New Mexico Historical Review

Volume 78 Number 4 Article 2

10-1-2003

Peers of their White Conquerors: The San Diego Expositions and Modern Spanish Heritage in the Southwest, 1880–1940

Matthew Bokovoy

Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/nmhr

Recommended Citation Bokovoy, Matthew. "Peers of their White Conquerors: The San Diego Expositions and Modern Spanish Heritage in the Southwest, 1880–1940." New Mexico Historical Review 78, 4 (2003). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/nmhr/vol78/iss4/2

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in New Mexico Historical Review by an authorized editor of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Peers of Their White Conquerors THE SAN DIEGO EXPOSITIONS AND MODERN SPANISH HERITAGE IN THE SOUTHWEST, 1880-1940

Matthew Bokovoy

, n interest in mission ruins and Indian relics has been known to lead to Aan interest in Mexicans and Indians," wrote Carey McWilliams with some despair in North From Mexico: The Spanish-Speaking People of the United States, his 1949 book about the U.S.-Mexican Borderlands. He be­ lieved a southwestern cultural history could become an agent for national civil rights and cultural pluralism.! In this intriguing statement, McWilliams referred to the public culture in southern California and the Southwest, a regional tradition he defined as the Spanish "fantasy heritage." That cul­ tural construction was the myth created by White Californians to interpret the historical legacy of Indians, Spaniards, and Mexicans in the Southwest. Mostly inaccurate, ahistorical, and suffused with excessive sentimentality and romanticism, the fantasy heritage was the cultural gloss for the eco­ nomic development and promotion of southern California. Through the fantasy's lens the southwestern past appeared harmonious and underwent no social or racial conflict. Catholic padres, neophyte Indians, Spanish mili­ tary commanders, and Mexican ranchers united under the strum of the guitar and the click ofthe castanet.2

Matthew Bokovoy is Assistant Professor and a postdoctoral fellow in the DepartmentofHistory at Oklahoma State University where he specializes in the American Southwest, public history, 387 and urbanism. 388 ~ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

McWilliams believed that the interest in Spanish heritage had also been influenced by Progressivism and deeper strands of Christian humanism.) His hope was that southwestern citizens, visitors, seekers of exotica, and curio collectors would move beyond mere commercialism to include real history and egalitarian social politics. In McWilliams's work the word "fan­ tasy" in the Spanish heritage perhaps represented deeper longings for im­ proved interracial understanding. His earlier book, Southern California Country: An Island on the Land (1946) argued that the very newness ofCali­ fornia appeared "in fact, to have compelled, to have demanded, the evoca­ tion ofa mythology which could give people a sense ofcontinuity in a region long characterized by rapid social dislocations." He initially understood how social reform politics and lyrical romance defined the origins ofthe modern Spanish heritage. Both sentiments flowed literally from the same wellspring. 4 By 1949 McWilliams despaired at how the Spanish heritage had become something entirely different. Commercial interests had created social dis­ tance between Anglos, ethnic Mexicans, and Indians. The sale of Spanish­ colonial mystery and romance had not inflamed the social compassion of Anglos for their Indian and Mexican contemporaries. With much insight, McWilliams foresaw that "the people ofthe borderlands will either face the future 'one and together' or they are likely to find themselves siftings on siftings in oblivion." He believed the power ofculture to be ineffective ifthe "Anglo problem," White entitlement fed by racism, could not be overcome. 5 I return to McWilliams's musings to understand better how imagination and power shaped the Southwest's most enduring invented tradition. In south­ ern California and the Southwest, no events shaped the modern Spanish heritage more profoundly than did the San Diego Expositions of 1915-1916 and 1935-1936. Both San Diego fairs outlined a comprehensive portrait of the American Southwest, its peoples, and its cultures for the American pub­ lic. The San Diego fairs surpassed the Long Beach Pacific Southwest Expo­ sition of 1928, the Santa Fe Fiesta of the 1920S, and even John Steven McGroarty's The Mission Play to shape national images of southern Cali­ fornia and the Southwest.6 Much recent scholarship on this phenomenon argues that the modern Spanish heritage was a tradition of "false conscious­ ness," nothing more than public imagery used by Anglos to denigrate and erase the contemporary presence ofethnic Mexicans and Indians.7 The his­ torical and critical literature, however, offers some fresh reevaluations of southwestern cultural promoters, who imagined anew the region's obvious cultural pluralism. When cultural promoters re-envisioned with sympathy FALL 2003 the history and culture ofIndians and ethnic Mexicans, an important politi­ cal space emerged for the future realization of legal and civil rights. In­ vented traditions are not categorically forms of"false consciousness."8 The modern Spanish heritage shows considerable flexibility with chang­ ing political and social trends over time. A highly visible public heritage need not emanate from racial fears and hatreds. The Spanish heritage reimagined ethnic Mexicans and Indians as worthy citizens of the South­ west. Likewise, public symbols and commemoration must give a sense of inclusion and belongingness to be myths worth believing. Benedict Ander­ son noted this phenomenon when he wrote, "it is useful to remind our­ selves that nations inspire love, and often profoundly self-sacrificing love. The cultural products of nationalism-poetry, prose fiction, music, plastic arts-show this love very clearly in thousands ofdifferent forms and styles. On the other hand, how truly rare it is to find analogous nationalist products expressing fear and loathing."9 The modem Spanish heritage portrayed the Southwest as a land of"American" traditions. All the history and memories of southern California and its Indian, Spanish, and Mexican legacies coexisted in the social imagination between 1880 and 1940. The cultural and racial assumptions undergirding the images were often hurtful, insensitive, and untrue for Indians and ethnic Mexicans, for they were rarely invited to partici­ pate directly in the elaboration of the myths. 1O However, Anglo Americans held the privilege and power to shape the process of recollection, and from their efforts the modern Spanish heritage came into existence. The public heritage of Spanish history and Indian folklore came to symbolize the prom­ ise ofthe present and future through the inevitable progression of pastY

The Panama-California Exposition, 1915-1916

"Vie have decided to make this exposition different in character from any other," thundered David C. Collier, director-general ofthe San Diego Panama­ California Exposition. During May 1911, testifying confidently to the U.S. House Committee on Industrial Arts and Expositions, he persuaded its mem­ bers that San Diego's exposition would "work out the problems and demon­ strate the resources, possibilities, and future of the great Southwest and of Latin America."12 His presence also demonstrated the urban rivalry between California cities for commercial dominance in the 19oos. San Francisco had already planned to hold the Panama-Pacific International Exposition in 1915. Collier reassured Congress that San Diego's smaller fair would be a 390 ~ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

regional event with limited international participation. He maintained, "We would specialize in our exhibit[s], in order that the chief attraction would be reclamation, irrigation, and forestation ofarid lands." Collier promised, "We would also gather together representatives of the Indian tribes of the Southwest," bringing peoples from "Southern California, from Mexico, and Central and South America." These Native exhibits would be a compre­ hensive history of the indigenous people of the American hemisphereY Collier and exposition organizers had "not only adopted old-mission archi­ tecture," but bestowed "a Spanish name" on "every gate" in the general grounds. 14 Narrowing the scope ofthe Panama-California Exposition exclu­ sively to the Southwest showed the committee that the San Francisco and San Diego fairs together could serve the broader interests of the United States in both the Pacific hemisphere and Latin America. An institutional nexus ofanthropology and archaeology, stretching from Los Angeles to Washington, D.C., helped define the southwestern and south­ ern California theme ofthe San Diego exposition. In 19u1ocalleaders hired Edgar L. Hewett, director of the Museum of New Mexico (MNM) and School of American Archeology in Santa Fe, to design the southwestern­ style buildings and exhibits and to serve as the exposition's director of eth­ nology. Charles F. Lummis, founder of Los Angeles's Southwest Museum, had recommended Hewett, archaeologist-booster, to mastermind San Diego's rise as a tourist destination, for he was "the man for it, above all other; and the auspices of the American School are the very best you can get."15 As MNM staff furnished lavish historical tableaux for the New Mexico State Building and gathered materials for the Indian Arts Pavilion, Hewett tapped his national contacts including the United States National Museum (USNM), a unit of the Smithsonian Institution. William H. Holmes, director of the museum, and AleS Hrdlicka (Al-Leesh Her-leesh-ka), head of the museum's division of physical anthropology, pledged their assistance. The USNM planned to install exhibits under the themes ofthe "Industry ofthe American Aborigine" and the "Natural History of Man" in the Science of Man Build­ ing. Mesoamerican archaeology and humanity's common origins (known as monogenism) emerged as themes from the USNM's vision ofthe Southwest and Latin America. Hewett also assisted the Santa Fe Railway with an In­ dian exhibit titled Painted Desert. Hewett suggested Jesse Nusbaum, a pho­ tographer and tradesman at the MNM, to supervise the exhibit and care for the Pueblo, Navajo, Hopi, and Apache employees during the 1915 season. 16 The cultural imagery created for the exposition manifested egalitarian FALL 2003 BOKOVOY -+ 391 underpinnings that reflected the social-reform leanings of the ethnological staff and its view of the Southwest's diverse peoples. Perhaps, the signifi­ cance ofLummis and Hewett was less their "scientific expertise," which was questionable, than their particular point of view regarding the Southwest, especially its Indian and Hispanic arts and folklore. They viewed the South­ west as a land every bit as brilliant and exotic as the Orient or the Egyptian Nile River Valley. The Southwest was America's land of antiquity boasting venerable cultural traditions and simple-living, ifprimitive, peoples. Hewett declared that the "science of archeology brings to light the remains of the ancient American world-we must admit that the enthusiasm of the Span­ iards was not without justification." He maintained that "the brilliancy of the new race suggested another Orient," and that "the ruins of Central American cities seemed to entomb another Egypt." Often writing of south­ western Indians with a mixture of praise and disdain, Lummis and Hewett did find in the region worthy cultures and peoples from whom Americans might learn solutions to the problems of the industrial age and who might satisfy their antimodernist yearnings. 17 Both men had loaned their reputations and support to the cause of In­ dian rights and justice. Lummis, the editor of Land ofSunshine magazine (renamed Out West), founded the Landmarks Club for the restoration of Spanish missions in 1895. He championed the rights of mission Indians in 1901 through the Sequoya League, an Anglo protective organization. Lummis also served on the Department ofInterior's advisory committee on Cupeno Indian removal from Warner's Ranch in 1903.]8 During his career, Hewett had supported efforts by New Mexico Pueblo Indians to recover stolen lands, particularly applauding the Supreme Court's 1913 decision in U.S. v. Felipe Sandoval, which restored Pueblo lands and offered Bureau ofIndian Affairs protection to Pueblo tribes. He also created economic opportunities for Pueblo artisans, whose wares he added to the collections of the MNM.19 Lummis explained to Collier that his enthusiasm for the San Diego fair had "been growing everyday since I realized the unprecedented work you have laid out. Expositions in general do not interest me; but this splendid con­ ception is a different matter." Lummis thought southwestern exhibits should "Humanize Science"-not merely "popularize"-and "make knowledge the right, title, and interest ofevery common man, woman, and child instead of a privilege of the aristocracy." Lummis was like the Southwest's Matthew Arnoid, seeking to distribute the province of the learned beyond the privi­ leged classes to ordinary people.20 392 + NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

