agrega para que se tenha uma redução da assimetria entre sociedade e natureza, como discutiu Latour (1994)10 ou na proposição de compor mundos comuns, como visto em “Os modos de existência”11. Assim, as TS, por outro lado, possibilitam: que seja feita uma reflexão sobre os modos atuais de desenvolvimento; que se criem alternativas plurais e participativas e, sobretudo, que a natureza se constitua em sujeito de direitos, como têm sido discutido em algumas abordagens pós-desenvolvimentistas. Focar nas TS permite-nos evidenciar, como propõe a teoria do ator-rede, entender como são disputados os “inter-esses”, como as “performances” se delineiam e que controvérsias se tornam relevantes no campo político12, principalmente de conformação do estado e da arena pública, como discute Cefaï (2009)13. Com isso, introduzir esse conteúdo na perspectiva da OAP, corrobora à inserção da perspectiva sociomaterial nas agendas de pesquisas, ações, programas e projetos de TS, de modo que a concepção de uma nova perspectiva de desenvolvimento seja colocada em pauta no contexto mundial, tendo vistas a Agenda 2030 e a relevância das “soft technologies” para o alcance dos Objetivos de Desenvolvimento Sustentável (ODS).

Palavras-Chave: Tecnologias sociais; Desenvolvimento; Teoria do Ator-Rede; Sociomaterialidade; Política pública.

i Universidade Federal de Lavras (UFLA), [email protected], Câmpus Universitário, Caixa Postal 3037, CEP: 37200-000 • Lavras/MG. ii Universidade Federal do Vale do São Francisco, [email protected], Av. José de Sá Maniçoba, S/N Centro, CEP: 56304-205 - Petrolina, PE - Brasil

8 Disciplina intitulada “Tecnologias sociais” no Mestrado Profissional Stricto Sensu da Universidade Federal de Lavras (UFLA), ementa disponível em http://prpg.ufla.br/_ppg/admpublica//wp-content/uploads/2018/02/PAP- 528.pdf. 9 O Projeto Lei pode ser visto no site da Câmara dos Deputados disponível em https://www2.camara.leg.br/camaranoticias/noticias/CIENCIA-E-TECNOLOGIA/539215-CAMARA- APROVA-CRIACAO-DA-POLITICA-NACIONAL-DE-TECNOLOGIA-SOCIAL.html 10 LATOUR, B. Jamais fomos modernos: ensaio de antropologia simétrica. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira, 1994. 11 LATOUR, B. An inquiry into modes of existence: an anthropology of the moderns. London: Havard University Press, 2013. 12 OLIVEIRA, V. M.; VALADÃO, J. A. D. Entre a simplificação e a complexidade, a heterogeneidade: Teoria Ator-Rede e uma nova epistemologia para os estudos organizacionais. Cad. EBAPE.BR, v. 15, N. 4, pp. 877- 899, Out.-Dez. 2017. 13 CEFAÏ, D. Como nos mobilizamos? A contribuição de uma abordagem pragmatista para a sociologia da ação coletiva. Dilemas, v. 2, n. 4, abr.-jun. 2009.

UNIVERSIDADE FEDERAL DA FACULDADE DE EDUCAÇÃO DOUTORADO MULTI-INSTITUCIONAL E MULTIDISCIPLINAR EM DIFUSÃO DO CONHECIMENTO (DMMDC)

JUÇARA FREIRE DOS SANTOS

BANCO COMUNITÁRIO ABRANTES SOLIDÁRIO COMO DISPOSITIVO DE EMANCIPAÇÃO GESTÃO E DIFUSÃO DO CONHECIMENTO:

SABERES E PRÁTICAS COLABORATIVAS DAS COMUNIDADES DA COSTA DOS COQUEIROS

ORIENTADOR: PROF. DR. GUSTAVO BITTENCOURT MACHADO

Salvador 2019

RESUMO

O Banco Comunitário é uma tecnologia social, que age como dispositivo de emancipação das comunidades no enfrentamento das suas vulnerabilidades econômico-sociais. Desafio e emergência na promoção de tecnologias sociais como novas possibilidades geridas pela população em seus territórios por meio de suas representações comunitárias, numa experiência de estruturação socioeconômica no intuito de construir “uma outra economia”, e com o que advém desta prática: a gestão, a produção de conhecimento, a difusão de experiências inovadoras, numa aprendizagem colaborativa. O banco disponibiliza microcrédito popular e solidário com juros abaixo das taxas dos bancos convencionais, com isso contribui para a ampliação da capacidade de crescimento do comércio e da produção local. Adota o sistema de moeda social, que auxilia na circulação e manutenção do dinheiro na mesma comunidade. Indago sobre sua potência mesma como tecnologia social: o que pode produzir, fortalecer a comercialização local, aumentar a riqueza da comunidade, gerar trabalho e renda? Que novas culturas de relação, gestão, poderão fazê-lo imprescindível? A produção do banco é o principal fluxo do projeto de pesquisa, sua efetivação configura-se como um esforço conjunto de construções colaborativas das iniciativas comunitárias, na produção dessa tecnologia social, como também pelo que fomenta, irradia, com seu potencial educativo. Com efeito, enquanto prática de finanças solidárias, os bancos comunitários são definidos por França Filho e Santana (2013) como apoio às economias populares de territórios com baixo índice de desenvolvimento humano. Encontram-se em estruturas de dinâmicas associativas locais, apoiando-se em ferramentas que geram e ampliam a renda no território, articulando-se em eixos centrais de ações em seu processo de intervenção. Os focos da pesquisa triangulam para seu objetivo geral: analisar as redes de produção e cooperação da comunidade (meios de aproximação e integração); cartografar a constituição do “comum”: a constituição do ser que mobiliza os grupos em suas demandas por novas condições para a vida (desejos e processos de subjetivação); acompanhar os processos de mobilização e empreendedorismo que decorrem da gestão-produção do conhecimento e sua difusão (transferência e socialização). Na abordagem das tecnologias sociais como dispositivo de empreendedorismo, buscarei teorias ‘abertas’ que ‘admitam’ a inserção não apenas do novo como inovação, mas do novo como acontecimento, embora o próprio tecimento da vida nos diga que o que ‘teoriza’ nossos percursos é uma teoria de infinitas multiplicidades, um tecido de complexidade sempre em emergência, um referencial com o ser da complexidade, da multirreferencialidade, das polilógicas. Proponho uma visão teórica interdisciplinar, complexa, aberta. Diante da fluidez do objeto tecnologias sociais – arte do ser em comunidade, arte dos grupos em rede, arte do senso comum e do conhecimento das ciências, a reflexão sobre seu poder como dispositivo me parece mais apropriado dentro da epistemologia da complexidade. Assim, este projeto de pesquisa tem sua “preferencial” na complexidade. Como afirma Morin (2007, p. 102): “Estou em busca de uma possibilidade de pensar através da complicação (ou seja, as infinitas inter- retroações), através das incertezas e através das contradições” – e suas “vias” no caos e na multiplicidade, misturas de ordem, desordem, tais que eu, como pesquisadora, sou sujeito-objeto da minha pesquisa, pois que nela e além dela me constituo e sou constituída, pois aberta ao meu ambiente. Como imagem do pensamento desta referência teórica, afirmo que a teoria será na pesquisa como um dispositivo de tecimento, uma “estética” do olhar, um jeito de ser, de seguir, de estar junto. Conforme afirmei nas minhas recorrências teóricas sobre a complexidade, vou desenvolver a pesquisa acompanhando processos, atendo-me aos acontecimentos, buscando nas suas emergências formas de ver, de enunciação, para então adquirir uma qualidade tal, uma força que me faça subjetivar o vivido, o cultivado. Isto implica um posicionamento metodológico que tenha como fundamento a própria complexidade com métodos fluidos, multirreferenciais. Eu me proponho a fazer rascunhagem dos movimentos; estar sempre aberta às emergências; pesquisar não apenas participando, mas sobretudo habitando os territórios existenciais – e produzindo territórios – junto com as comunidades da Costa dos Coqueiros. Então, do ponto de vista da metodologia, proponho-me a acompanhar processos, observar fluxos, “morar” no seu próprio “habitar”. E este é um grande problema, como assinalam Passos, Kastrup e Escossia (2010, p. 8), para não deixar escapar os processos “por entre os dedos”. Estas autoras fazem advertências em forma de indagações que especifico aqui para refletir sobre o método: a) como estudar processos acompanhando movimentos, mais do que apreendendo estruturas e estados de coisas? b) Como lançar mão de um método igualmente processual? c) Como assegurar, no plano dos processos, a sintonia entre objeto e método? Nesta perspectiva, entendemos que a análise de qualquer objeto inserido neste contexto requer procedimentos mais abertos e ao mesmo tempo mais inventivos. Neste foco, utilizarei uma multirreferencialidade no olhar e uma multiplicidade no fazer para nomear coisas, a partir de uma base empírica, e, então, buscar significações das coisas próprias dos convívios, como um círculo de convergências, uma produção de sucessivas singularidades. Este fazer multi implica também uma multiplicidade de instrumentos, coisas de pesquisa, formas diversas para estabelecer redes entre as próprias redes dos grupos e os fluxos com as tecnologias sociais – que Foucault (1979, p. 244) chama de dispositivo: uma rede “que se pode estabelecer entre elementos”. Meus elementos são heterogêneos (banco social, leis, fóruns, normas, governo, organizações não governamentais etc.). Então terei que produzir um instrumental para acompanhamento dos movimentos da pesquisa. Este instrumental ainda não está claro para mim. Para o objeto deste projeto, só posso nomear aqui a conceitualização do que seja mesmo dispositivo – sua construção, porém, é arte da própria pesquisa. Na própria pesquisa, ao tatear seus processos, suas linhas, seu dia a dia, o método também vai emergindo como a produção do conhecer através do habitar nos territórios existenciais da pesquisa. Isto de fato ocorre com rodas de conversa, reuniões, entrevistas, fotografias, realização de demandas da própria comunidade. O dispositivo é máquina de saber, poder e (produção de modos de) subjetivação. Com efeito, o habitar é dispositivo de saber acompanhar processo, de poder, e assumir um ponto de vista é dispositivo de subjetivação. É lugar-comum citar a entrevista aberta, densa, informal como um instrumental de pesquisa. Palavras-chave: Banco Comunitário. Tecnologia Social. Emancipação.

