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Effects of Phonetic and Inventory Constraints in the Spirantization of Intervocalic Voiced Stops: Comparing Two Different Measurements of Energy Change
Effects of Phonetic and Inventory Constraints in the Spirantization of Intervocalic Voiced Stops: Comparing two Different Measurements of Energy Change. Marta Ortega-LLebaria University of Northern Colorado E-mail: [email protected] This paper extends the same hypothesis to the phenomenon ABSTRACT of spirantization by investigating the interaction of phonetic factors with inventory constraints. First, it This paper examines the effect of inventory constraints and examines whether the phonetic factors of stress and vowel the phonetic factors of stress and vowel context in the context, which had an effect in the lenition of Spanish lenition of English and Spanish intervocalic voiced stops. intervocalic /g/ [3], had also an effect in English Five native speakers of American English and five native intervocalic /g/ and in Spanish and English intervocalic /b/. speakers of Caribbean Spanish were recorded saying Secondly, this paper studies the interaction of inventory bi-syllabic words containing intervocalic /b/ and /g/. The constraints with phonetic factors. Inventory constraints intervocalic consonants were evaluated according to two were aimed to preserve the system of sound contrasts of a measures of energy, i.e. RMS ratio, and speed of consonant language while phonetic factors provided contexts that release. Repeated Measures ANOVAS in each measure favored consonant lenition. Hypothetically, a consonant indicated that for both languages, /b/ and /g/ were most will become lenited in a favorable context only if the lenited in trochee words, and that /g/ was most spirantized resulting sound will not impair a contrast of the language. when flanked by /i/ and /u/ vowels. Inventory constraints For example, in English, /b/ contrasts with the voiced moderated the degree of consonant lenition displayed in the fricative /v/ while in Spanish, it does not. -
Phonological Domains Within Blackfoot Towards a Family-Wide Comparison
Phonological domains within Blackfoot Towards a family-wide comparison Natalie Weber 52nd algonquian conference yale university October 23, 2020 Outline 1. Background 2. Two phonological domains in Blackfoot verbs 3. Preverbs are not a separate phonological domain 4. Parametric variation 2 / 59 Background 3 / 59 Consonant inventory Labial Coronal Dorsal Glottal Stops p pː t tː k kː ʔ <’> Assibilants ts tːs ks Pre-assibilants ˢt ˢtː Fricatives s sː x <h> Nasals m mː n nː Glides w j <y> (w) Long consonants written with doubled letters. (Derrick and Weber n.d.; Weber 2020) 4 / 59 Predictable mid vowels? (Frantz 2017) Many [ɛː] and [ɔː] arise from coalescence across boundaries ◦ /a+i/ ! [ɛː] ◦ /a+o/ ! [ɔː] Vowel inventory front central back high i iː o oː mid ɛː <ai> ɔː <ao> low a aː (Derrick and Weber n.d.; Weber 2020) 5 / 59 Vowel inventory front central back high i iː o oː mid ɛː <ai> ɔː <ao> low a aː Predictable mid vowels? (Frantz 2017) Many [ɛː] and [ɔː] arise from coalescence across boundaries ◦ /a+i/ ! [ɛː] ◦ ! /a+o/ [ɔː] (Derrick and Weber n.d.; Weber 2020) 5 / 59 Contrastive mid vowels Some [ɛː] and [ɔː] are morpheme-internal, in overlapping environments with other long vowels JɔːníːtK JaːníːtK aoníít aaníít [ao–n/i–i]–t–Ø [aan–ii]–t–Ø [hole–by.needle/ti–ti1]–2sg.imp–imp [say–ai]–2sg.imp–imp ‘pierce it!’ ‘say (s.t.)!’ (Weber 2020) 6 / 59 Syntax within the stem Intransitive (bi-morphemic) vs. syntactically transitive (trimorphemic). Transitive V is object agreement (Quinn 2006; Rhodes 1994) p [ root –v0 –V0 ] Stem type Gloss ikinn –ssi AI ‘he is warm’ ikinn –ii II ‘it is warm’ itap –ip/i –thm TA ‘take him there’ itap –ip/ht –oo TI ‘take it there’ itap –ip/ht –aki AI(+O) ‘take (s.t.) there’ (Déchaine and Weber 2015, 2018; Weber 2020) 7 / 59 Syntax within the verbal complex Template p [ person–(preverb)*– [ –(med)–v–V ] –I0–C0 ] CP vP root vP CP ◦ Minimal verbal complex: stem plus suffixes (I0,C0). -
The Grammar of Coarticulation Edward Flemming Department of Linguistics & Philosophy, MIT
