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Effects of Phonetic and Inventory Constraints in the Spirantization of Intervocalic Voiced Stops: Comparing Two Different Measurements of Energy Change
Effects of Phonetic and Inventory Constraints in the Spirantization of Intervocalic Voiced Stops: Comparing two Different Measurements of Energy Change. Marta Ortega-LLebaria University of Northern Colorado E-mail: [email protected] This paper extends the same hypothesis to the phenomenon ABSTRACT of spirantization by investigating the interaction of phonetic factors with inventory constraints. First, it This paper examines the effect of inventory constraints and examines whether the phonetic factors of stress and vowel the phonetic factors of stress and vowel context in the context, which had an effect in the lenition of Spanish lenition of English and Spanish intervocalic voiced stops. intervocalic /g/ [3], had also an effect in English Five native speakers of American English and five native intervocalic /g/ and in Spanish and English intervocalic /b/. speakers of Caribbean Spanish were recorded saying Secondly, this paper studies the interaction of inventory bi-syllabic words containing intervocalic /b/ and /g/. The constraints with phonetic factors. Inventory constraints intervocalic consonants were evaluated according to two were aimed to preserve the system of sound contrasts of a measures of energy, i.e. RMS ratio, and speed of consonant language while phonetic factors provided contexts that release. Repeated Measures ANOVAS in each measure favored consonant lenition. Hypothetically, a consonant indicated that for both languages, /b/ and /g/ were most will become lenited in a favorable context only if the lenited in trochee words, and that /g/ was most spirantized resulting sound will not impair a contrast of the language. when flanked by /i/ and /u/ vowels. Inventory constraints For example, in English, /b/ contrasts with the voiced moderated the degree of consonant lenition displayed in the fricative /v/ while in Spanish, it does not. -
The Grammar of Coarticulation Edward Flemming Department of Linguistics & Philosophy, MIT
The Grammar of Coarticulation Edward Flemming Department of Linguistics & Philosophy, MIT 1. Introduction It is well established that coarticulatory patterns are language-specific and therefore must be specified in the grammars of languages (e.g. Beddor, Harnsberger & Lindemann, 2002, Clumeck, 1976, Huffman, 1988, Keating & Cohn, 1988, Magen, 1984, Manuel, 1990, Manuel & Krakow, 1984, Oh, 2002), but there is less consensus on the nature of the grammar of coarticulation. Here we use evidence from the typology of coarticulatory patterns to argue for a model based on weighted constraints. Through two case studies we see that coarticulation shows typological variation that is parallel in many respects to phonological typology: there are common or universal cross-linguistic patterns, such as F0 transitions between adjacent tones, that point to universal constraints, such as physiological limitations on rates of F0 change, but language- specific variation in the details of coarticulation, e.g. variation in the timing of F0 transitions, shows that languages differ in their responses to these constraints. I propose that this is due to interaction between conflicting constraints: constraints on rate of change interact with perceptually motivated constraints requiring the realization of phonetic targets. These constraints can conflict, with conflicts being resolved by constraint prioritization. The relative priority of constraints can differ from language to language resulting in language-specific patterns of coarticulation. This is essentially the same approach to the analysis of typology that has been successful in Optimality Theoretic analyses of phonology (Prince & Smolensky, 2004). This account of coarticulation has implications for analyses that attempt to explain phonological generalizations in terms of phonologization of coarticulation. -
The Emergence of Consonant-Vowel Metathesis in Karuk
Background Methodology and Predictions Results Conclusions References The Emergence of Consonant-Vowel Metathesis in Karuk Andrew Garre & Tyler Lau University of California, Berkeley [email protected] [email protected] Society for the Study of the Indigenous Languages of the Americas (SSILA) 2018 Salt Lake City, UT, USA January 6, 2018 Andrew Garre & Tyler Lau The Emergence of Consonant-Vowel Metathesis in Karuk Background Methodology and Predictions Results Conclusions References Acknowledgements Many thanks to the following: • Karuk master speakers Sonny Davis and the late Lucille Albers, Charlie Thom, and especially Vina Smith; • research collaborators LuLu Alexander, Tamara Alexander, Crystal Richardson, and Florrine Super (in Yreka) and Erik H. Maier, Line Mikkelsen, and Clare Sandy (at Berkeley); and • Susan Lin and the audience at UC Berkeley’s Phonetics and Phonology Forum for insightful comments and suggestions. Data in this talk is drawn from Ararahi’urípih, a Karuk dictionary and text corpus (http://linguistics.berkeley.edu/~karuk). Andrew Garre & Tyler Lau The Emergence of Consonant-Vowel Metathesis in Karuk Background Methodology and Predictions Metathesis Results Karuk Conclusions References Overview • Karuk V1CV2 sequences show much coarticulation of V1 into V2 w j j /uCi/ ! [uC i], /iCa/ ! [iC a], /iCu/ ! [iC u] (all high V1) • We argue that this coarticulation is a source of CV metathesis along lines that are phonologized in other languages. • Goals • To figure out the environments in which this process occurs • -