Proposta para o Evento: Contribuir com a discussão sobre a potência ou mesmo as possibilidades econômicas sociais e políticas dos Bancos Comunitários nos territórios onde estão localizados. Sociomaterial Approach to Analyze

Solidarity Cryptocurrencies

1. Introduction

Solidarity finance establishes a set of interdependent financial and social relationships among individuals and organizations through mechanisms of interaction that are not strictly economic (Artis,

2017). Although it has gained impulse after the financial crisis of 2008 (Utting, 2015), solidarity finance is not new and is more than simply a response to crisis and contradictions of capitalism, but is also a technical system oriented to cooperative values and directed to human development (Singer, 2002).

Solidarity finance has been also used as a tool for creating developmental and inclusive public policies in developing countries (Neiva, Braz, Tsukumo, & Melo, 2013).

A phenomenon known for decades and observed in different countries, community currencies are commonly oriented to the solidarity finance principles of fighting social exclusion and encouraging local development (Blanc, 2011; Fare, Freitas, & Meyer, 2015). However, differently from cryptocurrencies, community currencies are often designed for regionally limited circulation, thus expecting a limited number of users and transactions, and many establish parity with fiat currencies. While most of the thousands community currency projects focused on solidarity finance are based on low tech payment infrastructure, from printed paper money to plastic cards, high tech cryptocurrencies, on the other hand, are designed to grow in number of transactions, to expand its use without geographic boundaries and to be priced by supply and demand pressures.

In this paper, we name "solidarity cryptocurrencies" those cryptocurrencies designed to achieve solidarity finance principles such as financial inclusion and local economy development. While others

(Diniz, Siqueira, & van Heck, 2018) have investigated solidarity cryptocurrencies focusing on their dynamic technological architecture and the type of transactions they provide, this study is original in exploring the potential relations between the technical characteristics of cryptocurrencies’ platform architecture and the social governance characteristics of organizations that issue or maintain them.

To investigate the solidarity cryptocurrencies phenomenon, we articulate the technical elements related to the blockchain architecture with the social governance adopted by the organizations that run

1 particular projects. This approach combines the views of Tiwana (2014) and Riasanow et al. (2018) that

consider governance and architecture as the critical elements to articulate the material characteristics

of digital platforms with the organizational aspects behind them.

2. The sociomaterial analysis based on governance and

architecture

Articulation between architecture and governance structures provides a sociomaterial

understanding of solidarity cryptocurrency platforms, making room for deeper analysis of such

particular payment projects. Next, we first present aspects of the community currencies governance,

and then describe elements from blockchain technological architecture considered in our conceptual

framework, both essential to build the solidarity cryptocurrency concept.

2.1. Governance

According to Hsieh, Vergne, and Wang (2018), analysis of cryptocurrencies should consider their

external and internal governance. External governance is related with the community, the media, and

other social levels and is not going to be considered in the scope of this study. Internal governance is

divided in three levels: the blockchain, the protocol, and the organizational. For these authors, the

organizational level defines the decision-making process related to running an organization or project,

while the other two are related to governance of more technical aspects of the platform architecture. It

is important to emphasize that this relationship of governance and architecture was also pointed out by

Ølnes, Ubacht, and Janssen (2017) for determining the relationship between technology and users.

When talking about solidarity finance, some governance principles are very important. Authors in

this field usually define governance in solidarity finance with a combination of self-management,

cooperativism, informal economy or popular economy (Caminha & Figueiredo, 2011). Other studies,

however, have shown that as higher the scale of the currency transactions within a solidarity finance

project, the larger is the risk of centralization in the governance process, limiting the possibilities of

keeping the more open, democratic and shared model of governance (Siqueira, Diniz, Pozzebon, &

Gomes, 2017).

Since there are always a number of different stakeholders involved in a currency project, a

governance structure characterizes what is their participation in the decision-making process (CCIA

2 2015). Although there are other levels of decision (e.g., strategic, operational, etc.), one important way to understand the governance of a community currency is to evaluate how centralized or shared is the decision-making process about rules for issuance in a particular project, given that this is central to the

currency management process. The community currency governance may be considered as “shared” if

decisions about issuance rules are taken from a bottom-up process inside a grassroots or cooperative

organization. On the other hand, this kind of governance may be considered as “central” if issuance

decisions are top down and taken by some sort of local authority (Diniz et al., 2018).

2.2. Architecture

Blockchain is, in fact, a protocol related to several different types of DLT - Distributed Ledger

Technologies (Narayanan et al., 2016; Ølnes et al., 2017). A full discussion of the blockchain protocol

and the many aspects of any DLT is out of the range of this paper. Nevertheless, for the purpose of the

study about solidarity cryptocurrencies, we focus on one critical aspect of any technological blockchain

implementation: the definition of "how distributed" is the network that uses the protocol. Current blockchain systems can be roughly categorized into three types, depending on the definition on how

distributed the implementation is: public blockchain, private blockchain and permissioned blockchain

(Peters & Panayi, 2016; Walport, 2016).