The opening ofthe exposition on 1January 1915 in Balboa Park, the city's main public greensward, marked the achievement of local and regional economic interests, particularly venture capitalist John D. Spreckels's fi­ nancial dominion and Imperial Valley agribusiness, but viewers of the cul­ tural portrait of the Southwest saw a more ennobling agenda not entirely connected to monied interests. Crossing the Cabrillo Bridge, visitors spilled into the California Quadrangle, a group ofSpanish Colonial Revival build­ ings designed by Bertram G. Goodhue, the New York architect fascinated with the cross-fertilization ofSpanish and Indian architecture on New Spain's northern frontier. "Certain sections of our great country, like the South­ west, are not so bereft ofhistoric background," observed Goodhue. His south­ western motifwas partly a response to the 1893 Chicago Exposition's White City, which had represented a fruitless search in western European archi­ tecture for American traditions. Clarence Stein, Goodhue's apprentice and a community planner offuture acclaim, thought the "Chicago, the St. Louis and the Buffalo expositions were a glorification of the monumental in city planning, so the San Diego Fair is the apotheosis of all those elements of charm and variety that we associate with the cities of Italy or Spain." The "conquest culture" of New Spain, more so than the English or French, furnished an architectural legacy in the American grain.zl With the help ofthe MNM and the USNM, Hewett and Ralph Emerson Twitchell, a Santa Fe lawyer and historian, assembled an exhibit on Span­ ish colonial arts for the New Mexico State Building. Designed by Santa Fe architectural firm Rapp, Rapp, and Hendrickson, the Pueblo Revival build­ ing contrasted sharply with the Mission style and Spanish colonial architec­ ture ofthe fair, butblended admirably with the southwestern theme. Museum personnel prepared paintings, murals, and sculptures for New Mexico's por­ trayal ofits own Southwest. Carlos Vierra painted murals ofthe Mayan temple cities ofMexico. Commercial artist Kenneth Chapman assisted the Santa Fe Railway with the Painted Desert exhibit. The painters Donald Beauregard and Gerald Cassidy created canvasses ofdramatic Catholic processionals for the interior ofthe New Mexico building. Overall, New Mexico exhibited its Spanish and Indian heritage through living exhibits and artistic vision. Justify­ ing the efforts, Hewett said, "In the absorption of building a great English­ speaking nation, we have lost sight of the part played by Spain in American history, likewise ofthe great works ofthe native American race."zz The exposi­ tion created interest in the Santa Fe cultural revival, stimulated local invest­ ment in the process, and brought additional White residents to New Mexico.23 FALL 2003 BOKOVOY + 393

BALBOA PARK, NEW MEXICO BUILDING AT THE 1915 PANAMA-CALIFORNIA EXPOSITION (Photograph courtesy San Diego Historical Society, Photograph Collection, neg. no. 850)

Inside the California Building, William H. Holmes reconsidered artistic life in the Americas before European colonization. Holmes, the nation's foremost authority on ancient American art and possibly its greatest scien­ tific illustrator, imagined an exhibit to showcase "the great epoch making steps in human progress, the development of leading art and industries as recorded in material things as stone art [and] the building arts."24 According to Hewett, the California building presented "the picture ofan age ofwhich Americans generally are not well informed, namely that which preceded the coming of the Europeans to the western continent."25 Upon the balco­ nies of the building, Carlos Vierra created frescoes ofancient temple cities such as Quirigua, Copan, Palenque, Tikal, Uxmal, and Chichen Itza. Holmes sculpted small models ofthe temples, some based on his drawings of the ruins that he studied in Yucatan, Mexico, during the Peabody Mu-' seum expedition from Harvard University in 1894. The frescoes and the cities of antiquity demonstrated the engineering feats of the Aztecs, Mayas, and Incas, and suggested that the elaborate grand structures revealed a reli­ gious devotion equal to the cathedrals and synagogues of the European 394 ~ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

Judeo-Christian tradition. For Holmes, public presentation of aboriginal industries stressed historic preservation, much like the Indian ruins of the Southwest.26 The exhibition showed the depth and complexity ofAmerindian societies and the great accomplishments of their civilizations before Euro­ pean conquest. "The reason why this Exposition appeals with such over­ powering force to the imagination ofthe visitor may not at once be apparent," said Holmes, for the fair was not as "stupendous as the international exposi­ tions, but an achievement far removed from these and possible only in the Southwest."27 Exhibits at the California Building represented ancient Amerindians as well above savagery, perhaps even civilized and superior to Europeans before 492. The facade of the California Building commemorated the Spanish conquerors and Franciscan missionaries, especially their role in bringing European culture and religion to the Americas. Drawing upon accounts of Spanish exploration like the expeditions of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, and Marcos de Niza in the Southwest, the facade retold the epic ofexplora­ tions by Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo and Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, which had happened "nearly a hundred years before the Pilgrims landed at Plymouth."28 The statues of the facade celebrated the settlement of New Spain's northern territories that now lay in the United States. On the pin­ nacle stood fray Junipero Serra, founder of the California missions, who had brought Catholicism and Spanish culture to California's Indians and delivered them from what he perceived as the darkness of paganism. Sur­ rounding the Franciscan father superior were explorers Cabrillo, Sebastian Vizcaino, and Gaspar de Portola, intrepid Spanish soldiers who had pio­ neered new trails on land and sea to Alta California. Fray Luis Jayme, the symbol ofspiritual sacrifice and Franciscan martyrdom in San Diego, stood below the great explorers. Jayme's statue represented what was most hu­ mane in Spanish colonization. He had criticized the harsh treatment of the Natives and the sexual abuse of Indian women that lay at the heart of Amerindian resistance to European imperialism. (In 1775 he paid for his service with his life when he was killed by Indians.)29 These heroic figures embraced the conflict and accommodation of the conquest. The Spanish settlers had altered forever the lives of Natives in California and their pres­ ence brought resistance, disease and death, and eventual cultural pluralism to the Americas. In Hewett's judgment there was "no finer Spanish Renais­ sance facade in existence"; no other conveyed the conflicting aims ofSpan­ ish colonial policy in all its humanity and sadness. California history became FALL 2003 BOKOVOY ~ 395