The Grammar of Coarticulation Edward Flemming Department of Linguistics & Philosophy, MIT 1. Introduction It is well established that coarticulatory patterns are language-specific and therefore must be specified in the grammars of languages (e.g. Beddor, Harnsberger & Lindemann, 2002, Clumeck, 1976, Huffman, 1988, Keating & Cohn, 1988, Magen, 1984, Manuel, 1990, Manuel & Krakow, 1984, Oh, 2002), but there is less consensus on the nature of the grammar of coarticulation. Here we use evidence from the typology of coarticulatory patterns to argue for a model based on weighted constraints. Through two case studies we see that coarticulation shows typological variation that is parallel in many respects to phonological typology: there are common or universal cross-linguistic patterns, such as F0 transitions between adjacent tones, that point to universal constraints, such as physiological limitations on rates of F0 change, but language- specific variation in the details of coarticulation, e.g. variation in the timing of F0 transitions, shows that languages differ in their responses to these constraints. I propose that this is due to interaction between conflicting constraints: constraints on rate of change interact with perceptually motivated constraints requiring the realization of phonetic targets. These constraints can conflict, with conflicts being resolved by constraint prioritization. The relative priority of constraints can differ from language to language resulting in language-specific patterns of coarticulation. This is essentially the same approach to the analysis of typology that has been successful in Optimality Theoretic analyses of phonology (Prince & Smolensky, 2004). This account of coarticulation has implications for analyses that attempt to explain phonological generalizations in terms of phonologization of coarticulation. -
The Emergence of Consonant-Vowel Metathesis in Karuk
Background Methodology and Predictions Results Conclusions References The Emergence of Consonant-Vowel Metathesis in Karuk Andrew Garre & Tyler Lau University of California, Berkeley [email protected] [email protected] Society for the Study of the Indigenous Languages of the Americas (SSILA) 2018 Salt Lake City, UT, USA January 6, 2018 Andrew Garre & Tyler Lau The Emergence of Consonant-Vowel Metathesis in Karuk Background Methodology and Predictions Results Conclusions References Acknowledgements Many thanks to the following: • Karuk master speakers Sonny Davis and the late Lucille Albers, Charlie Thom, and especially Vina Smith; • research collaborators LuLu Alexander, Tamara Alexander, Crystal Richardson, and Florrine Super (in Yreka) and Erik H. Maier, Line Mikkelsen, and Clare Sandy (at Berkeley); and • Susan Lin and the audience at UC Berkeley’s Phonetics and Phonology Forum for insightful comments and suggestions. Data in this talk is drawn from Ararahi’urípih, a Karuk dictionary and text corpus (http://linguistics.berkeley.edu/~karuk). Andrew Garre & Tyler Lau The Emergence of Consonant-Vowel Metathesis in Karuk Background Methodology and Predictions Metathesis Results Karuk Conclusions References Overview • Karuk V1CV2 sequences show much coarticulation of V1 into V2 w j j /uCi/ ! [uC i], /iCa/ ! [iC a], /iCu/ ! [iC u] (all high V1) • We argue that this coarticulation is a source of CV metathesis along lines that are phonologized in other languages. • Goals • To figure out the environments in which this process occurs • -
A Long Way from New York City: Socially Stratified Contact-Induced Phonological Convergence in Ganluo Ersu (Sichuan, China) Katia Chirkova, James Stanford, Dehe Wang