At one extreme, it is a fully distributed architecture network, open to any participant. In this case,

all nodes can read blockchain data, submit transactions and validate transactions within the network

(Yli-Huumo et al., 2016; Ølnes et al., 2017). An example is Bitcoin Green, a public blockchain in which

anyone can enter the network and validate the transactions that take place between its agents. At the

other extreme, even a distributed network can be designed based in a very centralized control, managed by "coordinators" or by organization (Ølnes et al., 2017). In this case, only predefined nodes can read blockchain data, submit transactions and validate transactions. Liverpool Local Pound is a solidarity

cryptocurrency that adopt this architecture, also known as private blockchain. Between these two

extremes, there are other categories with different levels of decentralization. In that cases, only

predefined nodes can validate transactions but all nodes may read blockchain data and submit

transactions. Cadastrals is a solidarity cryptocurrency based on this permissioned type of blockchain.

References

3 Artis, A. (2017). Social and solidarity finance: A conceptual approach. Research in International

Business and Finance, 39, 737-749.

Blanc, J. (2011). “Classifying "CCs": Community, complementary and local currencies' types and

generations”, International Journal of Community Currency Research p.4-10.

Caminha, U. & Figueiredo, M. (2011). Atividade financeira e moeda: análise da experiência do Conjunto

Palmeiras em Fortaleza-CE. Revista Direito GV, 7(1), 099-129.

CCIA. (2015). “People Powered Money – Designing, developing and delivering community currencies.

Community Currencies in Action”, New Economics Foundation, London.

Diniz, E. H., Siqueira, E. S., & van Heck, E. (2018). Taxonomy of digital community currency platforms.

Information Technology for Development, 1-23.

Fare, M. M., de Freitas, C. C., & Meyer, C. C. (2015). Territorial development and Community

currencies. International Journal of Community Currency Research, 19(D), 6-17.

Hsieh, Y. Vergne, J. Wang, S. (2018). The internal and external governance of blockchain-based

organizations: Evidence from cryptocurrencies. In book: Bitcoin and Beyond: Blockchains and

Global GovernancePublisher: RIPE/Routledge Series in Global Political Economy Editors:

Campbell-Verduyn M.

Narayanan, A.; Bonneau, J.; Felten, E.; Miller, A. & Goldfeder, S. (2016). Bitcoin and Cryptocurrency

Technologies: a comprehensive introduction. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 336 p.

Neiva, C. A., Braz, J., Tsukumo, D. J., & Melo, J. (2013). Solidarity finance and public policy: the

Brazilian experience of community development banks. working paper May, The United Nations

Non-Governmental Liaison Service.

Ølnes, S. Ubacht, J. Janssen, M. (2017). Blockchain in government: Benefits and implications of

distributed ledger technology for information sharing. Government Information Quarterly, 34, pp.

355–364.

Peters, G. W., & Panayi, E. (2016). "Understanding Modern Banking Ledgers through Blockchain

Technologies: Future of Transaction Processing and Smart Contracts on the Internet of Money," in

Banking Beyond Banks and Money, P. Tasca, T. Aste, L. Pelizzon, and N. Perony (eds.), Heidelberg

et al.: Springer International Publishing, pp. 239–278.

Riasanow, T. Burckhardt, F. Setzke, D. S. Böhm, M. Krcmar, H. (2018).The Generic Blockchain

Ecosystem and its Strategic Implications. Twenty-fourth Americas Conference on Information

Systems - AMCIS, New Orleans.

4 Singer, P. (2002). Introdução à economia solidária. 1ª ed. Editora Fundação Perseu Abramo, São Paulo.

128 p.

Siqueira, É. S., Diniz, E. H., Pozzebon, M. and Gomes, E. (2017). “A digital community bank mapping

negotiation mechanisms in its consolidation as an alternative to commercial banks”. IV

International Conference on Social and Complementary Currencies: Money, Consciousness and

Values for Social Change. Barcelona.

Tiwana, A. (2014). “Platform ecosystems: aligning architecture, governance, and strategy”. Elsevier.

305p.

Utting, P. (2015). Introduction: The challenge of scaling up social and solidarity economy. Social and

solidarity economy: Beyond the fringe, 1-37.

Walport, M. (2016). “Distributed ledger technology: Beyond blockchain”. UK Government Office for

Science.

Yli-Huumo, J., Ko, D., Choi, S., Park, S. & Smolander, K. (2016). Where Is Current Research on

Blockchain Technology? A Systematic Review. PLoS ONE 11(10): e0163477.

5

OPENING THE BLACK BOX OF DIGITAL INNOVATION PROCESSES AND THE

ROLE OF CONTROVERSIES: THE GOOGLE GLASS CASE

AUTHORS OF THE FULL PAPER:

Amarolinda Klein (Unisinos – Brazil) – Will be presenting in the OAP workshop - [email protected]

Carsten Sorensen (London School of Economics – LSE – UK) - [email protected]

Angilberto Freitas (Unigranrio – Brazil) - [email protected]

Cristiane Pedron (Uninove – Brazil) - [email protected]

Silvia Elaluf-Calderwood (Florida International University – USA) - [email protected]

EXTENDED ABSTRACT

Digital innovations are created through complex processes involving different types and layers of technologies provided by various actors (platform owners, telecommunication operators, developers etc.), depending on the business ecosystem rather than on individual firms

(Bharadwaj et al., 2013; Kappor & Agarwal, 2017; Kolloch & Dellermann, 2017). Many of the digital innovation processes are open and follow agile methods of design and co-creation, while being supported by digital technologies (Yoo et al., 2012; Kolloch & Dellermann, 2017;

Nambisan et al., 2017). They generate a multitude of interactions and unpredictable interdependencies; problems that are not entirely defined and solutions that can be ambiguous

(Dougherty & Dunne, 2012; Yoo et al., 2012).

An event that can emerge in this context is controversy, due to the multiple stakeholders and different interests related to digital innovations (Eaton et al., 2015; Reuver et al., 2018).

Controversies are events in which an issue, or in this case an innovation, is subject to

1

interrogation and dispute; the actors involved with it disagree (Kling, 1996; Latour, 2005;

Whatmore, 2009).

In contemporary research on digital innovations, the resulting findings and models frequently ignore unpredictable phenomena, such as controversies; the focus is typically on organizational performance (Henfridsson & Bygstad, 2013; Reuver et al., 2018). However, digital innovations are increasingly subject to broader discussion and controversies in society: for example, the debate on privacy rights due to constant digital surveillance (Zubbof, 2015), scandals related to leakage or misuse of personal data, such as in the recent Facebook/Cambridge

Analytica polemic (Washington Post, 2018) or the diffusion effects of artificial intelligence and robotics on jobs wages (Frey & Osborne, 2017). For the various stakeholders, digital technologies can introduce trade-offs (Brante, 1993; Kling, 1996; Zuboff, 2015), as well as serve as platforms to support global debates, for example, through the blogosphere (Vaast et al., 2013;

Eaton et al., 2015).

Previous works have explored controversies generated by the introduction of digital innovations. For instance, Colbjørnsen (2014) analyzed divergences in the introduction of digital e-book readers and the role of users and mediators. Eaton et al. (2015) discussed controversy from the perspective of a platform mediator, Apple, which attempted to restrict what it deemed as unacceptable apps in the iOS app store. Recently, Kolloch and Dellermann (2017) studied digital innovation in the energy industry, concluding that controversies are not only a moderating factor, but also a constitutional one for the co-evolution of the ecosystem and innovation itself. Research efforts such as these do recognize controversies in digital innovation; however, most of them approach the controversy on a specific type of digital innovation with a focus on new technology itself or on its consequences, rather than on the process of controversy and how it unfolds over time.