CALIFORNIA BUILDING AT THE 1915 PANAMA-CALIFORNIA EXPOSITION (Photograph courtesy San Diego Historical Society, Photograph Collection, neg. no. BoBSA) shrouded in the memory of colonial New Spain. European civilization in the Southwest was Spanish, rather than English, in origin. If visitors developed further interest in Amerindians, New Mexico and Arizona Native peoples were displayed presumably in their natural state. The Painted Desert offered ten acres ofsouthwestern Native culture, includ­ ing replicas ofthe Taos and Acoma pueblos, and supported the livelihood of 396 ~ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4 over one hundred Apache, Hopi, Navajo, and Pueblo Indians. There were ceremonial kivas, homos (beehive-shaped outdoor ovens for baking bread derived from the Spanish), Navajo hogans, Apache tipis, summerhouses made ofsticks, and cliffdwellings. 30 Designed by architects in the Fred Harvey Company (the promotional service for the Atcheson, Topeka, and Santa Fe Railroad), the pseudo-pueblo appealed to the Victorian generation's fasci­ nation with Indian primitivism, the cultural authenticity of these presum­ ably "unspoiled" people, and tourist yearnings to purchase an escape from the industrial age to the rustic Southwest. 31 Victorian tourist and travel lit­ erature portrayed Indians as present-day survivors ofWestern antiquity. The Painted Desert Indians performed pottery- and basketmaking exhibitions, and popular "ceremonial" dances for the crowds in exchange for commis­ sions, wages, and room and board. This typical Indian show satisfied the antimodernist cravings of White audiences for "things native." The local and national press described the Painted Desert as an exhibit deploying images ofIndian savagery and nobility, and premodern simplicity. This older and typical perspective was tinged with racial condescension. One journalist described the journey ofIndians from the childhood of savagery to the ado­ lescence of barbarity, noting the "exhibit also will be a course in the history ofthe development ofthe Indian from the savage of the past to the native of today, highly skilled in many of the arts and crafts." Although skilled preindustrial people, Indians, unlike Euroamericans, were not yet capable of modern industrial civilization.32 The Painted Desert, however, represented a portrayal of the Southwest far superior to the exhibit mounted by the Santa Fe railroad at the 1915 San Francisco fair. 33 As the exhibit took shape over 1914, Nusbaum proudly stated that "none of the expositions of the past have even approached, either in magnitude or perfection ofdetail, what the Santa Fe is doing in San Diego­ San Francisco will have nothing like" the Painted Desert. "The nearest ap­ proach to it, and that was not at all near, that the world has ever seen," he believed, was "'The Cliff Dwellers' at the World's Fair in Chicago."34 Nusbaum's intimacy with Pueblo Indians contributed to its success. As su­ pervisor ofconstruction, he employed artisans from San Ildefonso Pueblo. The "cream ofthe pueblo region," they were Julian, Maria, Florentine, and Crescencio Martinez, Donicio Sanchez, Alfonso (Awa Tsireh) and Juan Cruz Roybal, Atelano Montoya, and other families.J5 Nusbaum suggested that each Indian "be given a bare room to finish in the style most typical of his pueblo, and with certain restrictions, proceed with it as he thorugh]t FALL 2003 BOKOVOY ~ 397 best." He continued, "In them, each would incorporate the best ideas ofhis pueblo." His vision was that, during the fair, "this Indian and his family could live therein as they would at home."J6 Over the course of the exposi­ tion, Nusbaum and Hewett opened a literal employment pipeline for their Indian acquaintances who had worked for the MNM. Nusbaum's legend­ ary joviality allowed the Painted Desert Indians much latitude on the grounds, but he believed that the Indians should abide by "rules and regulations-so as to avoid troubles."37 Hewett and Nusbaum encouraged the Indians to perform whatever they wished for the public as long as it appeared "Indian." When the Painted Desert Indians entertained audiences in their kiva, the San Ildefonso men and women also treated tourists to Sioux, Comanche, and other improvised rituals. This practice was not uncommon for the Pueblos, who had learned different tribal dances through hundreds of years ofcontact with Plains In­ dians. 38 Through these decisions, however, the Indians shaped distorted images and understandings ofthemselves that were essential to the modern

BALBOA PARK, PAINTED DESERT EXHIBIT AT THE 1915 PANAMA­ CALIFORNIA EXPOSITION (Photograph courtesy San Diego Historical Society, Photograph Collection, neg. no. 8°78) 398 ~ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

Spanish heritage promoted by the southwestern tourist industry. Years later, Maria Martinez remembered that her husband Julian and "Jack [Nusbaum] would sit around in the evenings inventing new things for Julian to say to the white people the next day." Pueblo Indians from Taos reportedly stole an illegally filmed newsreel, taken at the pueblo, of their Fiesta de San Geronimo ceremony and left a note that read "Bad mediceen [sic] -indians have bad luck-all sick. Pichers [sic] of race must burn-indians all get well." Against the wishes of Hewett and Nusbaum, exposition authorities sent home the San Ildefonso Pueblos because they talked back to the crowds. 39 The Pueblos' theft and defiance revealed how Painted Desert Indi­ ans sought to protect their dignity and culture from commercial exploita­ tion and to hide their most sacred rituals from public audiences. Probably unable to discern the specifics of the performances, tourists likely did not care as long as they saw "authentic" renditions of Indian culture. In September of1914, Elbert Hubbard, the arts and crafts entrepreneur, saw many improvised performances at the Painted Desert. Nusbaum and Hubbard visited the Pala reservation in North San Diego County where Indians performed the "eagle dance," a Great Plains Indian ritual, which did not impress Hubbard. When Pala Indians performed the same dance at the exposition in 1915, Carobeth Tucker described how the performer was "very elaborately costumed-over his trousers (for he was very civilized) he wore a skirt ofnet work with eagle feathers hanging from it." With Hubbard unsatisfied, Nusbaum scheduled dances by San Ildefonso Pueblos, who delivered "the dog dance, the eagle dance, and the Sioux war dance - bor­ rowed from other tribes, as the Indians held their own dances too sacred to be given in a kiva before the eyes of the world."40 The dances were no less "Pueblo," for they had been woven into ritual life; nor were they the rituals of Pueblo esoteric societies. Anthropologist Edward Dozier regards the im­ provised dances as "essentially secular" and "performed primarily for amuse­ ment and entertainment purposes."41 However, the difference was lost on Hubbard, who "sat in silent, vivid absorption" and was transported by the rituals. Writing in The Philistine soon after his visit to the Painted Desert, Hubbard enthusiastically remarked that the exposition had seized upon "this relic oftimes gone by" in order "to restore it, and give it to the people ofthe United States as a heritage in history, forever."42 The Painted Desert repre­ sented a more affirmative portrait ofthe indigenous Southwest, far different from the sensationalist Indian villages at the Chicago fair of 1893 and the St. Louis exposition of 1904, both little more than Wild West showsY FALL 2003 BOKOVOY ~ 399

The portrayal ofAmerindian culture and the Spanish heritage at the fair manifested Darwinian notions of race and evolution predominant in the United States in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The ex­ hibition assembled by physical anthropologist Ales Hrdlicka in the Science ofMan building (now the San Diego Museum ofArt) displayed three areas of anthropology: the physical evolution of man, the evolution of culture, and the Native races ofAmerica. The presentation explained the compara­ tive racial origins and physical development of humanity with bronze hu­ man busts, cases of skull specimens, and the material culture of Europe, East Asia, the American Southwest, and Latin America. With funding from the San Diego fair, Hrdlicka sought "well chosen racial types" from around the globe to illustrate "the development of the species [man] from lower forms; the life history of man as an individual [and] variations between the races."44 The displays demonstrated "not merely to the scientific world, but also to the intelligent public, whole phases of man's antiquity."45 George Stocking Jr. has explained the difficulty of early twentieth-century anthro­ pology to interpret cultural and racial differences: "If one emphasized the continuing efficacy ofsocial environment" on racial differences "then one could be at one and the same time racialist and egalitarian."46 Hrdlicka's science developed in this fashion. He declared, "Physical anthropology is destined to have a bright future, particularly in this country which is the 'Melting Pot' ofso many races and nations, and where so many problems of environment, occupation, and new modes of life await investigation."47 Hrdlicka's understanding of human evolution and cultural difference was shaped by his early career in medicine and urban health reform, and his work in mental-health facilities in New York state. His training with French anthro­ pologist Leonce Manouvrier, the successor to Paul Broca at the Ecole d'Anthropologie and successor to Broca's methodology, led the scientist to reject biological determinism, which correlated innate qualities to race and culture. Hrdlicka championed fluid human nature and social environment as factors in mental and physical development; in his model, mental and physical development explained crime, poverty, insanity, and disability. In private conversation throughout their long friendship but most forcefully in 1918, Manouvrier told Hrdlicka that eugenics was "scientific espionage, if not sa):Jotage!"48 Eschewing earlier "Science of Man" displays that championed eugenic ideas and uncritical racial evolution, Hrdlicka introduced a genetic model linking physical types, cultures, and languages to account for cultural history, particularly the origins and antiquity of the American Indian.49 400 ~ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

Hrdlicka viewed physical anthropology as social reform and as part of an optimistic progressivism. From 1899 to 1904, he had studied the vital statis­ tics ofNatives in the southwestern United States and northern Mexico dur­ ing six field studies in Arizona and New Mexico. Spending almost two years in the field, he collected roughly seven hundred skulls for the USNM. At the same time, his easy manner gained the trust of many southwestern Indi­ ans, who allowed the scientist to measure parts of their body (anthropom­ etry) despite taboos. Hrdlicka discovered that "full-blooded" Indians had better overall health when isolated from White civilization but that "mixed­ bloods" fared better where there was frequent Indian-White contact. His extensive data on health and physical stature suggested "another point of even greater importance ... the growing evidence of similarity, though never reaching full identity, of the vital processes of Indians and whites." During his research Hrdlicka also found much humanity in Navajo, Hopi, Apache, Pueblo, and northern Mexican Indians, optimistically characteriz­ ing their disposition as "generally cheerful and contented."50 Travel through Mongolia during the fall of 1912 reinforced Hrdlicka's notions ofsimilarities between different peoples and societies. Reminded of the Indians ofthe Southwest, he observed to Holmes: "People are swarming in the markets, which is a harvest for my eyes; and so many resemble the Indian that I feel as if I were in a Mexican rather than an Asiatic town." Hrdlicka described his anthropometric research to Hewett as illustrating "the most important item in regard to our American aborigines, namely, their close physical connection, in fact, identity with numerous remnants ofthe old population ofEastern Asia," and promised to become "one ofthe most valuable sections of the exhibit."5! Audiences left no thoughts on Hrdlicka's Science ofMan exhibition, which closed on 3l December 1916, but his work certainly fit Lummis's call to "humanize science."52 The USNM, Hrdlicka's employer, used science to account for the physical as well as racial differences of man, showing southwesterners the "Great Stream of Humanity" that bound Anglo Ameri­ cans to the rest ofthe world's peoples. The beauty, romance, and exoticism of the exposition brought many visitors to San Diego. The city became a sensible tourist destination while Europe, the model for American tradi­ tions, engaged in the full-scale fratricide ofWorld War I. Perhaps tourists saw in Amerindian and Spanish heritage something ofgenuine worth compared to the chaos they found in the cradle of the civilized world. With Europe locked in war and Americans staying home, the United States National FALL 2003 BOKOVOY ? 401

Museum, the Museum of New Mexico, and the School of American Ar­ cheology grasped the unique opportunity to present the culture ofthe Ameri­ cas as national heritage and to lure tourists to the Southwest.