A long way from New York City: Socially stratified contact-induced phonological convergence in Ganluo Ersu (Sichuan, China) Katia Chirkova, James Stanford, Dehe Wang To cite this version: Katia Chirkova, James Stanford, Dehe Wang. A long way from New York City: Socially stratified contact-induced phonological convergence in Ganluo Ersu (Sichuan, China). Language Variation and Change, Cambridge University Press (CUP), In press. hal-01684078 HAL Id: hal-01684078 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01684078 Submitted on 15 Jan 2018 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. A long way from New York City: Socially stratified contact-induced phonological convergence in Ganluo Ersu (Sichuan, China) Authors: 1. Katia Chirkova (CNRS, France) 2. James N. Stanford (Dartmouth College, USA) 3. Dehe Wang (Xichang College, China) Corresponding author: James N. Stanford 6220 Reed Hall Dartmouth College Hanover, NH 03784 Ph. (603)646-0099 [email protected] 1 ABSTRACT Labov’s classic study, The Social Stratification of English in New York City (1966), paved the way for generations of researchers to examine sociolinguistic patterns in many different communities (Bell, Sharma, & Britain, 2016). This research paradigm has traditionally tended to focus on Western industrialized communities and large world languages and dialects, leaving many unanswered questions about lesser- studied indigenous minority communities. -
Is Phonological Consonant Epenthesis Possible? a Series of Artificial Grammar Learning Experiments
Is Phonological Consonant Epenthesis Possible? A Series of Artificial Grammar Learning Experiments Rebecca L. Morley Abstract Consonant epenthesis is typically assumed to be part of the basic repertoire of phonological gram- mars. This implies that there exists some set of linguistic data that entails epenthesis as the best analy- sis. However, a series of artificial grammar learning experiments found no evidence that learners ever selected an epenthesis analysis. Instead, phonetic and morphological biases were revealed, along with individual variation in how learners generalized and regularized their input. These results, in combi- nation with previous work, suggest that synchronic consonant epenthesis may only emerge very rarely, from a gradual accumulation of changes over time. It is argued that the theoretical status of epenthesis must be reconsidered in light of these results, and that investigation of the sufficient learning conditions, and the diachronic developments necessary to produce those conditions, are of central importance to synchronic theory generally. 1 Introduction Epenthesis is defined as insertion of a segment that has no correspondent in the relevant lexical, or un- derlying, form. There are various types of epenthesis that can be defined in terms of either the insertion environment, the features of the epenthesized segment, or both. The focus of this paper is on consonant epenthesis and, more specifically, default consonant epenthesis that results in markedness reduction (e.g. Prince and Smolensky (1993/2004)). Consonant -
The Role of Morphology in Generative Phonology, Autosegmental Phonology and Prosodic Morphology
Chapter 20: The role of morphology in Generative Phonology, Autosegmental Phonology and Prosodic Morphology 1 Introduction The role of morphology in the rule-based phonology of the 1970’s and 1980’s, from classic GENERATIVE PHONOLOGY (Chomsky and Halle 1968) through AUTOSEGMENTAL PHONOLOGY (e.g., Goldsmith 1976) and PROSODIC MORPHOLOGY (e.g., McCarthy & Prince 1999, Steriade 1988), is that it produces the inputs on which phonology operates. Classic Generative, Autosegmental, and Prosodic Morphology approaches to phonology differ in the nature of the phonological rules and representations they posit, but converge in one key assumption: all implicitly or explicitly assume an item-based morphological approach to word formation, in which root and affix morphemes exist as lexical entries with underlying phonological representations. The morphological component of grammar selects the morphemes whose underlying phonological representations constitute the inputs on which phonological rules operate. On this view of morphology, the phonologist is assigned the task of identifying a set of general rules for a given language that operate correctly on the inputs provided by the morphology of that language to produce grammatical outputs. This assignment is challenging for a variety of reasons, sketched below; as a group, these reasons helped prompt the evolution from classic Generative Phonology to its Autosegmental and Prosodic descendants, and have since led to even more dramatic modifications in the way that morphology and phonology interact (see Chapter XXX). First, not all phonological rules apply uniformly across all morphological contexts. For example, Turkish palatal vowel harmony requires suffix vowels to agree with the preceding stem vowels (paşa ‘pasha’, paşa-lar ‘pasha-PL’; meze ‘appetizer’, meze-ler ‘appetizer-PL’) but does not apply within roots (elma ‘apple’, anne ‘mother’). -