2

Besides that, the current literature on digital innovation centers on the characteristics of digital technology and digital platforms (Yoo et al., 2010; Tiwana et al., 2010; Kallinikos et al.,

2013; Reuver et al., 2018) and how they can be used to generate innovation in products, services, business models and organization strategies (Bharadwaj et al., 2013; Henfridsson & Bygstad,

2013; Nylén & Holmström, 2015; Huang et al., 2017). However, there is little research on the digital innovation process dynamics and management, especially considering the conflicting roles and interests of the heterogeneous actors involved (Abrell et al., 2016). We argue that studying controversies in digital innovation processes is a way of understanding how these processes unfold and how the different interests and roles of the stakeholders are negotiated.

Therefore, we address the following research question: why do controversies related to digital innovations emerge and how do they unfold over time? We attempted to answer this question by analyzing the controversy related to the launch of Google Glass by Google. We applied the method of controversy mapping (Latour, 2005; Venturini, 2010a, 2010b) to explore and visualize the issues related to the sociotechnical debate. We collected data from various

Internet sources at the peak of the Glass controversy, from May 2013 until October 2014, when the controversy “cooled down”. Our analysis explores why the controversy started and how it developed, considering the views of a variety of actors, such as Google, technology bloggers, developers, the general public and bystanders (Ferneley & Light, 2008), who voluntarily engaged in the debate, commenting on an innovation project that intended to push human-technology intimacy further (Yoo, 2010; Zuboff, 2015).

Supported by empirical data and processual analysis of the digital innovation process, we point out four key elements that are associated with the emergence of controversies in digital innovation processes: multisided market arrangements; loosely coupled layers of technologies and applications; human-technology intimacy, and opaqueness. We also analyze how controversy

3

emerges out of different moments in the digital innovation process, understood as a political process of translation (Callon, 1986).

Based on the research results, we present rich insights into how organizations can deal with this type of controversy. For society in general and for all the stakeholders involved, we argue that understanding how digital innovation controversies occur helps to explain the way in which opaque technology, such as digital platforms, is created, and to make the politics of innovation more explicit for scrutiny (Introna, 2007). It is also important to encourage, stimulate and organize sociotechnical controversies (Callon et al., 2009) as a means to collectively deal with the uncertainties regarding the implications of digital technology in everyday life.

REFERENCES Abrell, T., Pihlajamaa, M., Kanto, L., Vom Brocke, J., & Uebernickel, F. (2016). The role of users and customers in digital innovation: Insights from B2B manufacturing firms. Information & Management, 53(3), 324-335. Bharadwaj, A., El Sawy, O., Pavlou, P., & Venkatraman, N. (2013). Digital business strategy: toward a next generation of insights. MIS Quarterly, 37 (2), 471-482. Brante, T. (1993). Reasons for studying scientific and science-based controversies. In Brante, T., Fuller, W., & Lynch, W. (eds.) Controversial science: From content to contention, New York: SUNY Press, 177-191. Callon, M. (1986). Some elements of sociology of translation: Domestication of the scallops and the fishermen. In Law, J. (ed.). Power, Action and Belief: A New Sociology of Knowledge, London: Routledge. Callon, M., Lascoumes, P., & Barthe, Y. (2009). Acting in an uncertain world: An Essay on Technical Democracy. MIT press. Colbjørnsen, T. (2014). Digital divergence: analysing strategy, interpretation and controversy in the case of the introduction of an ebook reader technology. Information, Communication & Society, 18(1) 32-47. Dougherty, D., & Dunne, D. (2012). Digital science and knowledge boundaries in complex innovation. Organization Science, 23(5) 1467-1484. Eaton, B. D., Elaluf-Calderwood, S., Sørensen, C., & Yoo, Y. (2015). Distributed Tuning of Boundary Resources: The Case of Apple’s iOS Service System. MIS Quartely, 39(1) 217-243. Ferneley, E., & Light, B. (2008). Unpacking User Relations in an Emerging Ubiquitous Computing Environment: Introducing the Bystander. Journal of Information Technology, 23(3) 163-175. Frey, C. B., & Osborne, M. A. (2017). The future of employment: how susceptible are jobs to computerisation? Technological Forecasting and Social Change, 114(C), 254-280. Henfridsson, O., & Bygstad, B. (2013). The Generative Mechanisms of Digital Infrastructure

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Evolution. MIS Quarterly, 37(3) 907-931. Huang, J., Henfridsson, O., Liu, M. J., & Newell, S. (2017). Growing on steroids: rapidly scaling the user base of digital ventures through digital innovation. MIS Quarterly, 41(1), 301-314. Introna, L. D. (2007). Maintaining the reversibility of foldings: Making the ethics (politics) of information technology visible. Ethics and Information Technology, 9(1), 11-25. Kallinikos, J., Aaltonen, A., & Marton, A. (2013). The Ambivalent Ontology of Digital Artifacts. MIS Quarterly, 37(2), 357-370. Kappor, R., & Agarwal, S. (2017). Sustaining Superior Performance in Business Ecosystems: Evidence from Application Software Developers in the iOS and Android Smartphone Ecosystems. Organization Science, 28(3), 531-551. Kling, R., (ed.) (1996). Computerization and Controversy: Value Conflicts and Social Choices. (2nd Edition) Academic Press. Kolloch, M., & Dellermann, D. (2017). Digital innovation in the energy industry: The impact of controversies on the evolution of innovation ecosystems. Technological Forecasting and Social Change (In Press, 2017). Latour, B. (2005). Reassembling the Social: An Introduction to Actor-Network Theory. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Nambisan, S., Lyytinen, K., Majchrzak, A., & Song, M. (2017). Digital Innovation Management: Reinventing Innovation Management Research in a Digital World. MIS Quartely 41(1), 223- 238. Nylén, D., & Holmström, J. (2015). Digital innovation strategy: A framework for diagnosing and improving digital product and service innovation. Business Horizons, 58(1), 57-67. Reuver, M., Sørensen, C., & Basole, R. C. (2018). The digital platform: a research agenda. Journal of Information Technology, 33(2), 124-135. Tiwana, A., Konsynski, B., & Bush, A. A. (2010). Platform evolution: Coevolution of platform architecture, governance, and environmental dynamics. Information Systems Research, 21(4), 675-687. Vaast, E., Davidson, E., & Matteson, T. (2013). Talking about Technology: The Emergence of a New Actor Category through New Media. MIS Quartely, 37(4), 1069-1092. Venturini, T. (2010a). Building on faults: how to represent controversies with digital methods. Public Understanding Of Science, 21(7), 796-812. Venturini, T. (2010b). Diving in magma: How to explore controversies with Actor-Network Theory. Public Understanding Of Science, 19(3), 258-273. Washington Post (2018). Transcript of Mark Zuckerberg´s senate hearing. Available at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/the-switch/wp/2018/04/10/transcript-of-mark- zuckerbergs-senate-hearing/ Whatmore, S. (2009). Mapping knowledge controversies: science, democracy and the redistribution of expertise. Progress in Human Geography, 33(5), 587-518. Yoo, Y. (2010). Computing in Everyday Life: A Call for Research on Experiential Computing. MIS Quartely, 34(2), 213-231. Yoo, Y., Boland, R., Lyytinen, K., & Majchrzak, A. (2012). Organizing for Innovation in the Digitized World. Organization Science, 23(5), 1398-1408. Yoo, Y., Henfridsson, O., & Lyytinen, K. (2010). Research commentary—the new organizing logic of digital innovation: an agenda for information systems research. Information Systems Research, 21(4), 724-735. Zuboff, S. (2015). Big other: surveillance capitalism and the prospects of an information civilization. Journal of Information Technology, 30(1), 75-89.