The California-Pacific International Exposition, 1935-1936

Throughout the 1920S the cultural institutions of Balboa Park grew along­ side the San Diego metropolitan region. It was questionable whether the exposition had brought major economic benefits to southern California, which experienced significant business and population growth from 1907 to 1930. The fair undoubtedly made San Diego a more desirable tourist desti­ nation. The opening ofthe new museums assisted the tourist economy: the Museum of Man (1917), the San Diego Museum ofArt (1926), the Natural History Museum (1917; new building in 1933), the San Diego Zoo (1916; new acreage in 1922), and the San Diego Historical Society (1928). George Marston, a local merchant and philanthropist, and other businessmen pro­ moted restoration of the San Diego Mission de Alcala and Presidio Hill. Marston and others built museums and heritage sites for the public presen­ tation oflocal history and tradition, following national trends in cities, states, and regions. 53 They sought to recapture local history for the present genera­ tion. Museums and preservation offered historical continuity to citizens bewildered by the apparent disorder of American life brought by rapid ur­ banization, deadening consumerism, and increased cultural diversity from immigration.54 Not all cultural philanthropy, however, arose from nativism and com­ mercialism during the 1920S and 193os. Historian Michael Kammen argues that the "interwar decades were permeated by both modernism and nostal­ gia in a manner that may best be described as perversely symbiotic." At their best, cultural institutions democratized tradition for the people. Being "tradi­ tional" did not mean that an institution be overly patriotic or commerciaP5 In early 1917 Edgar L. Hewett, the new director ofthe SanDiego Museum Asso­ ciation, claimed the organization had made the "benefits of the Exposition perpetual" because "no other Exposition ever held has left so much ofa last­ ing character to the city holding it." In his opinion the museums together would become "an active educational institution" and "become nation-wide in its service," and by doing so, benefit "the interests of its own 10cality."56 The museums bred cultural awareness about the Spanish heritage that led to local historic preservation. In 1925 Marston helped preserve the Spanish 402 ~ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4 heritage at Old Fort Stockton, the site ofthe first Spanish presidio and mis­ sion. Urban planner John Nolen and local architect William Templeton Johnson assisted the efforts. Renamed Presidio Hill, the site would house the Junfpero Serra Museum and headquarters of the San Diego Historical Society. On 16 July 1929 Marston led the dedication ceremony, which prom­ ised to be "a monument to the memory of the Spanish people who made the first settlement here and occupied the land." Presidio Hill was the "Ply­ mouth Rock of the West." As ten thousand people gathered to enjoy the day's festivities, they were treated to historical pageantry about the Dieguefio Indians and the first California mission in 1769.57 After the festivities, Marston thanked the citizens of San Diego for their support and designated Presidio Hill Park as the first site for civic beautification to connect all areas ofSpan­ ish significance in Balboa Park, the Mission, the harbor, and at the pro­ posed civic center downtown. Presidio Hill Park was the first piece in a

SERRA MUSEUM DEDICATION The dedication occurred on 16 July 1929, the 160th anniversary of Father Junfpero Serra's arrival in San Diego. (Photograph courtesy San Diego Historical Society, Photograph Collection, neg. no. 10311-3) FALL 2003 BOKOVOY ~ 403 grander vision to unify these sites. The beautification plan resurrected John Nolen's San Diego Plan of 19°8, an urban design meant to accentuate the city's Spanish heritage. "Is it not possible to develop all these several parts into an harmonious whole," said Marston, "that shall picture to every visitor and to ourselves also the wonderful story of our discoverers and pioneers?" Marston asserted, "In building the city, let us remember that the material things which will endure longest are those that express the spirit of man in art." After a difficult and multiyear struggle to secure Presidio Hill for the city, Marston proclaimed that "in the arts oflandscape and architecture the spirit of a city can be perpetuated for ages."58 While philanthropists like Marston supported historic preservation dur­ ing the 1920S, the ethnic Mexican community contradicted the invented traditions ofthe Spanish heritage through historical commemorations, such as Catholic processionals, parades, pageants, and theater. Although little evidence exists for ethnic Mexican commemoration in San Diego, middle­ class and wealthy ethnic Mexicans participated in civic celebrations as to­ ken "Spanish Californians." Actor Leo Carillo annually participated on horseback in the Los Angeles Cinco de Mayo parade, dressing as a Spanish conquistador. Despite the irony, he defined himself as a Californio rather than as a Mexican in order to project a White European identity. A promi­ nent Mexican American labor organizer, showering disfavor on the pag­ eant, remarked, "IfI see that white horse once more, I'm going to spit in its eye." Working-class Mexican historical commemoration, however, was more critical and celebrated "ethnic Americanism" among second-generation Mexican Californians. Song and theater about heroic Mexican bandits, the mixed racial ancestry ofthe Mexican people, and social justice themes radi­ ated from working-class pageantry and communal celebration. Likewise, in Santa Fe during the 1920S, the Hispano community lost interest in the MNM's highly commercialized "Santa Fe Fiesta." As a response to the fiesta's elit­ ism, Anglo bohemians, artists, and political radicals, with participation of the Hispano community, created the historical pageant, "Pasatiempo," to lampoon the official parade. Itfeatured surrealist floats, band concerts, com­ munity singing and street dancing, and the "Hysterical Pageant" in which Hispanos and Anglos mocked their ancestors by wearing clothes and family heirlooms to parody popular stereotypes of White and Mexican hillbillies. Throughout the urban Southwest, historical commemoration among eth­ nic Mexicans was both shaped by and offered a stark critique of the emerg­ ing southwestern fantasy heritage. 59 404 ~ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

In 1933, during the depths of the depression, Scripps-Howard newspa­ perman Frank Drugan recommended that the San Diego Chamber ofCom­ merce promote another world's fair. There was no better time than the present, he argued, to uplift the collective morale of the city, state, and region. He persuaded the most powerful local businessmen that an exposi­ tion offered long-term economic benefits. 60 Wealthy elites from southern California and Baja California, such as Agua Caliente owner Baron Long, members of the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce, and Frank Belcher Jr. of the Spreckels companies, supported Drugan's plan. Through his po­ litical contacts, Drugan traveled to Washington, D.C., and met with Jesse H. Jones, head of the federal Reconstruction Finance Corporation (RFC), who told him that, "if he launched the project with the proper personnel, he might procure RFC support in usual form ofa guaranteed note."61 Oscar Cotton, a real estate developer and head of the All Year Club, stepped for­ ward and "stressed the point" that the object ofthe fair, "in addition to pro­ curing profits," was "to advertise San Diego."62 With these words, Cotton closed debate about nobler intentions for the fair. The directors believed that the largesse ofthe New Deal would shape San Diego's future and bring about economic recovery. The modern Spanish heritage influenced the theme of the second expo­ sition, but commercial interests and consumerism dominated the imagery. In January of1935, GilbertA. Davidson and Congressman George Burnham, appearing before Congress, explained, "[The] exposition will tend to in­ spire national confidence and a higher appreciation of American institu­ tions, stimulate business and industry, and assist the government in bringing a more abundant life to its people."63 Davidson wanted "to make this a great California-Mexican affair" with participation from Latin American nations. The directors predicted that the exposition would begin "a cycle ofprogress" at the local level and urged that "the Federal Government should put up a building to the New Deal, explaining to these people the great works that have been accomplished-by the various agencies-A, B, C, D ofthe Gov­ ernment."64 Davidson guaranteed that the exposition had the support of California governor Frank Merriam as well as Mexican president Lazaro Cardenas, and former Mexican presidents Gen. Pascual Ortiz Rubio and Abelardo L. Rodriguez. 55 Secretary of State Cordell Hull and Secretary of Agriculture Henry Wallace also supported congressional funding for the San Diego event. The Roosevelt administration released $350,000 to stage the fair and $125,000 for a federal building to display its economic, social, FALL 2003 BOKOVOY ~ 405 and political recovery efforts. Franklin Roosevelt explained that expositions would demonstrate "the nature of our institutions particularly as regards their adaptation to the wants of the people."66 The exposition's graphic designers, architects, and publicity agents cre­ ated visual caricatures of Spanish fantasy heritage to provide romantic at­ mosphere for commercial exhibitors, corporate pavilions, and federal-agency participants. Gary Breckner, director of radio publicity, stated, "The spon­ sors want to ballyhoo the Exposition in order to get more people into the grounds." Local advertisers drew imagery from heritage sites like Mission San Diego de Alcala, the El Camino Real, and other Spanish-era attrac­ tions for tourist promotion. The San Diego Union reported that the event would "feature southwestern Mexican and Latin American exhibits rather than the industrial exhibits predominant at the Chicago exposition."67 The mass advertising campaign followed national Depression Era trends in which traditional cultures were "commercialized for the sake of tourism and re­ lated enterprises."68 At the exposition, which opened 29 May 1935, White audiences engaged the vogue for things Spanish and Mexican. The California State Building displayed murals "delineating early California life, particularly that of the old missions." Down along the Zocalo, the amusement area, audiences viewed the End ofthe Trail, where Indian tribes wove blankets and rugs and made pottery for sale to the public. Their products generally represented Indian "curios" whose styles and forms were dictated by the southwestern tourist market. Audiences flocked towards the Franciscan Mission Panorama to view the Spanish conquest ofCalifornia. Miniature models ofthe twenty­ one missions represented the "founding of civilization on the Pacific Coast" and were "hallowed ground." Wallace Hamilton, the creator, explained the missions were "living reminders ofCalifornia's GoldenAge - here are recalled the heroic Padres, Builders ofthe West."69 Selling his panorama to the exhib­ its department, Hamilton stressed "WE ARE DEALING WITH TRADITION" and that "MISSION PRODUCTS OFFERED TO A PUBLIC WHILE IT IS MISSION MINDED IN A MISSION LOCALE SHOULD SELL."70 Spanish and Indian heritage appeared little more than mere commodities larded with showmanship and translating into potential profits. Just over the border, civil authorities in Tijuana, Mexico, grasped at the lucrative income from Spanish heritage as well. Jose Fernandez, chairman of the civic fiesta, explained Tijuana would hold a "pre-Exposition fiesta" and an "Exposition festival" to commemorate the opening day. Notable 406 ~ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