Assibilation Or Analogy?: Reconsideration of Korean Noun Stem-Endings*
Assibilation or analogy?: Reconsideration of Korean noun stem-endings* Ponghyung Lee (Daejeon University) This paper discusses two approaches to the nominal stem-endings in Korean inflection including loanwords: one is the assibilation approach, represented by H. Kim (2001) and the other is the analogy approach, represented by Albright (2002 et sequel) and Y. Kang (2003b). I contend that the assibilation approach is deficient in handling its underapplication to the non-nominal categories such as verb. More specifically, the assibilation approach is unable to clearly explain why spirantization (s-assibilation) applies neither to derivative nouns nor to non-nominal items in its entirety. By contrast, the analogy approach is able to overcome difficulties involved with the assibilation position. What is crucial to the analogy approach is that the nominal bases end with t rather than s. Evidence of t-ending bases is garnered from the base selection criteria, disparities between t-ending and s-ending inputs in loanwords. Unconventionally, I dare to contend that normative rules via orthography intervene as part of paradigm extension, alongside semantic conditioning and token/type frequency. Keywords: inflection, assibilation, analogy, base, affrication, spirantization, paradigm extension, orthography, token/type frequency 1. Introduction When it comes to Korean nominal inflection, two observations have captivated our attention. First, multiple-paradigms arise, as explored in previous literature (K. Ko 1989, Kenstowicz 1996, Y. Kang 2003b, Albright 2008 and many others).1 (1) Multiple-paradigms of /pʰatʰ/ ‘red bean’ unmarked nom2 acc dat/loc a. pʰat pʰaʧʰ-i pʰatʰ-ɨl pʰatʰ-e b. pʰat pʰaʧʰ-i pʰaʧʰ-ɨl pʰatʰ-e c. -
Palatals in Spanish and French: an Analysis Rachael Gray
Florida State University Libraries Honors Theses The Division of Undergraduate Studies 2012 Palatals in Spanish and French: An Analysis Rachael Gray Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] Abstract (Palatal, Spanish, French) This thesis deals with palatals from Latin into Spanish and French. Specifically, it focuses on the diachronic history of each language with a focus on palatals. I also look at studies that have been conducted concerning palatals, and present a synchronic analysis of palatals in modern day Spanish and French. The final section of this paper focuses on my research design in second language acquisition of palatals for native French speakers learning Spanish. 2 THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES PALATALS IN SPANISH AND FRENCH: AN ANALYSIS BY: RACHAEL GRAY A Thesis submitted to the Department of Modern Languages in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with Honors in the Major Degree Awarded: 3 Spring, 2012 The members of the Defense Committee approve the thesis of Rachael Gray defended on March 21, 2012 _____________________________________ Professor Carolina Gonzaléz Thesis Director _______________________________________ Professor Gretchen Sunderman Committee Member _______________________________________ Professor Eric Coleman Outside Committee Member 4 Contents Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................................... 5 0. -
Chapter XIII: After the French Invasion