5

UMA VISÃO PÓS-FUNDACIONALISTA DO SOCIOMATERIAL

Bruno Rossetti Leandro [email protected] Rua Doutor Rafael de Barros, 252, Ap. 02, Paraíso, São Paulo - 04003-041 FGV – EAESP

RESUMO

As formas de se gerar conhecimento ciêntifico, principalmente nas ciências sociais, sempre causaram divergencias e deram frutos a muitas polêmicas. As tensões tem sua origem já na gênese da discussão da filosofia da ciência e do conhecimento moderno, pois os pensadores clássicos embasaram suas ontologias ou em uma noção voltada para o determinismo material ou mental (Hirschman e Holbrook, 1992). Como as diferenças teóricas, geralmente, estão no nível da ontologia e/ou epistemologia alguns pesquisadores chegam no a negar, ou minimizar, o valor do conhecimento ancorado em outras filosofias (e.g., Reed, 2005; Calder e Tybout, 1987). No geral, esses conflitos estão relacionados a tensão entre a agência e estrutura (Willmott, 2005), no entanto diferentes autores vão tratar desse conflito em seus termos própios, como por exemplo “nominalismo e estruturalismo” (Burrell e Morgan, 1979), “determinismo material e mental” (Hirschman e Holbrook, 1992) e “discurso e materialidade” (Putnam, 2015). As diferenças ontológicas das teorias, em principio, indicam uma noção mais subjetiva ou objetiva do conhecimento. No entanto, Burrell e Morgan (1979) propõem mais uma dimensão para classificar paradigmas sociológicos, o posicionamento crítico. O papel crítico da ciência realmente deve ser discutido, pois mesmo quando a academia se restringe a uma “neutralidade”, ou a produção de uma “crítica tranquilizante”, ela desempenha um papel político (Tragtenberg, 2002), no Brasil, por exemplo, a disputa hegemonica nas ciências sociais ,durante o século XX, teve forte influência nos rumos da política econômica nacional (Ouriques, 2014). Todavia, com base no debate entre Misoczky e Amantino-de-Andrade (2005) e Alcadipani (2005) sobre os Critical Management Studies (CMS), a ontologia é determinante até para se definir qual é o papel da crítica. Considerando então, que o debate ontológico e epistemológico definem as potencialidades e limites da crítica (Willmott, 2005; De Paula, Maranhão e Barros, 2009), e que o debate acerca da sociomaterialidade está muito centrado nas discussões filosóficas da ciência (Leonardi, 2013), a indicação, dada por Pozzebon et al. (2017),

da necessidade de estudos que abordem a sociomaterialidade em conjunto com a política é acertada. A sociomaterialidade, segundo Leonardi (2013), é um conceito filosófico que tenta tratar da relação entre social e o material. Uma definição simples, e de fácil compreenção, é de que “o social e o material são considerados como elementos inextricavelmente relacionados- não existe social que não seja material, e não há material que não seja social.” (Olikowski, 2007, p. 1437). Apesar do conceito de sociomaterialidade unir varios pesquisadores, Putnam (2015) indica que existe uma diversidade grande de abordagens ao se tratar do sociomaterial. Putnam, tratando o social como discurso, aponta para cinco formas diferentes de lidar com a sociomaterialidade, alguma delas dão maior prioridade para o discurso e outras para o material (Putnam, 2015). Apesar de Putnam não ter sido prescritiva, existem autores que defendem um posicionamento firme, Mutch (2013) demonstra uma certa apreciação pelo Realismo Agencial, já Leonardi (2013) e Reed (2005) acreditam na capacidade do Realismo Crítico para melhor se estudar a relação entre social e material. O Realismo Crítico tem tomado uma posição de destaque, e é possível perceber uma certa antagonisação dele para com abordagens discursivas e de viés pós-estruturalista, isso pode ser notado a partir dos debates entre Reed (2005) e Contu e Willmott (2005) e entre Laclau e Bhaskhar (Laclau e Bhaskhar, 1998). Todavia, também têm autores que propõem abordagens discursivas se focando em indicar a relação do discurso com o material (e.g., Hardy e Thomas, 2015; Putnam, 2015; Carpentier, 2017). Apesar de emcontrar-se estudos organizacionais que tenham como estratégia, ou método de análise, uma abordagem discursiva, Willmott (2005) e Cederström e Spicer (2014) apontam que existe uma falta da utilização da teoria do discurso elaborada por Laclau e Mouffe (1985/2015) nos estudos organizacionais. Willmott (2005) e Contu (2002) defendem que a perspectiva do discurso de Laclau e Mouffe se diferem de outras teorias do discurso, pois eles desenvolvem uma ontologia que consegue lídar bem com agência e estrutura, ao mesmo tempo que abraça o político. Laclau e Mouffe (1985/2015), por meio do resgate de conceitos marxistas, estruturalistas, pós- estruturalistas e da psicanálise Lacaniana, desenvolvem uma compreensão diferenciada do discurso. Com relação ao social e ao material a principal concepção é de que uma articulação discursiva é impossibilitada de se totalizar, mesmo que ela se torne hegemonica. Para Laclau e Mouffe (1985/2015) não existe sociedade, apenas há o social em busca de ser total, uma sociedade. Essa impossíbilidade do total ocorre devido a dependencia do antagonismo para se articular diferentes elementos, ou seja, a totalização implicaria na destruturação daquilo que está parcialmente estruturado. A possíbilidade de existir elementos opostos no mesmo sistema

permite com que a teoria de Laclau e Mouffe adeque melhor as tensões, como a agencia e estrutura (Willmott, 2005). É comum críticas as abordagens discursivas, pois, supostamente, elas negam o material (Reed, 2005; Dellagnelo, Böhm e de Mendonça, 2014; Laclau e Bhaskhar, 1998), mas Laclau já em mais de uma oportunidade deixou claro que sua posição teórica não nega o material (Laclau e Mouffe, 1985/2015; Laclau e Bhaskhar, 1998; Laclau, 2005), inclusive a prática, conceito que é utilizado para unir o discurso e o material (Hardy e Thomas, 2015; Putnam, 2015), para ele é equivalente ao discurso (Laclau e Bhaskhar, 1998). A escolha por utilizar a noção de discurso, ao invés de prática, é pelo maior potencial explicativo e para seguir a tradição do estruturalismo e pós-estruturalismo. Por fim, Laclau (2005), considera que a materialidade, o natural, existe, mas quem significa o material é o social, sendo assim os dois constituem o mesmo sistema discurssivo/prático. Pozzebon, Rodriguez e Petrini (2014) afirmam que uma posição anti-fundacionalista não considera um determinado critério de qualidade para pesquisa. Alguns críticos, equivocadamente, aplicam essa noção de anti-fundacionalismo para avaliar teorias pós- estruturalistas. Entretanto, a teoria do discurso de Laclau e Mouffe (1985/2015), geralmente associada com o pós-estruturalismo, não desvaloriza o papel das estruturas, nem a tradição estruturalista, muito menos tem uma posição anti-fundacionalista, anti-estruturalista ou anti- moderna, mas os autores propõem concetualizações que lidam com a realidade contingente do sociomaterial. Sendo assim, considerar ela como “Pós-Fundacionalista” (Martilla, 2015). Nesse trabalho elaboramos sobre alguns conceitos da Teoria Pós-Fundacionalista do Discurso (TPFD), discutimos como ela pode contribuir para os estudos organizacionais, por um viés discursivo/prático do sociomaterial (Martilla, 2015), da crítico (Mouffe, 2018) e do político (Laclau, 2005; Mouffe, 2005/2015). E por fim apresentamos, explicamos e avaliamos três propostas de operacionalização da TPFD para estudos empíricos (Cederström e Spicer, 2014; Glynos e Howarth, 2007, 2008; Martilla, 2015). O intuito é de estimular a adoção de abordagens discursivas, em especial a TPFD, para o desenvolvimento de futuros estudos que abarquem o social, o material e o político.