Tijuana business and political leaders greeted audiences with edifying speeches of intercultural harmony to lure tourist traffic to their city. After the formalities, audiences saw "Mexican dances and songs by artists from Tijuana and Agua Caliente" and finished with "all the dancers joined in the Sevillianas [sic], a colorful dance."71 The fairgrounds represented three popular architectural revivals in the Southwest, namely Pueblo, Mission, and Spanish-Colonial styles. The physi­ cal landscape of the fairgrounds was built upon the modern Spanish heri­ tage established by the first exposition, albeit with modern and historical architecture, lush foliage, and theatrical lighting. The architects, Richard Requa and Juan Larrinaga, designed the entire avenue, using vernacular forms ofsouthwestern and Central American architecture, such as Spanish Colonial revival, Pueblo revival style, and art-moderne interpretations of Aztec and Mayan revival. Requa believed that the pavilions ofthe Palisades should "further illustrate the architectural story of the Southwest" and that the introduction of an "alien note would be a desecration of a beautifully conceived and executed plan."72 Requa's design for the Federal Building blended modernism and Mayan architecture based on the Palace of the Governor of Uxmal in Yucatan, Mexico. The House of Pacific Relations, symbolic ofpeaceful international relations, showcased a series oframbling bungalows resembling the voluminous style and form of Pueblo architec­ ture. Requa believed that the buildings upheld ideals of beauty and fresh­ ness, yet remained "in historical harmony with the old buildings [of 1915]" designed by Bertram Goodhue. Requa saw no contradiction. The Palisades group embodied "American" architecture and revealed evolution from an­ cient American forms to southwestern modernism. Requa observed that, "while modern in character," the buildings "will demonstrate that the fun­ damental forms and ideas of modern architecture can all be found in our prehistoric architecture ofAmerica."73 The Federal Housing Administration (FHA) exhibition also incorporated the modern Spanish heritage. The FHA's exhibit Modeltown contained miniature renditions offifty-six homes promoted by the Better Housing Pro­ gram and designed by Los Angeles and San Diego architects.74 Regionalist architecture garnished Modeltown with southern Californian flavor. Al­ though there were some ranch homes and New England colonial cottages, the Spanish casitas with a tiled courtyard were the most numerous architec­ tural design representatives. The designs were Anglicized versions of re­ gional architecture from southern California's Spanish, Mexican, and FALL 2003 BOKOVOY ~ 407

FEDERAL BUILDING AT THE 1935 CALIFORNIA-PACIFIC INTERNATIONAL EXPOSITION (Photograph courtesy San Diego Historical Society, Photograph Collection, neg. no. 7918-1) indigenous past. The FHA hoped to democratize innovative design and taste for modest homeowners.75 Among the Modeltown entries was one by avant-garde designer Richard Neutra. His designs reflected the social concerns of his European training and appeared modern, but he was not exempt from the regional influences or social politics that emerged in southern California during the 1930S. His 408 -+ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4 philosophy of design was profoundly influenced by southern California's environment and its health-oriented lifestyles. The open floor plans for Neutra's houses blurred the boundary between the outdoors and the do­ mestic space of the dwelling. His residential designs bore the influence of "traditional" southwestern vernacular architecture, particularly the geom­ etry of Hopi, Navajo, and Pueblo cultural forms. One critic has remarked that Neutra's work, which mixed aesthetic innovation and ecological ameni­ ties, stood "at its best where the building program could be interpreted as making a direct contribution to the psycho-physiological well-being of its occupant."76 Along with sound ecological planning, Neutra believed mod­ ern architecture should aim for social transformation. Between 1932 and 1941, the architect designed and completed a number of public schools, federal low-income housing projects, and state and federal office buildings.?7 . The Ford Motor Company auto-diorama, Roads ofthe Pacific, drew upon Spain's historical legacy in the Americas to sell automobiles. Richard Requa assisted the company by sending "all available publicity data" about the "purposes and scope of the Fair," and the "historic background" of San Di­ ego and greater California. Roads of the Pacific featured the Old Santa Fe Trail, Old Spanish Road in Mexico, El Camino Real, and Inca Highway in South America. Visitors were told that "the mission bells ofEl Camino Real may recall the measured tread and chanted orisons ofholy men who more than a century ago carried Cross and Bible through trackless California, building missions and roadways as they went." The diorama revealed that these historic highways of empire brought peace and prosperity to subject populations, especially through tribute, trade, and cultural assimilation. The auto-diorama brochure told audiences how "man's history lies written in the roadways he has built." These conduits of human history carried the "hurrying feet of conquerors; the stately tread of rulers followed by a long train ofservants and retainers; the weary plodding ofmen and beasts loaded down with burdens ofcommerce."78 Helen Trevey recalled how Ford Motor had "famous roads simulated." She and her friends would "get into these brand new Ford cars and go traips­ ing around the world. And be back in about ten or fifteen minutes." As a corporate voice for economic recovery and a consumer society, Ford Motor Company explained that "commerce follows modern highways-but that civilization, education, and peace also march along the Roadways of To­ day." Connecting past and present, the San Diego Union reassured audi­ ences, "Where once Father Serra and the gentle padres trod the virgin FALL 2003 BOKOVOY ~ 409 wilderness, there are the termini ofthe six great transcontinental highways." Now, San Diego stood as the "cradle of western American civilization."79

Southwestern Heritage After the Civil Rights Movement

"Serra was a Baby Killer," "Genocidal Maniac," and "Murderous Lying Scum" adorned the statues ofPresidio Park, greeting crowds present to cel­ ebrate the beatification of Father Junfpero Serra by the Roman Catholic Church on 25 September 1988. "It saddens and angers me," said Eleanor Neely, education coordinator for the Serra Museum, "because this is where California began. This is the Plymouth Rock of the West Coast." Jim Vaughan, executive director of the museum, believed that Serra had been "selected for criticism because he's the father ofCalifornia-a target for all of the abuses that the Native Americans suffered." Thirty protesters gath­ ered by the entrance of Presidio Hill Park in Old Town to denounce the ceremony. "He shouldn't be honored," remarked Kip King, a Kumeyaay Indian descendent. "Serra had the arrogance of any missionary effort-of coming to a people that already had a religion and trying to impose their European religion." Bill Myers, a local civil rights activist, stated, "It's un­ fortunate that the history texts don't say what actually happened when Serra first came here. If the truth got out through the regular channels in the United States, then people wouldn't feel compelled to do stuff like this." After much statewide controversy over Serra's elevation toward Catholic sainthood, the Franciscan father received beatification through the cun­ ning ofhistory and avoidance of the contradictory historical record.so The Serra conflict brings us to the present. Although the protest had deeper historical roots in the Spanish conquest, the outcry of activists col­ lided with the mythology propagated by the San Diego Expositions. The Civil Rights Movements ofthe 1960s enabled both Indian and White activ­ ists to pose their version ofpublic history. Although Indians and ethnic Mexi­ cans had done the same in the past, most Anglos ignored their cultural and historical productions; control of cultural representation followed political power and class privilege. As the Southwest's most enduring invented tradi­ tion, the Spanish fantasy heritage had always acknowledged the human in­ tegrity and worthiness of Indian-Spanish-Mexican peoples. Historians could cast aside some cynicism and take the actions, gestures, and words ofprogres­ sive cultural promoters more seriously to distinguish yearnings ofimagination from more material concerns. The expositions, furthering the development 410 ~ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4 ofpublic museums and historical sites, left behind a regional tradition that would change with social and political trends. That malleable product was the greatest legacy of the San Diego Expositions. But why did Anglos create cultural institutions to imagine anew the plu­ ralism of the Southwest? They likely did so because the Native American and Spanish presence connected the heritage of the Southwest to the his­ tory of the region better than European emulation. The blend of regional­ ism and nationalism during the Progressive Era gave democratic substance to the modern Spanish heritage. Historic commemoration and preserva­ tion became public expressions ofthe social imagination, the wishful think­ ing to envision an egalitarian future. The modern Spanish heritage rarely embraced racism to denigrate and erase the presence ofcontemporary Indi­ ans and ethnic Mexicans. Benedict Anderson explains that the "fact of the matter is that nationalism thinks in terms of historical destinies, while rac­ ism dreams ofeternal contaminations-outside history. The dreams of rac­ ism actually have their origin in ideologies of class, rather than in those of nation."81 In 1949 Carey McWilliams thought southwestern cultural history could lead to social democracy. He suggested that Anglos should move be­ yond mere fascination with mission ruins and Indian relics toward deeper political and social engagement with the peoples ofthe region. Anglos needed to understand, personally know, and support southwestern racial minorities to realize true equality. Despite the advance of legal civil rights in the re­ cent past, more could be done. Perhaps cultural institutions and public commemoration can breed deeper understanding between the Southwest's diverse peoples and shape discussion about the meaning and quality of the modern Spanish heritage.