Is Phonological Consonant Epenthesis Possible? a Series of Artificial Grammar Learning Experiments
Is Phonological Consonant Epenthesis Possible? A Series of Artificial Grammar Learning Experiments Rebecca L. Morley Abstract Consonant epenthesis is typically assumed to be part of the basic repertoire of phonological gram- mars. This implies that there exists some set of linguistic data that entails epenthesis as the best analy- sis. However, a series of artificial grammar learning experiments found no evidence that learners ever selected an epenthesis analysis. Instead, phonetic and morphological biases were revealed, along with individual variation in how learners generalized and regularized their input. These results, in combi- nation with previous work, suggest that synchronic consonant epenthesis may only emerge very rarely, from a gradual accumulation of changes over time. It is argued that the theoretical status of epenthesis must be reconsidered in light of these results, and that investigation of the sufficient learning conditions, and the diachronic developments necessary to produce those conditions, are of central importance to synchronic theory generally. 1 Introduction Epenthesis is defined as insertion of a segment that has no correspondent in the relevant lexical, or un- derlying, form. There are various types of epenthesis that can be defined in terms of either the insertion environment, the features of the epenthesized segment, or both. The focus of this paper is on consonant epenthesis and, more specifically, default consonant epenthesis that results in markedness reduction (e.g. Prince and Smolensky (1993/2004)). Consonant -
Decoding Perceptual Vowel Epenthesis: Experiments & Modelling
Decoding perceptual vowel epenthesis : experiments & modelling Adriana Guevara Rukoz To cite this version: Adriana Guevara Rukoz. Decoding perceptual vowel epenthesis : experiments & modelling. Cognitive Sciences. Université Paris sciences et lettres, 2018. English. NNT : 2018PSLEE069. tel-03288523 HAL Id: tel-03288523 https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-03288523 Submitted on 16 Jul 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. THESE` DE DOCTORAT de l’Universite´ de recherche Paris Sciences et Lettres PSL Research University Prepar´ ee´ a` l’Ecole´ Normale Superieure´ Decodage´ de l’epenth´ ese` vocalique perceptive: Experiences´ & Modelisation´ Decoding perceptual vowel epenthesis: Experiments & Modelling Ecole´ doctorale no158 ECOLE´ DOCTORALE CERVEAU-COGNITION-COMPORTEMENT (ED3C) Specialit´ e´ SCIENCES COGNITIVES COMPOSITION DU JURY : M Christophe PALLIER INSERM-CEA Cognitive Neuroimaging Unit, President´ du jury M Laurent BESACIER Universite´ Grenoble Alpes, Rapporteur Mme Sophie DUFOUR Soutenue par Aix-Marseille Universite,´ Adriana -
Complete Paper
The Scope of Stop Weakening in Argentine Spanish Laura Colantoni and Irina Marinescu University of Toronto 1. Approaches to weakening or lenition Recent experimental studies have documented the weakening of both voiceless (e.g. Lewis, 2000: 2001) and voiced Spanish stops in intervocalic position (e.g. Cole, Hualde & Iskarous, 1999; Ortega- Llebaria, 2004). In addition, synchronic and diachronic studies have repeatedly proposed the existence of a correlation between weakening of voiced and voiceless stops (e.g. Lloyd, 1993). However, very few studies have systematically analyzed both weakening processes in the same variety (Lavoie, 2001), and even fewer have presented experimental evidence demonstrating the existence of such a correlation. In this paper, we analyze the status of both processes in Argentine Spanish in order to motivate hypotheses that would account for diachronic changes in Spanish as well as in other Romance languages. In particular, we evaluate three competing approaches to lenition. The first approach, henceforth Hypothesis A, predicts a positive correlation between an increasing rate of approximantization and deletion of voiced stops and increasing voicing of voiceless stops across places of articulation (e.g. Martinet, 1952; Lloyd, 1993; Wireback, 1997). This approach, which is basically diachronic in nature, sees lenition as a stage towards deletion. The second approach, or the effort-based hypothesis – Hypothesis B -, (Kirchner, 2004; Blevins, 2004) analyzes lenition as effort reduction. As such lenition involves a decrease in the degree of constriction of a given gesture as well as a decrease in duration. Thus, this approach predicts that more effortful gestures should lenite more than less effortful ones, and that the degree of lenition should be affected by the vocalic context. -
The Incidence and Evolution of Palatalized Consonants in Latvian