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As mudanças climáticas têm efeitos diretos na agricultura, na produção de alimentos e na infraestrutura. O meio urbano, devido a sua densidade populacional e características, apresenta um alto consumo de alimentos que precisam ser importados. Frente a esses desafios é preciso, então, pensar alternativas para o sistema de alimentos. A agricultura urbana e movimentos sociais urbanos relacionados aumentam a capacidade de resposta, tanto social, quanto ecológica, frente a grandes colapsos no sistema de abastecimento de alimento (BARTHEL; PARKER; ERNSTSON, 2013). A agricultura urbana pode ser vista como um movimento de adaptação frente aos desafios apresentados anteriormente e, portanto, compreender como estruturas de muitos fenômenos sociais afetam os custos e as e técnicas disponíveis para a ação é importante para aumentarmos a resposta e a adaptação. É possível observar a importância das redes sociais para a implantação e manutenção de práticas de agricultura urbana. Grande parte dos recursos necessários são obtidos pelos próprios membros de grupos de pessoas interessadas ou de pessoas de fora dos coletivos que atuam como apoiadores (ARTMANN e SARTISON 2018). As características dessas relações podem facilitar ou dificultar a mobilização para ações direcionadas. Estudos recentes vêm levantando questões sobre como o capital social pode contribuir para a capacidade adaptativa (DOWD et al., 2014, BARNES et al., 2017) e para a conservação de recursos (MATOUS e TODO, 2015). Ativar a colaboração entre diversos agentes é de grande importância para resolver os problemas ambientais e, por isso, a perspectiva de redes, como são formadas e mantidas, suas estruturas e resultados para governança e colaboração vêm sendo estudados (BODIN, 2017). O capital social e o papel das redes é uma forma de compreender a resiliência dos sistemas sociais. São fontes sociais de resiliência essenciais para dar forma à mudança (FOLKE, 2006). Para Putnam, características da organização social, como a formação de redes sociais, normas e confiança facilitam a ação e cooperação para benefício mútuo (PUTNAM 1993 apud PORTES, 1998). Putnam (1988) foca no papel ​ ​ do capital social para gerar participação cívica. O estudo das redes sociais ajudam a compreender o processo de adaptação, uma vez que essas redes fornecem um meio de compartilhar conhecimento, recursos e apoio, e facilitam a construção de confiança e de capital social. Isso aumenta a capacidade de coordenar respostas e de tomar decisões efetivas em casos de situações de adversidade (BARNES et al. 2017). Os aspectos estruturais dizem muito sobre estabelecimento de normas, a confiança e a reciprocidade e como isso influencia a ação coletiva. A proposta do trabalho é compreender o papel do capital social imerso em redes sociais para o movimento de agricultura urbana na cidade de São Paulo, uma metrópole que possui cerca de 12 milhões de habitantes. Para este fim será apresentado um mapeamento dos principais coletivos, suas atividades e as relações entre eles. O movimento de agricultura urbana em São Paulo possui importância para a promoção de consciência ambiental, coesão social e (NEMOTO e BIAZOTI, 2017). A prática também está alinhada com os objetivos da agenda 2030 que reconhecem a importância do acesso a áreas verdes (ODS 16) e do consumo e produção responsáveis (ODS 12). Dentre os benefícios da agricultura urbana estudados, podemos listar serviços como diminuir as disparidades no acesso à alimentação de qualidade, melhorar a saúde pública, reduzir os efeitos de ilhas de calor e consumo de energia, aumentar oportunidades de compostagem, melhorar a drenagem de águas pluviais, entre outros (ACKERMAN, 2011). Muitas iniciativas surgiram como resposta à insatisfação com a baixa qualidade de vida na cidade. Atores vêm se articulam em rede para atuar em diferentes níveis na promoção da segurança alimentar e da sustentabilidade. O coletivo Movimento Urbano de Agroecologia (MUDA) mapeou 95 iniciativas de hortas e outras organizações, pontos de vendas de orgânicos e restaurantes (MUDA, 2018). A discussão aqui proposta vai no sentido de compreender como o capital social pode ser ativado nessas redes para conseguir os recursos necessários que, de forma geral, são terra, recursos financeiros e habilidades (VAN DER JAGT et al., 2017) e para superar os desafios, sendo os mais citados a falta de apoio governamental, falta de apoio da comunidade, acesso limitado à assistência técnica, mão de obra, água, energia e recursos financeiros para gerenciamento e realização de determinadas atividades (BRANCO e ALCÂNTARA, 2011; ARTMANN e SARTISON 2018).

Referências

ACKERMAN, K. The potential for urban agriculture in New York City: Growing capacity, food security, and green infrastructure. New York: Urban Design Lab, Earth Institute, Columbia University. 2011.

ARTMANN, MARTINA, SARTISON, KATHARINA. The Role of Urban Agriculture as a Nature-Based Solution: A Review for Developing a Systemic Assessment Framework. Sustainability, v. 10, n. 6, p. 1937, 2018. ​

BARNES, MICHELE, BODIN, RJANGUERRERO, ANGELA et al. Theorizing the Social Structural Foundations of Adaptation and Transformation in Social-Ecological Systems. SSRN Electronic Journal, 2017. ​

BARTHEL, STEPHAN, PARKER, JOHNERNSTSON, HENRIK. Food and Green Space in Cities: A Resilience Lens on Gardens and Urban Environmental Movements. Urban ​ Studies, v. 52, n. 7, p. 1321-1338, 2013. ​

BODIN, ÖRJAN. Collaborative environmental governance: Achieving collective action in social-ecological systems. Science, v. 357, n. 6352, p. eaan1114, 2017. ​ ​

BRANCO, MARINA CASTELO, ALCÂNTARA, FLÁVIA A DE. Hortas urbanas e periurbanas: o que nos diz a literatura brasileira?. Horticultura Brasileira, v. 29, n. 3, ​ ​ p. 421-428, 2011.

DOWD, ANNE-MAREE, MARSHALL, NADINEFLEMING, AYSHA et al. The role of networks in transforming Australian agriculture. Nature Climate Change, v. 4, n. 7, p. ​ ​ 558-563, 2014.

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Carros, bicicletas e a mobilidade urbana: uma análise do paradigma neoliberal na cidade de São Paulo a partir da Teoria de Campos

Pedro de Alvarenga Macedo Fernandes

Tania Pereira Christopoulos

Resumo estendido

A industrialização transformou as cidades e sua dinâmica. O surgimento do capitalismo concorrencial, incorporado pela burguesia, criou relações mercantis que rapidamente se apossaram do meio urbano, passando a regê-lo. Esse é o ponto de partida das reflexões de Lefebvre (1968) em sua obra intitulada “Le Droit à la Ville” ou “O Direito à Cidade” na tradução para a língua portuguesa. A análise sobre o processo de desenvolvimento das cidades contemporâneas sob a lógica mercadológica fez do filósofo e sociólogo Henri Lefebvre um relevante estudioso na área, tendo seu conceito incorporado por diversos autores (TRINDADE, 2012).

Lefebvre (1968) destaca que, antes da Revolução Industrial, as cidades se destacavam por seu caráter político e comunitário. Mesmo as cidades medievais, que já incorporavam o capitalismo comercial, ainda conseguiam conservar esse perfil. O filósofo acusa a industrialização de romper com o sistema urbano preexistente, passando a reger sua dinâmica e a forma de expansão. Esse processo de perda de identidade foi reforçado na segunda metade do século XX pela difusão da doutrina neoliberal nas cidades contemporâneas. O neoliberalismo trouxe uma reestruturação da relação entre capital e Estado, promovendo a ideia de “crescimento em primeiro lugar” no desenvolvimento urbano (HE; WU, 2009).