Chapter XIII: After the French Invasion • Introduction • 1066 Battle of Hastings (William the Conqueror) • The Norman Invasion established French as the language of England. • The Normans were originally Vikings (Norman= North + Man) • William established himself as King William I. • Redistributed the lands among his supporters. Ling 110 Chapter XIII: After the 1 French Partition Introduction • Consequently, Norman French became the prestige language in England (government, justice, & education). • English was spoken by only second class citizens. • This social situation had significant consequences for the English language- penetrated the lexicon and the grammar. • English lost the inflectional morphology characteristic of the Germanic languages. • The word order of English came to resemble French word order more than Germanic. Ling 110 Chapter XIII: After the 2 French Partition Introduction con’t • Social stratification can be observed when comparing native words and French borrowings from the same semantic domain. Example: • English French • pig pork • chicken poultry • cow beef • sheep mutton • calf veal The animal is English; the food is French. Illustrating who was tending the animals and who was eating them. Ling 110 Chapter XIII: After the 3 French Partition Introduction con’t • English has borrowed continuously from Latin. • Beginning in the Middle English period, from French. • This pattern of borrowing establishes the opportunity for English to borrow the same word at different points in its history. • Example: English borrowed humility from Latin. The word developed in French and was borrowed again into English as humble. • Two changes have occurred: – The i of humil has been deleted. – A b has been inserted between m and l. -
Decoding Perceptual Vowel Epenthesis: Experiments & Modelling
Decoding perceptual vowel epenthesis : experiments & modelling Adriana Guevara Rukoz To cite this version: Adriana Guevara Rukoz. Decoding perceptual vowel epenthesis : experiments & modelling. Cognitive Sciences. Université Paris sciences et lettres, 2018. English. NNT : 2018PSLEE069. tel-03288523 HAL Id: tel-03288523 https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-03288523 Submitted on 16 Jul 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. THESE` DE DOCTORAT de l’Universite´ de recherche Paris Sciences et Lettres PSL Research University Prepar´ ee´ a` l’Ecole´ Normale Superieure´ Decodage´ de l’epenth´ ese` vocalique perceptive: Experiences´ & Modelisation´ Decoding perceptual vowel epenthesis: Experiments & Modelling Ecole´ doctorale no158 ECOLE´ DOCTORALE CERVEAU-COGNITION-COMPORTEMENT (ED3C) Specialit´ e´ SCIENCES COGNITIVES COMPOSITION DU JURY : M Christophe PALLIER INSERM-CEA Cognitive Neuroimaging Unit, President´ du jury M Laurent BESACIER Universite´ Grenoble Alpes, Rapporteur Mme Sophie DUFOUR Soutenue par Aix-Marseille Universite,´ Adriana -
New Data on the Delateralization of ∆Ad and Its Merger with Еa} in Classical Arabic
Journal of Semitic Studies LII/2 Autumn 2007 doi:10.1093/jss/fgm007 © TheNEW DATA author. ON Published THE DELATERALIZATION by Oxford University Press OF on ∆ AbehalfD AND of theITS University MERGER of WITH Manchester. ÅA} All rights reserved. NEW DATA ON THE DELATERALIZATION OF ∆AD AND ITS MERGER WITH ÅA} IN CLASSICAL ARABIC: CONTRIBUTIONS FROM OLD SOUTH ARABIC AND THE EARLIEST ISLAMIC TEXTS ON ∆ / Å MINIMAL PAIRS JONATHAN A.C. BROWN UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON Abstract The history of the phoneme ∂ad and its merger with the phoneme Âa’ has proven enigmatic. By presenting data from Old South Arabian speech communities and lexical data from the Islamic tradition, this article brackets a period of ∂ad / Âa’ free variation between the fourth and mid-eighth centuries CE. These data support the theory that the pre-Islamic and early Islamic Arabic speech community was divided into two segments in respect to the ∂ad / Âa’ relationship: a group that pronounced both separately and produced the lettered tradition of the Qur’an, and some that did not distinguish between the two phonemes. This article presents data from the earliest Arabic texts on ∂ad / Âa’ minimal pairs, those of Abu ¨Umar al-Zahid (d. 345/957) and al-∑aÌib Isma¨il Ibn ¨Abbad (d. 385/995). These texts also pro- vide glimpses into how the Islamic lexical tradition explained the his- torical link between the two phonemes. Introduction1 Charting the history of the enigmatic phoneme ∂ad (∂) in Arabic, and tracing its relationship with the phoneme Âa’ (Â) has presented one of the most interesting and challenging questions in Arabic his- torical linguistics.