Notes

1. Carey McWilliams, North From Mexico: The Spanish-Speaking People ofthe United States (1949; reprint, New York: Greenwood Publishers, 1968), 35-47, 288; The Education ofCarey McWilliams (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1978), 98-u5, 176-79; "Southern California: Ersatz Mythology," Common Ground 6 (winter 1945): 29-38; Michael Denning, The Cultural Front: The Laboring ofAmerican Culture in the Twentieth Century (London: Verso, 1996), 445-54. 2. McWilliams, North From Mexico, 35-47. Douglas Monroy has written extensively on the fantasy heritage in numerous publications. See his Thrown Among Strang­ ers: The Making ofMexican Culture in Frontier California (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 263-71; "The Creation and Re-creation of Californio Soci- FALL 2003 BOKOVOY ~ 411

ety," in Contested Eden: California Before the Gold Rush, ed. Ramon Gutierrez and Richard Orsi (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), 173-77; and Re­ birth: Mexican Los Angeles from the Great Migration to the Great Depression (Ber­ keley: University of California Press, 1999), 151-58. 3· Charles Montgomery has aptly termed the phenomenon as a "modern Spanish heritage," the publicly consumable image ofIndian and SpanishlMexican history. See The Spanish Redemption: Heritage, Power, and Loss on New Mexico's Upper Rio Grande (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), 11-16. 4· Carey McWilliams, Southern California Country: An Island on the Land (New York: Duell, Sloan, and Pearce, 1946), 70-83. 5· McWilliams, North From Mexico, 304; William Deverell, "Privileging the Mis­ sion Over the Mexican: The Rise of Regional Identity in Southern California," in Many Wests: Place, Culture, and Regional Identity, ed. David Wrobel and Michael Steiner (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1997), 235-58. There are no quota­ tions or page numbers cited referring to McWilliams's major works. On McWilliams see Carlos Larralde and Richard Griswold del Castillo, "North From Mexico: Carey McWilliams' Tragedy," Southern California Quarterly 80 (summer 1998): 231-45; Catherine Corman, "Teaching-and Learning from-Carey McWilliams," Cali­ fornia History 80 (winter 200112002): 205-24; Jeff Lustig, "California Studies and California Politics: Reflections on the Sesquicentennial," California History 77 (fall 1998): 131-39; and Leonard Pitt, Decline ofthe Californios: A Social History of the Spanish-Speaking Californians, 1846-1890 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), 277-96. 6. Kevin Starr, Material Dreams: Southern California Through the 1920S (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 92-']3; Kevin Starr, Inventing the Dream: Califor­ nia Through the Progressive Era (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 87-89; and Chris Wilson, The Myth ofSanta Fe: Creating a Modem Regional Tradition (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997), 181-23l. 7. Robert Rydell, All the World's a Fair: Visions ofEmpire at American International Expositions, 1876-1916 (Chicago: University ofChicago Press, 1984); Robert Rydell, World of Fairs: The Century-of-Progress Expositions (Chicago: University of Chi­ cago Press, 1993); Mauricio Tenorio-Trillo, Mexico at the World's Fairs: Crafting a Modem Nation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996); Burton Benedict, ed., The Anthropology of World's Fairs: San Francisco's Panama-Pacific Interna­ tional Exposition of1915 (Berkeley, Calif.: Scholar Press, 1983); and Phoebe Kropp, "'There is a little sermon in that': Constructing the Native Southwest at the San Diego Panama-California Exposition of 1915," in The Great Southwest ofthe Fred Harvey Company and the Santa Fe Railway, ed. Marta Weigle and Barbara A. Babcock (Phoenix, Ariz.: Heard Museum, 1996). The exception to this standard critique of World's Fairs is James Gilbert, Perfect Cities: Chicago's Utopias of1893 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991). 8. See the chapters on Charles Lummis and George Wharton James in Sherry Smith, Reimagining Indians: Native Americans Through Anglo Eyes, 1880-194° (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 3-18, 119-62. On "cultural nationalism" in 412 ~ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

the Southwest see Molly Mullin, Culture in the Marketplace: Gender, Art, and Value in the American Southwest (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2001), 10-37. Note Kate Phillips's rigorous and sympathetic treatment of Helen Hunt Jackson's legacy in Phillips's Helen Hunt Jackson: A Literary Life (Berkeley: Uni­ versity ofCalifornia Press, 2003)' See also Don Fowler, A Laboratory for Anthropol­ ogy: Science and Romanticism in the American Southwest, 1846-1930 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2000), vii-x, 343-56. 9. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism (1983; reprint, London: Verso, 1991), 141-42; and John R. Gillis, "Memory and Identity: The History of a Relationship," in Commemorations: The Politics ofNational Identity, ed. Gillis (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1994), 3-24. 10. Geoff Eley and Ronald G. Suny, "From the Moment of Social History to the Work of Cultural Representation," in Becoming National: A Reader, ed. Eley and Suny (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 3-37. 11. Cornelius Castoriadis likens changes in social consciousness to the magmas of a volcano, where new social meanings submerged in imagination erupt and coa­ lesce historically and publicly to bring new material conditions to society. The concept is necessarily praxis-oriented. See Castoriadis, The Imaginary Institution ofSociety, trans. Kathleen Blarney (Cambridge: Massachusetts Institute of Tech­ nology Press, 1975), 71-101, 343-73. On the critique of cultural representations bereft of a theory of praxis, see Henri Lefebvre, Critique of Everyday Life, vol. 1, trans. John Moore (1947; reprint, London: Verso, 1991), 46. Lefebvre's notion ofpraxis and revolutionary imagination maintains affinities to Castoriadis's idea of the social imagination in Critique ofEveryday Life: Foundations for a Sociology ofthe Every­ day, vol. 2, trans. John Moore (1961; reprint, London: Verso, 2002), 232-44. See also Lefebvre's theory of praxis in The Sociology of Marx, trans. Norbert Guterman (1966; reprint, New York: Pantheon Books, 1968), 55, 100. Lefebvre's formulation of revolutionary imagination is similar, but more stridently Marxist, than that of Castoriadis. 12. U.S. Congress, House Committee on Industrial Arts and Expositions, Hearings on the Panama-California Exposition, 62d Cong., 2d sess., 22 May 1911, 6. 13. Ibid. 14. Committee on Industrial Arts and Expositions, Hearings on the Panama-California Exposition, 7. 15. Lummis to Collier, 3 December 1911, D. C. Collier Correspondence, Ms 1.1.8x3a, Charles Lummis Papers, Southwest Museum, Los Angeles, California (hereafter CLP-SWM). 16. For Hewett's coordination of the southwestern Ethnological Section of the San Diego fair of 1915, see Executive Committee Minutes, Panama-California Exposi­ tion 1915, vols. 1 and 2, 8 April 1912, pp. 9849; 23 August 1912, n.p.; 10 September 1912, n.p.; 29 November 1912, n.p.; 25 February 1913, pp. 247-48, 250; 5 November 1913, pp. 324-25; 23 December 1913, p. 332; and 27 June 1914, p. 343, uncataloged location 17C4, San Diego Historical Society Research Archives (hereafter SDHS). FALL 2003 BOKOVOY -+ 413

See also Explorations and Field Work of the Smithsonian Institution in 1912, Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 60, no. 30 (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1913), 10-13, 18-22; and Beatrice Chauvenet, Hewett and Friends: A Biography ofSanta Fe's Vibrant Era (Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico Press, 1983), 71-84. 17. Edgar Hewett, "Ancient America at the Panama-California Exposition, San Diego California," The Theosophical Path, February 1915, (San Diego, Calif.: Aryan Theo­ sophical Press, 1915), n.p. I prefer the discussion of Lummis found in Smith, Reimagining Indians, 119-44. Ramon Gutierrez has noted a strong strain of masculinism and Anglo-Saxon racialism in Lummis's portrayal of the Southwest. See Ramon Gutierrez, "Charles Fletcher Lummis and the Orientalization ofNew Mexico," in Nuevomexicano Cultural Legacy: Forms, Agencies, Discourse, ed. Fran­ cisco Lomeli, Victor Sorell, and Genaro Padilla (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2002), 11-27. 18. Charles F. Lummis, A Tramp Across the Continent (1892; reprint, Albuquerque: Calvin Horn Publishers, 1969); Charles F. Lummis, The Land of Poco Tiempo (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1893); Dudley Gordon, Charles F. Lummis: Crusader in Corduroy (Los Angeles: The Southwest Museum, 1972), 242-43; and Fowler, A Laboratory for Anthropology, 247-55. 19. Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, A Bill to Authorize the Acceptance ofTrusts from the Pueblo Indians ofNew Mexico, 62d Cong., 3d sess., 13 February 1913, 3-91; United States vs. Felipe Sandoval, 231 US 28, 1-7 (1913); Jesse Nusbaum to Henrietta K. Burton, "Indian Arts and Crafts," 26 January 1935, 89LA3.045.2, Archive of the Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe (hereafter ALA­ MNM); and Maria Martinez, interview by Alice Marriott, typescript, 19 October 1945, folder 1, box 48, "Pottery," Alice Marriott Papers, Western History Collection, University of Oklahoma, Norman (hereafter WHC-OU). 20. Lummis to Collier, 3 December 1911, D. C. Collier Correspondence, Ms 1.1.8x3a, CLP-SWM; Lummis to Hewett, [n.d. but likely December 1911], Edgar L. Hewett Correspondence, 1910-1911, Ms. 1.1.2°321, CLP-SWM. On Arnold's vision, see Russell Jacoby, The End ofUtopia: Politics and Culture in an Age ofApathy (New York: Basic Books, 1999), 67-99. 21. Clarence Stein, "A Triumph of the Spanish-Colonial Style," in The Architecture and Gardens of the San Diego Exposition, ed. Carleton Monroe Winslow (San Francisco, Calif.: Paul Elder and Company, 1916), 10-11; and Bertram G. Goodhue,