O neoliberalismo encara a liberdade das atividades econômicas como pré-requisito da organização das mais diversas formas de sociabilidade e traz essa perspectiva em uma pioneira escala mundial (IANNI, 1998). O fenômeno da globalização econômica acarretou em mudanças territoriais e alterações no equilíbrio do poder político-econômico, ao inserir novos atores em arenas preexistentes. Os efeitos colaterais são especialmente sentidos nas chamadas “cidades globais”, aquelas mais incorporadas a esse processo de globalização (SASSEN, 2000). Uma das principais bandeiras do neoliberalismo objetiva-se em reverter a ideia de Estado de bem-estar social (ou o Estado como agente de promoção social e regulador da economia). A esfera social voltou a ser negligenciada em nome do capital, após um período de conquistas sociais relevantes adquiridas pela emersão dos ideais socialdemocratas (BURSZTYN; BURSZTYN, 2012). Nesse cenário, como resume o geógrafo David Harvey (2009), “se há um conflito entre o bem-estar das instituições financeiras e o bem-estar do povo, opta-se pelo bem-estar das instituições financeiras”.

Os resultados da utopia neoliberal traduzem-se na dinâmica das cidades: elas passaram a dividir-se em comunidades fechadas, com serviços próprios e restritos, e espaços públicos privatizados, mantidos sob vigilância (HARVEY, 2008). Ao mesmo tempo, a política orientou- se para a competição e transferiu atribuições do Estado a órgãos não estatais (PURCELL, 2002). O domínio da propriedade privada chegou inclusive à mobilidade urbana. Nesse processo, o automóvel emerge como peça-chave. Sendo uma propriedade particular e individual, o carro se apresenta como símbolo de modernidade e individualismo em um cenário materialista e consumista. Cabe salientar para essa discussão que, diferente da maior parte dos bens de consumo, o automóvel tem seu uso atrelado à esfera pública (SCHOR, 1999). Ele pode ser visto como uma propriedade privada móvel que avança sobre o espaço público.

O arquiteto e urbanista Nabil Bonduki (2011) traz uma aproximação das ideias aqui abordadas para o panorama de desenvolvimento urbano de São Paulo. O autor destaca que o período final do século XX foi caracterizado pelo chamado “marketing urbano”, um conjunto de práticas a serviço do mercado que substituíram as ideias de utopia e o urbanismo nas cidades. A visão de modernidade e progresso, atrelada ao uso do automóvel, fez com que se multiplicassem na cidade o número de vias expressas e complexos viários ao longo do século passado, muitos deles com graves falhas de planejamento.

A transformação da cidade de São Paulo pelos automóveis teve início na década de 1910, com os primeiros projetos de alargamento de vias. Foi fortemente acentuada, porém, a partir da década de 1930, com a popularização dos automóveis promovida pela indústria automobilística, representada à época por Henry Ford. A ideia de Ford de que a produção em massa levaria ao consumo em massa regeu a expansão da indústria automotiva em todo o mundo, criando um dos principais eixos de crescimento econômico de países capitalistas no século XX (NOBRE, 2010). Em São Paulo, nessa mesma época, surgiu o Plano de Avenidas, que previa a criação de vias radiais e anéis perimetrais em São Paulo. A reorganização da mobilidade na capital paulista voltou a ser intensificada nas décadas de 1960 e 1970, a partir de um conjunto de processos políticos e urbanísticos que permitiram a utilização dos automóveis na cidade em larga escala (KLINTOWITZ; ROLNIK, 2011).

Atualmente a capital paulista possui uma população de 12.106.920 de habitantes, segundo o IBGE (2017), e uma frota de 8.508.145 veículos, de acordo com dados do Detran (2017). A relação é de menos de 2 pessoas por veículo. A adoção do automóvel como meio de transporte massivo desencadeou uma grave crise no trânsito de São Paulo, acarretando em uma redução na qualidade de vida da população pelo tempo perdido nos congestionamentos. Ao mesmo tempo acumularam-se prejuízos ambientais (pela emissão de poluentes) e até mesmo econômicos (por gastos adicionais em combustíveis e em transporte de mercadorias) (CINTRA, 2013). Mas como mudar esse paradigma urbano tão enraizado?

Até 2013 a cidade de São Paulo dispunha de 63 km de ciclovias. Nesse ano a capital paulista registrou 712 acidentes envolvendo bicicletas, com 35 vítimas fatais. Utilizando como argumentos o aumento da segurança de ciclistas e a redução de carros em circulação nas ruas, a Prefeitura de São Paulo anunciou em 2014 o plano “SP 400 km”, pretendendo mais que sextuplicar a rede cicloviária na cidade até 2016. Para tal, foi adotado um projeto urbanístico que incluía a criação de vias exclusivas para bicicletas intervindo em canteiros centrais de avenidas ou suprimindo faixas antes ocupadas por automóveis na estrutura viária já existente (COMPANHIA DE ENGENHARIA DE TRÁFEGO, 2014).

A mudança de panorama trazido por essa política pública é clara. Estudos apontam que a probabilidade de os paulistanos adotarem o uso da bicicleta aumenta em 154% quando são criadas ciclovias próximas às suas residências. Mas o abandono do automóvel ainda não parece algo tão simples. Estima-se que apenas 5,1% dos mais de 12 milhões de habitantes de São Paulo utilizem as ciclovias da cidade (BARBOSA et al, 2018). Entender os desafios relacionados à adesão da população e as forças que atuam contra e favoravelmente à consolidação desse tipo de política pública é essencial no debate sobre a quebra do paradigma neoliberal urbano. Este artigo tem como objetivo, portanto, analisar a mobilidade urbana em São Paulo como um campo de ação estratégica, partindo da ótica da Teoria de Campos para identificar os atores envolvidos e a evolução do estado do campo desde a introdução do neoliberalismo no tecido urbano paulistano até a recente implantação de ciclovias na cidade.

A Teoria de Campos, descrita por Fligstein e McAdam (2012), traz a perspectiva dos campos de ação estratégicos, ou arenas sociais, para explicar conflitos sociais. Segundo o autor, todos os campos são ocupados por atores dominantes, cujos interesses tendem a ser fortemente refletidos em sua organização, e desafiantes, que ocupam nichos menos privilegiados dessas organizações sociais. As arenas sociais, sob essa visão, alternam momentos de estabilidade e mudança. Nos momentos de estabilidade, há a manutenção do status quo dos dominantes. Durante a mudança, também chamada de crise, os desafiantes procuram romper com essa construção e estabelecer uma nova ordem social. Essa lente teórica será aplicada ao estudo de caso selecionado para compreender-se como o campo de ação estratégica da mobilidade urbana em São Paulo se organiza e quais são os atores dominantes e desafiantes que o compõe. Para tal, o trabalho se baseará em uma revisão realista (ou meta-narrativa) da literatura, de forma a fazer uma interpretação dos dados obtidos baseada na lente teórica selecionada (JAANA et al, 2015). Serão consultados artigos científicos, livros, relatórios governamentais e de organizações do terceiro setor que ofereçam um panorama histórico e atual do estudo de caso selecionado.

Referências bibliográficas

BARBOSA, J. P.; BARROSO, L. V.; CESAR, C. L. G.; GOLDBAUM, M; FLORINDO, A. A.; MIRANDA, W; TURREL, G. Cycling for Transportation in Sao Paulo City: Associations with Bike Paths, Train and Subway Stations. Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health, Vol. 15, N. 562, 2018.

BONDUKI, N. O modelo de desenvolvimento urbano de São Paulo precisa ser revertido. Estudos avançados: Vol. 25, N. 71, 2011.

BURSZTYN, M., BURSZTYN, M.A. Fundamentos de política e gestão ambiental: os caminhos do desenvolvimento sustentável. Rio de Janeiro: Garamond, 2012.