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 5-2015 The Incidence and Evolution of Palatalized Consonants in Latvian Linda Zalite Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/1198 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] THE INCIDENCE AND EVOLUTION OF PALATALIZED CONSONANTS IN LATVIAN by LINDA ZALITE A master’s thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Linguistics in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, The City University of New York 2015 © 2015 Linda Zalite All Rights Reserved ii This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Linguistics in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Master of Arts. Juliette Blevins Date Thesis Advisor Gita Martohardjono Date Executiv e Officer THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii Abstract The Incidence and Evolution of Palatalized Consonants in Latvian by Linda Zalite Advisor: Professor Juliette Blevins This thesis traces the evolution of the palatalized rhotic /rj/ in Baltic languages with focus on the continuation of this segment in Latvian and its recent neutralization with /r/. Historical, phonological, phonetic, and synchronic data is gathered as evidence to further our understanding of the Latvian palatalized rhotic and its near-disappearance in the 20th century. Previous typological works of Endzelīns (1922, 1951), Dini (1997), Rūķe-Draviņa (1994) and Ābele (1929) were considered intending to answer three central questions. -
Stop Epenthesis in English F Marios Fourakis Centra L Institute for the Deaf
Journal of Phonetics (1986) 14, 197 22 1 I Stop Epenthesis in English f Marios Fourakis Centra l Institute for the Deaf. 818 South Euclid, St. Louis, Mis souri 63110. U.S.A. and Robert Port lndiana University , Bloomington, Indiana 47405, U.S.A. Received 14th May 1985. and in revisedform I Ith January 1986 Some phonologists have claimed that the insertion of a stop between a sonorant and a fricative consonant in syllable-final sonorant fricative clusters follows from universal constraints on the human speech perception and produ ction mechanism. Others have claimed that the intrusive stops are products of language or dialect specific phonological rules that are stated in the grammar . In this experiment we examined the produ ction of sonorant - fricative and sonorant-stop fricative clusters by two groups of English speakers. One spoke a South African dialect and the other an American mid-western dfalect. The words tested ended in clusters of [n) or [l) plus [s) or [ts) and their voiced counterparts. Spectrographic analysis revealed that the South African speakers maintained a clear contrast between sonorant fricative and sonorant-stop-fricative clusters. The American speakers always inserted stops after the sonorant if the fricative was voiceless, but when the fricative was voiced, they more often omitted the stop in underlying clusters containing a stop (/ldz/ or /ndz/) but sometimes inserted a stop in clusters such as /n2/ or /lz/. Measurements of the durations of the vowels, sonorants, stops and the final fricatives were made from the spectrograms . The inserted stop in the American productions was significantly shorter than the underlying one and its presence also affected the duration of the preceding nasal. -
The Individual and the Actuation of Sound Change
THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE ACTUATION OF SOUND CHANGE Mary Stevens and Jonathan Harrington Institute for Phonetics and Speech Processing mes;[email protected] ABSTRACT las condiciones para el cambio fonético están This paper reviews current experimental siempre presentes. Al mismo tiempo, los approaches to sound change. An ongoing sistemas fonológicos de las lenguas se challenge in sound change research is to link caracterizan por ser considerablemente the initiation of sound change within estables. En este artículo se presentan individual cognitive grammars to the diffusion acercamientos actuales al problema de la of novel variants through the community. The iniciación del cambio fonético. Se mostrará articulatory and perceptual phonetic forces that que los diferentes enfoques acuerdan en la idea bring about the pre-conditions for sound que la variabilidad interindividual puede ser la change and that explain its directionality are clave para comprender cómo de la variación always present in the transmission of spoken sincrónica puede surgir cambio fonético. Se language, yet sound systems are remarkably presentará una visión de conjunto de los stable over time. This paper describes how diferentes factores que dan origen a la recent approaches to the actuation problem variación interindividual, basada en estudios converge on the idea that variability between fonéticos de cuatro áreas: 1) la producción del individuals may be the key to understanding habla, 2) la percepción y el procesamiento how some synchronic variation can become cognitivo, 3) la relación entre la producción y sound change. It then reviews the evidence for la percepción y, 4) la experiencia lingüística y individual differences based on four areas of la imitación. -
Does Top-Down Information About Speaker Age Guise Influence Perceptual Compensation for Coarticulatory /U/-Fronting?