Introduction to The Architecture and Gardens ofthe San Diego Exposition, 10-11, 12, 13. 22. Hewett, "Ancient America," 67. 23. Wilson, The Myth of Santa Fe, 128-35; and Montgomery, The Spanish Redemp­ tion, 115-20. See the series of letters from Hewett to Gerald Cassidy, May 1913 to July 194, Incoming Letters H, box 5, Cassidy Family Papers, 1897-1965, Mss67!I, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley. 24. D. C. Collier to Charles Walcott, "Condensed Statement of the Plan for the De­ partment of Ethnology and Archeology, Panama-California Exposition, at San 414 -+ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

Diego," 24 January 1912, box 58, San Diego Fund Folder, AleS Hrdlicka Papers, National Anthropology Archives, Smithsonian Institution (hereafter AHP-NM). In this letter, Collier is writing to Walcott about Holmes. On Holmes, see Kevin Fernlund, William Henry Holmes and the Rediscovery ofthe American West (Albu­ querque: University of New Mexico Press, 2000), 153-60,2°4-17. 25. Hewett, "Ancient America at the Panama-California Exposition," Art and Archeol­ ogy 2 (November 1915): 7. 26. Hewett, "AncientAmerica at the Panama-California Exposition," 91-99. Fernlund, Holmes, 153-60, 2°4-17. 27. Holmes is quoted in Hewett, "Ancient America," 65. 28. Ramon Gutierrez, When Jesus Came the Com Mothers Went Away: Marriage, Sexu­ ality, and Power in New Mexico, 1500-1846 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1991), 41-6; and Edgar L. Hewett and William Templeton Johnson, Archi­ tecture ofthe Exposition, Archeological Institute of America, Papers of the School of American Archeology, no. 32 (Washington, D.C.: 1916), 33. 29. Maynard Geiger, a.F.M., ed. and trans., Letter ofLuis Jayme, O.F.M., San Diego, October 17, 1772 (Los Angeles: Dawson's Book Shop, 1970), 31-F The original letter is housed in the California Room at the San Diego Public Library Research Archives. Richard Carrico, "Sociopolitical Aspects of the 1775 Revolt at Mission San Diego de Alcala: An Ethnohistorical Approach," Journal ofSan Diego History 43 (summer 1997): 43-57; and Matthew Bokovoy, "Humanist Sentiment, Modern Spanish Heritage, and California Mission Commemoration, 1769-1915," Journal ofSan Diego History 48 (summer 2002): 177-2°3. 30. Hewett to Nusbaum, 27 February 1913, Hewett Correspondence, 19°7-1915, 93NP2·014, Nusbaum Collection, ALA-MNM; Hodge to J. F. Huckel, the Fred Harvey Company, 10 February 194, Jesse Nusbaum Correspondence, 194-1916, Ms 7EIC.1.l37, CLP-SWM; and "Painted Desert Exhibit: San Diego Exposition," [brochure], Santa Fe Railway, Ephemera Collection 18.2, SDHS. 31. On the origins of the Harvey Company, see Leah Dilworth, Imagining Indians in the Southwest (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1996), 80-85; and Babcock and Weigle, eds., The Great Southwest ofthe Fred Harvey Company and the Santa Fe Railway, 1-8. 32. "Indian Tribes Will Be Brought To Expo To Live And Work In Replica Of Their Real Homes," San Diego Union, 21 August 1913, PCE Folders, Amero Collection, SDHS. 33. Nusbaum noted Herman Schweizer's disappointment with the contractors at the San Francisco fair. See Nusbaum to Frederick Hodge, 5February 194, MS7EIC.1.l37, CLP-SWM. 34. Nusbaum, quoted in "'Painted Desert' Excels All Similar Fair Exhibits," San Diego Union, 2 August 194, San Diego Fund folder, box 58, AHP-NM. 35. J. Byrn to Julian Martinez, 30 April 1914, "San Diego Exposition: S.F. Railway Letters, reo Painted Desert," 93NP2.058, ALA-MNM. 36. On Nusbaum's power and ability to give shape to the Santa Fe's exhibit, see Nusbaum to Herman Schweizer, 28 February 1914, "San Diego Exposition: S.F. FALL 2003 BOKOVOY -+ 415

Railway Letters, reo Painted Desert," 93NP2.058, AlA-MNM; Frederick Hodge to J. F. Huckel, Fred Harvey Company, 10 February 194, "San Diego Exposition: S.F. Railway Letters, reo Painted Desert," 93NP2.058, AlA-MNM; and Nusbaum to Henrietta K. Burton, "Indian Arts and Crafts," 26 January 1935, 89LA3·045·2, AlA-MNM. Years after the exposition, Crescencio Martinez and Alfonso Roybal would gain wide acclaim as artists in the southwestern Indian market patronized by Whites. 37. Nusbaum to Hodge, March 1914, Nusbaum Correspondence, Ms 7EIC1.l37, CLP­ SWM. 38. Gutierrez, When Jesus Came, 3-36. Maria Martinez notes how the Pueblos learned these dances. Maria Martinez, interview by Alice Marriot, typescript, 3l January 1946, 18 and 23 March 1946, box 46, folders 1and 6, Marriot Papers, WHC-OU. 39. Alice Marriot, Maria: The Potter of San Ildefonso (Norman: University of Okla­ homa Press, 1948), 214; "Indians Purloin Sacred Film," San Diego Union, 25 July 1915, PCE folders, Amero Collection, SDHS; apd Executive Committee Minutes, PCE-1915, vol. 3, 1June 1915, pp. 554-55, and 6 July 1915, p. 584, SDHS Charles Montgomery believes the stolen film was a publicity "hoax" created by Ralph Twitchell, although evidence shows otherwise. See Montgomery, The Spanish Redemption, 119, 266 n. 76. 40. "Tribal Dances Witnessed by Hubbard at Exposition," San Diego Union, 5 Sep­ tember 194, PCE folders, Amero Collection, SDHS; and Carobeth Tucker, "Pala Indian Dances Held during their Festival at the San Diego Exposition," Hewett Collection, 89ELH.078, AlA-MNM. 41. Edward Dozier notes that Pueblo Indians have performed four types of ceremo­ nies in the twentieth century. The fourth set, decidedly "secular," aims to enter­ tain tourist audiences with novel forms and improvisations borrowed from other tribes. See The Pueblo Indians ofNorth America (1970; reprint, Prospect Heights, Ill.: Waveland Press, 1983), 184-85. On the politics of Indian humor, see Pierre Clastres, Society Against the State: Essays in Political Anthropology (1974; reprint, New York: Zone Books, 1989), 129-5°. 42. "Tribal Dances Witnessed by Hubbard at Exposition," San Diego Union, 5 Sep­ tember 194. Elbert Hubbard, "A Little Journey to San Diego," The Philistine 39 (November 1914): 193-210; and "San Diego Exposition: Painted Desert Ephem­ era," NP2, Jesse L. Nusbaum Papers-Talley Collection, AlA-MNM. 43. Nancy Parezo and John Troutman, "The 'Shy' Cocopa Go to the Fair," in Selling the Indian: Commercializing and Appropriating American Indian Cultures, ed. Carter Jones Meyer and Diana Royer (Tucson: University ofArizona Press, 2001), 25-29; Rydell, All the World's a Fair, 154-83; and L. G. Moses, Wild West Shows and the Images ofAmerican Indians, 1883-1933 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1996), 129-67. 44. AleS Hrdlicka, A Descriptive Catalog of the Section of Physical Anthropology: Panama-California Exposition, 1915 (San Diego, Calif.: National News Company, 1915), 5, RCC 606.0lIHrd, San Diego Public Library (hereafter SDPL); Explorations and Field-Work ofthe Smithsonian Institution in 1914, Smithsonian Miscellaneous 416 ~ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