CINTRA. M. A crise do trânsito em São Paulo e seus custos. GVexecutivo, Vol. 12, N. 2, 2013.

COMPANHIA DE ENGENHARIA DE TRÁFEGO. Ciclovias em SP: integrando e fazendo bem para a cidade. Disponível em: . Acesso em 10 Abr 2019.

DEPARTAMENTO ESTADUAL DE TRÂNSITO DE SÃO PAULO (DETRAN). Frota de Veículos em SP – por tipo de veículo. Disponível em: . Acesso em 11 Abr 2019.

FLIGSTEIN, N; MCADAM, D. A Theory of Fields. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012.

HARVEY, D. Alternativas ao neoliberalismo e o direito à cidade. Novos Cadernos NAEA, V. 12, N. 2, 2009.

HARVEY, D. O direito à cidade. New Left Review, N. 53, 2008.

HE, S; WU, F. China’s Emerging Neoliberal Urbanism: Perspectives from Urban Redevelopment. Antipode, Vol. 41, N. 2, 2009.

IANNI, O. Globalização e Neoliberalismo. São Paulo em Perspectiva, Vol. 12, 1998.

INSTITUTO BRASILEIRO DE GEOGRAFIA E ESTATÍSTICA (IBGE). São Paulo | Panorama. Disponível em: . Acesso em 11 Abr 2019.

JAANA, M; KITSIOU, S; PARÉ, G.; TRUDEL, M. Synthesizing information systems knowledge: A typology of literature. Information & Management, Vol. 52, 2015.

KLINTOWITZ, D; ROLNIK, R. Mobilidade na cidade de São Paulo. Estudos Avançados, Vol. 25, N. 71, 2011.

LEFEBVRE, H. O Direito à Cidade. São Paulo: Centauro Editora, 1968.

NOBRE, E. A. C. Ampliação da Marginal do Tietê: demanda real ou rodoviarismo requentado? AU. Revista Arquitetura e Urbanismo, Vol. 25, 2010.

PURCELL, M. Excavating Lefebvre: The right to the city and its urban politics of the Inhabitant. GeoJournal, Vol. 58, 2012.

RIBEIRO, L. C. Q. Cidade, nação e mercado: gênese e evolução da questão urbana no Brasil. Brasil: um século de transformações. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2001.

SASSEN, S. Excavating power in search of Frontier zones and new actors. Theory, Culture & Society, Vol. 17, 2000.

SCHOR, T. O automóvel e o desgaste social. São Paulo em Perspectiva, Vol.13, N.3, 1999.

TRINDADE, T. A. Direitos e cidadania: reflexões sobre o direito à cidade. Lua Nova, Vol. 87, 2012.

Nourishing social innovation dialogues with the politicized concept of ‘tecnologia social’

Marlei Pozzebon, professeur titulaire, HEC Montréal et EAESP-Fundação Getúlio Vargas (Brésil) [email protected], (514) 340-6754

Fabio Prado Saldanha, candidat au doctorat, HEC Montréal [email protected]

Sonia Tello-Rozas, professeure, ESG UQAM [email protected]

Keywords (5 keywords maximum): social innovation, social technologies, South-North dialogues, political and social change

This critical essay proposes a dialogue between the epistemologies of North and South in terms of social innovation. Despite the existence of a large body of literature that incorporates a variety of approaches, it should be noted that prevailing social innovation concepts/ideas/experiences are essentially European and North American (Moulaert et al., 2013). The academic world that is interested in social innovation reproduces the same pattern of cultural domination and colonization of the imaginary that is condemned to other areas of the so-called ‘science’. In this essay, we defend the value of South-North knowledge sharing by mobilizing a South American tradition of research – ‘tecnologia social’ – often overlooked by northern researchers and practitioners. This research tradition insists on a cultural and political perspective aligned with post-development, post-colonialism and post-scientism, challenging numerous premises of the Western vision of progress and science, including the supremacy of technical/scientific knowledge and emphasizing the importance of local protagonists (Pozzebon and Fontenelle, 2018). Aligned with the challenging of hegemonic ethnocentrism of management knowledge (eg, Alcadipani et al., 2012; Fougere et al., 2017), this essay will help nurture the transformative visions of social innovation, putting emancipation, decolonization, and post-development in the foreground (Islam, 2011).

In the international literature on social innovation, two major approaches are identified. According to the first, mostly documented in the management literature, social innovation involves a new idea or combination of ideas that respond to specific social needs. This approach promotes a more functionalist approach to the social phenomenon, emphasizing the process promoted by social entrepreneurs as well as individual solutions to major social problems through commercial initiatives. From this perspective, social innovation is a tool that gives members of society who are deprived of their rights access to the market and the opportunity to increase consumption or production (Hall et al., 2012). The second perspective sees social innovation as the spark of social

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transformation processes, providing access to experiences and initiatives that challenge dominant economic systems. In this perspective, social innovation ‘concerns the implementation of new social and institutional arrangements, new forms of resource mobilization, new answers to problems for which available solutions have been inadequate, or new social aspirations’ (Klein et al., 2012, p. 11). The two perspectives described above are prolific and recognized by promoting theoretical advances and avenues for a more just and sustainable society (Moulaert et al., 2013).

By mobilizing the politicized concept of ‘tecnologia social’, we are nourishing dialogues, not only regarding South-North ways of seeing social innovation, but also among disciplinary areas. This critical essay is based on a theoretical literature review. For reasons of length, more details will be provided in the oral presentation and in the final manuscript. For a brief overview, we anticipate that more than 200 articles were reviewed, both in the international data bases like Scopus and ABI Inform, but also in South American data bases like Scielo.

The main contributions of this essay are: (a) to provide an updated view of the most important perspectives of social innovation produced in the Western context; (b) present the most expressive research on social innovation produced in the ‘Global-South’, particularly the South American concept of ‘tecnologia social’; c) carry out a critical analysis of the two bodies of literature and promote a dialogue between studies on social innovation produced in southern and northern countries, and also among different literatures, like social management and third-sector.

Selected references:

Alcadipani, R., Khan, F. R., Gantman, E., & Nkomo, S. (2012). Southern voices in management and organization knowledge. 1 Organization, 19(2), 131–143 Fougère, M., Segercrantz, B., & Seeck, H. (2017). A critical reading of the European Union’s social innovation policy discourse:(Re) legitimizing neoliberalism. Organization, 24(6), 819-843. Hall, J., Matos, S., Sheehan, L., & Silvestre, B. (2012). Entrepreneurship and innovation at the base of the pyramid: a recipe for inclusive growth or social exclusion?. Journal of Management Studies, 49(4), 785-812. Islam, G. (2012). Can the subaltern eat? Anthropophagic culture as a Brazilian lens on post-colonial theory. Organization, 19(2), 159-180. Klein, J. L., Fontan, J. M., Harrisson, D., & Lévesque, B. (2012). The Quebec system of social innovation: a focused analysis on the local development field. Finisterra - Revista Portuguesa de Geografia, (94), 9-28. Moulaert, F., Hamdouch, A., MacCallum, D., & Mehmood, A. (2013). The international handbook on social innovation. Massachusetts, US: Edward Elgar Publishing Limited. Pozzebon, M., & Fontenelle, I. A. (2018). Fostering the post-development debate: the Latin American concept of tecnologia social. Third World Quarterly, 39(9), 1750- 1769.

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Taylor, R., Torugsa, N., & Arundel, A. (2018). Leaping Into Real-World Relevance: An “Abduction” Process for Nonprofit Research. Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly, 47(1), 206-227. Von Schnurbein, G., Perez, M., & Gehringer, T. (2018). Nonprofit Comparative Research: Recent Agendas and Future Trends. VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations, 29(3), 437-453.

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