Does top-down information about speaker age guise influence perceptual compensation for coarticulatory /u/-fronting? Georgia Zellou ([email protected]) Department of Linguistics, Phonetics Lab, UC Davis, 1 Shields Avenue Davis, CA 95616 USA Michelle Cohn ([email protected]) Department of Linguistics, Phonetics Lab, UC Davis, 1 Shields Avenue Davis, CA 95616 USA Aleese Block ([email protected]) Department of Linguistics, Phonetics Lab, UC Davis, 1 Shields Avenue Davis, CA 95616 USA Abstract One method for exploring listeners’ knowledge about the relationship between speaker groups and speech patterns is The current study explores whether the top-down influence of speaker age guise influences patterns of compensation for by presenting listeners with the same stimuli, but varying the coarticulation. /u/-fronting variation in California is linked to speaker guise. For example, Niedzielski (1999) found that the both phonetic and social factors: /u/ in alveolar contexts is apparent regional status of a talker can influence vowel fronter than in bilabial contexts and /u/-fronting is more categorization: participants’ task was to match tokens with advanced in younger speakers. We investigate whether the “Canadian raised” vowels (i.e., [ɑɪ] produced as [ʌɪ]) apparent age of the speaker, via a guise depicting a 21-year- produced by a Detroit speaker to synthetic raised or canonical old woman or a 55-year-old woman, influences whether vowels. Half were told the speaker was from Detroit, while listeners compensate for coarticulation on /u/. Listeners the other half were told speaker was from Canada. Listeners performed a paired discrimination task of /u/ with a raised F2 classified the apparent-Canadian as (accurately) producing (fronted) in an alveolar consonant context (/sut/), compared to non-fronted /u/ in a non-coronal context. -
Dissertation FINAL
Gradience and Variability of Intervocalic /s/ Voicing in Highland Ecuadorian Spanish Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Christina Marie García Graduate Program in Spanish and Portuguese The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Dr. Terrell A. Morgan, Advisor Dr. Rebeka Campos-Astorkiza, Advisor Dr. Scott Schwenter Dr. Anna M. Babel Copyright by Christina Marie García 2015 ABSTRACT This dissertation focuses on Highland Ecuadorian Spanish (HES), more specifically in the city of Loja, exploring how linguistic and social factors interact to condition a sound change in progress. While Lojano Spanish has many distinctive features, I examine intervocalic /s/ voicing, that is the variable pronunciation of /s/ as [s] or [z] (for example [losamiɣos] ~ [lozamiɣos] ‘the friends’). This feature has been attested in a few modern dialects of Spanish, most prominently in HES (cf. Robinson 1979) and Catalonian Spanish (McKinnon 2012, Davidson 2014). The present work provides a comprehensive look at this feature in Lojano Spanish by investigating both production and perception. First, I analyze the production of this feature by carrying out a detailed acoustic analysis of 31 recordings with native Lojanos. These recordings were collected during two fieldwork trips spent in Loja in 2010 and 2013. The recordings include both sociolinguistic interviews, as well as a reading task. I measured over 2,969 tokens of /s/ for percent voicing and examined the influence of the following factors: word position, stress, speech rate, preceding/following vowel, and participants’ age and gender. Voicing is analyzed as both a continuous dependent variable (percent voicing) as well as a categorical variable (voicing category). -
Routes to Lenition: an Acoustic Study
Routes to Lenition: An Acoustic Study Eftychia Eftychiou* Phonetics Laboratory, University of Cambridge, Cambridge, United Kingdom Abstract Background: Vowel lenition and its link with coarticulation have been the subject of extensive debate in the literature. The aims of the present paper are to demonstrate how vowel lenition and coarticulation are linked in Cypriot Greek (henceforth CG), to determine the nature of vowel lenition, and to illustrate how vowel lenition and coarticulation result from aerodynamic phenomena. Methodology/Principal Findings: Eight speakers were recorded producing utterances ending in either /i/ or /u/. Acoustic measures such as V1F2 and stop duration were employed to determine whether lenition of the vowels results in coarticulation with the preceding consonant. Results show that there is extensive stop-vowel coarticulation in CG and that stop production is as variable as vowel production, with full vowels never co-occurring with canonical consonants, indicating the existence of two routes to lenition in CG. Conclusions/Significance: These findings suggest that lenition in the final syllable is a consequence of the supralaryngeal articulation coupled with a marginal glottal setting. Citation: Eftychiou E (2010) Routes to Lenition: An Acoustic Study. PLoS ONE 5(3): e9828. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0009828 Editor: Antoni Rodriguez-Fornells, University of Barcelona, Spain Received June 24, 2009; Accepted January 28, 2010; Published March 23, 2010 Copyright: ß 2010 Eftychia Eftychiou. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. Funding: The author was supported by the A.G.