Collections, vol. 65, no. 6 (Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1915), 55-62; and Frank Spencer, "Ales Hrdlicka, MD., 1869-1943: A Chronicle of the Life and Work of an American Physical Anthropologist," 2 vols. (PhD. diss., Uni­ versity of Michigan, 1979), 382. 45· Hrdlicka, "A Descriptive Catalog," 7; Collier to Charles D. Walcott, Secretary of Smithsonian Institution, 24 January 1912 , folder 5, box 22, record unit 45, Office of the Secretary Correspondence, 19°7-1924, Smithsonian Institution Archives, Wash­ ington, D.C. (hereafter OSC-SIA). I thank Phoebe Kropp of the University of Penn­ sylvania for reproductions of this record unit. See also Spencer, "Hrdlicka," 383; and Explorations and Field-Work ofthe Smithsonian Institution, 55-59. 46. George Stocking Jr., Race, Culture, and Evolution: Essays in the History ofAnthro­ pology (New York: Basic Books, 1968),251. 47. Hrdlicka to Eagar L. Hewett, 21 January 1912, Edgar L. Hewett Folder, box 31, Hrdlicka Papers, AHP-NM; and Spencer, "Ales Hrdlicka," 383. 48. Fowler, A Laboratory for Anthropology, 236; Benoit Massin, "From Virchow to Fischer: Physical Anthropology and 'Modern Race Theories' in Wilhelmine Ger­ many," in Volksgeist as Method and Ethic: Essays on Boasian Ethnography and the German Anthropological Tradition, ed. George Stocking Jr. (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1996), 79-154; and Spencer, "Ales Hrdlicka," 1-119. On late nineteenth-century French anthropology, see Elizabeth Williams, The Physical and the Moral: Anthropology, Physiology, and Philosophical Medicine in France, 1750-185° (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 266-72- 49. Rydell, All the World's a Fair, 208-33- Fowler is more sympathetic, see his A Labo­ ratory for Anthropology, 237-38. Lee Baker has little evidence to support his claim that Hrdlicka was an adherent of eugenics. See Lee Baker, From Savage to Negro: Anthropology and the Construction of Race, 1896-1954 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), 93-94- T. Dale Stewart, "The Life and Writings of Dr. Ales Hrdlicka, 1869-1939," American Journal ofPhysical Anthropology 26 (March 1940): 11. 50. AleS Hrdlicka, Physiological and Medical Observations Among the Indians of the Southwestern United States and Northern Mexico, Bureau ofAmerican Ethnology, Smithsonian Institution, no. 34 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1908), 2,187; and Fowler, A Laboratory for Anthropology, 239. 51. Ales Hrdlicka to William H. Holmes, 14 August 1912, San Diego Fund folder, box 58, AHP-NM; Hrdlicka to Edgar L. Hewett, 11 October 1912, Edgar L. Hewett folder, box 31, Correspondence 19°8-1919, AHP-NM; and Explorations and Field Work of the Smithsonian Institution in 1912, Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collec­ tions, vol. 60, no. 30 (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1913), 10­ 13, 18-22. 52. Hrdlicka, "A Descriptive Catalog," 11. 53· See John Bodnar, Remaking America: Public Memory, Commemoration, and Pa­ triotism in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1992); and Ivan Karp, Christine Mullen Kreamer, and Steven Lavine, eds., Museums and Communities: The Politics ofPublic Culture (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian In­ stitution Press, 1992). FALL 2003 BOKOVOY ~ 417

54- Lynn Dumenil, The Modem Temper: American Culture and Society in the 1920S (New York: Hill and Wang, 1995); Gregg Hennessey, "Creating a Monument, Re­ Creating History: Junfpero Serra Museum and Presidio Park," Journal ofSan Diego History 45 (summer 1999): 137-63; and Florence Christman, The Romance ofBalboa Park (San Diego, Calif.: San Diego Historical Society, 1985), 67-78. 55. Michael Kammen, Mystic Chords ofMemory: The Transformation ofTradition in American Culture (New York: Vintage, 1993), 299-309. ( 56. Hewett quoted in "Museum is Successor of Exposition; Will Perpetuate Its Work," San Diego Union, 1 January 1917, PCE folders, Amero Collection, SDHS. 57· "For Future Generations by Efforts of Marston," San Diego Union, 14 July 1929, vertical file 462.9, SDHS; "Program for the Historical Prelude and Dedication of the Junipero Serra Museum," San Diego Magazine, July 1929, 10-11; "San Diego Dedicates Museum Honoring Father Serra," San Diego Union, 17 July 1929; and John Nolen, San Diego: A Comprehensive Plan for Its Improvement (Boston, Mass.: Geo. H. Ellis and Co., 19°8), folder 13, box 145, Information collection, SDHS. 58. Hennessey, "Creating a Monument," 157, 158; and "George Marston's Address," 16 July 1929, folder 43, box 3, Marston Papers, MS 35, SDHS. 59. McWilliams, North From Mexico, 38-4°; Lisbeth Haas, Conquests and Historical Identities in California, 1769-1936 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 142-64; George J. Sanchez, Becoming Mexican American: Ethnicity, Culture, and Identity in Chicano Los Angeles, 1900-1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993),151-87; and Wilson, The Myth ofSanta Fe, 181-231. 60. "Frank Drugan Credited with Idea That Started San Diego's Exposition," San Diego Union, 28 April 1935, CPIE 1936 folders, Amero Collection, SDHS. 61. "Little Man With Big Idea: Frank Drugan Gave America 1935 Coast Exposition," San Diego Sun, 21 May 1935, vertical file "Expositions," SDPL. 62. Minutes ofthe Executive Committee, 31 July 1934, box 5, CPIE 35-36 Collection, SDPL. 63· House Committee on Foreign Mfairs, California Pacific International Exposition, Report no. 33, 74th Cong., 1st sess., 28 January 1935, 2; and "Memorandum for Congressman Burnham and Mr. Davidson," 12 December 1934, box 5, CPIE 35­ 36 Collection, SDPL. 64. "Memorandum for Congressman Burnham and Mr. Davidson." 65· House Committee on Foreign Affairs, House Joint Resolution 94, 74th Cong., 1st sess., 16 January 1935, 5, 15-16. \ 66. House Committee, California Pacific International Exposition, 28 January 1935, 2; House Committee on Appropriations, Communication from the President of the United States, Document no. 132, 74th Cong., 1st sess., 7 March 1935, 1; House Committee on Foreign Affairs, House Joint Resolution 94, 74th Cong., 1st sess., 16 January 1935, 3; Rydell, World ofFairs, 115-18, 146-56; and Steve Fraser and Gary Gerstle, eds., The Rise and Fall ofthe New Deal Order, 1930-1980 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1989), chapters 1-5. 67. Gary Breckner, Director of Radio and Public Address, to David Taylor, Altadena, California, 7 August 1935, Publicity Folders, box 27, CPIE 35-36 Collection, SDPL; and "Plan Hailed by Leaders," San Diego Union, 6 April 1934, Balboa Park History 1934 folder, Amero Collection, SDHS. 418 -+ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 78, NUMBER 4

68. Kammen, Mystic Chords ofMemory, 10, 407-43· 69. "Artists Finishing State Building's Historic Murals," San Diego Union, 20 May 1935, CPIE 35-36 folders, Amero Collection, SDHS; '''End of Trail,' Exhibition Feature, Attracts Indians," San Diego Sun, 18 May 1935, CPIE 35-36 folders, Amero Collection, SDHS; "Crowds Hail Beauty of Exposition at San Diego," Los Angeles Times, 30 May 1935, CPIE 35-36 folders, Amero Collection, SDHS; and "Franciscan Mission Panorama," CPIE 35-36 folders, Amero Collection, SDHS. 70. Hamilton to Waldo Tupper, 16 March 1935, memo, Missions folder, box 10, SDPL. 71. "Stars Augment Revue Personnel," San Diego Union, 26 May 1935, CPIE 35-36 folders, Amero Collection, SDHS; and "Mexican Quarters In Park Dedicate by Varied Events," San Diego Union, 26 May 1935, CPIE 35-36 folders, Amero Col­ lection, SDHS. 72. Richard Requa, Inside Lights on the Buildings ofSan Diego's Exposition, 1935 (San Diego: n.p., 1937), 51. 73. Mary Taschner, "Richard Requa: Southern California Architect, 1881-1941," (master's thesis, University of San Diego, 1982); Requa, Inside Lights, 51; and Rich­ ard Requa to Waldo Tupper, 6 February 1935, Standard Oil folder, box 8, CPIE 35-36 Collection, SDPL. 74. Stuart Ripley to Alfred Swinerton, 13 January 1935, Better Housing folder, box 15, CPIE 35-36 collection, SDPL. 75. See Wilson, The Myth ofSanta Fe, U0-45. For information on the popularity of the suburban casita, which often embodied Native, Spanish, and Anglicized cul­ tural forms, see Sarah Schaffer, "'A Significant Sentence Upon the Earth': Irving Gill, Progressive Architect," Journal ofSan Diego History 44 (winter 1998): 24-47; Modeltown, prints of fifty-six architectural plans, box 33, CPIE 35-36 Collection, SDPL; and McWilliams, Southern California Country, 354-62. 76. Neutra's model was number 25· No title, [brochure], (n.p., n.d.), box 33, CPIE 35­ 36 Collection, SDPL; and Kenneth Frampton, Modem Architecture: A Critical History (London: Thames and Hudson, 1980), 249. 77. On Neutra's social modernism, see Thomas S. Hines, Richard Neutra and the Search for Modem Architecture (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), U8-20. 78. Requa to J. David Larsen, 9 January 1935, Ford Motor Company folder, box 9, CPIE 35-36 Collection, SDPL; and "Ford at the California-Pacific International Exposition, San Diego-1935," pp. 5-6, vol. 2, RCC 607-34 California, SDPL. 79. Helen Trevey, typescript, 8 May 1986, Oral History Collection, SDHS. "Ford at California-Pacific International Exposition," 6; and "Expo Setting Has Impress of Spanish Adventurers," San Diego Union, 3 March 1935, CPIE 35-36 folders, Arnero Collection, SDHS. 80. "Vandals Mar Ceremony to Honor Serra," San Diego Union, 26 September 1988, vertical file 462,9, SDHS; and James Sandos, "Junfpero Serra's Canonization and the Historical Record," American Historical Review 93 (December 1988): 1267-69. 81. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 49.