Briefing Notes 1 July 2013
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519 Ethiopia Report With
Minority Rights Group International R E P O R Ethiopia: A New Start? T • ETHIOPIA: A NEW START? AN MRG INTERNATIONAL REPORT AN MRG INTERNATIONAL BY KJETIL TRONVOLL ETHIOPIA: A NEW START? Acknowledgements Minority Rights Group International (MRG) gratefully © Minority Rights Group 2000 acknowledges the support of Bilance, Community Aid All rights reserved Abroad, Dan Church Aid, Government of Norway, ICCO Material from this publication may be reproduced for teaching or other non- and all other organizations and individuals who gave commercial purposes. No part of it may be reproduced in any form for com- financial and other assistance for this Report. mercial purposes without the prior express permission of the copyright holders. For further information please contact MRG. This Report has been commissioned and is published by A CIP catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library. MRG as a contribution to public understanding of the ISBN 1 897 693 33 8 issue which forms its subject. The text and views of the ISSN 0305 6252 author do not necessarily represent, in every detail and in Published April 2000 all its aspects, the collective view of MRG. Typset by Texture Printed in the UK on bleach-free paper. MRG is grateful to all the staff and independent expert readers who contributed to this Report, in particular Tadesse Tafesse (Programme Coordinator) and Katrina Payne (Reports Editor). THE AUTHOR KJETIL TRONVOLL is a Research Fellow and Horn of Ethiopian elections for the Constituent Assembly in 1994, Africa Programme Director at the Norwegian Institute of and the Federal and Regional Assemblies in 1995. -
A Strategy for Success in Libya
A Strategy for Success in Libya Emily Estelle NOVEMBER 2017 A Strategy for Success in Libya Emily Estelle NOVEMBER 2017 AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE © 2017 by the American Enterprise Institute. All rights reserved. The American Enterprise Institute (AEI) is a nonpartisan, nonprofit, 501(c)(3) educational organization and does not take institutional positions on any issues. The views expressed here are those of the author(s). Contents Executive Summary ......................................................................................................................1 Why the US Must Act in Libya Now ............................................................................................................................1 Wrong Problem, Wrong Strategy ............................................................................................................................... 2 What to Do ........................................................................................................................................................................ 2 Reframing US Policy in Libya .................................................................................................. 5 America’s Opportunity in Libya ................................................................................................................................. 6 The US Approach in Libya ............................................................................................................................................ 6 The Current Situation -
How the EU Is Facing Crises in Its Neighbourhood Evidence from Libya and Ukraine
How the EU is facing crises in its neighbourhood Evidence from Libya and Ukraine Deliverable 6.1 (Version 1; 31.03.2017) Prepared by: Project acronym: EUNPACK Project full title: Good intentions, mixed results – A conflict sensitive unpacking of the EU comprehensive approach to conflict and crisis mechanisms Grant agreement no.: 693337 Type of action: Research and Innovation Action Project start date: 01 April 2016 Project duration: 36 months Call topic: H2020-INT-05-2015 Project website: www.eunpack.eu Document: How the EU is facing crises in its neighbourhood: evidence from Libya and Ukraine Deliverable number: 6.1 Deliverable title: Working paper on EU policies towards Libya and Ukraine Due date of deliverable: 31.03.2017 Actual submission date: 31.03.2017 Editors: Luca Raineri, Alessandra Russo, Anne Harrington Authors: Kateryna Ivashchenko-Stadnik, Roman Petrov, Luca Raineri, Pernille Rieker, Alessandra Russo, Francesco Strazzari Reviewers: Morten Bøås, Participating beneficiaries: SSSUP, JMCK, NUPI, IRMC Work Package no.: 6 Work Package title: Crisis response in the neighbourhood area Work Package leader: Francesco Strazzari Work Package participants: SSSUP, JMCK, NUPI, IRMC, UManchester Estimated person‐months for deliverable: 5 Dissemination level: Public Nature: Report Version: 1 Draft/Final: Final No. of pages (including cover): 65 Keywords: European neighbourhood, Libya, Ukraine, crisis 2 How the EU is facing crises in its neighbourhood Evidence from Libya and Ukraine EUNPACK Paper Kateryna Ivashchenko-Stadnik, Roman Petrov, Luca Raineri, Pernille Rieker, Alessandra Russo, 1 Francesco Strazzari 1 This paper was prepared in the context of the EUNPACK project (A conflict-sensitive unpacking of the EU comprehensive approach to conflict and crises mechanism), funded by the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement no. -
Submission on Self-Determination Under the UN Declaration on The
Submission on Self-Determination under the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples to the Expert Mechanism on the rights of indigenous peoples Table of Contents 1 Overview............................................................................................................................................3 1.1 Summary....................................................................................................................................3 1.2 The submitting organization......................................................................................................4 2 Self determination themes................................................................................................................4 2.1 Peace and Self-Determination...................................................................................................4 2.2 Compromised spaces.................................................................................................................7 2.3 Disenfranchisement of unrepresented peoples........................................................................8 2.4 Criminalization of self-determination movements..................................................................11 2.5 International trade and self-determination.............................................................................12 2.6 Indigenous land: commerce and climate.................................................................................13 3 Conclusion.......................................................................................................................................15 -
MIND the GAP Commercialization, Livelihoods and Wealth Disparity in Pastoralist Areas of Ethiopia
MIND THE GAP Commercialization, Livelihoods and Wealth Disparity in Pastoralist Areas of Ethiopia Yacob Aklilu and Andy Catley December 2010 Contents Summary ..................................................................................................................................................... 1 1. Introduction ........................................................................................................................................ 3 1.1 Objectives .............................................................................................................................................. 4 1.2 Methodology ......................................................................................................................................... 4 1.3 Structure of the report .......................................................................................................................... 5 2. Livestock exports from pastoral areas of Ethiopia: recent trends and issues ......................................... 6 2.1 The growing trade: economic gains outweigh ethnicity and trust........................................................ 7 2.2 The cross‐border trade from Somali Region and Borana ...................................................................... 8 2.3 Trends in formal exports from Ethiopia .............................................................................................. 12 2.4 A boom in prices and the growth of bush markets ............................................................................ -
Economic and Social Council Distr.: General 1 June 2017
United Nations E/C.19/2017/INF/1 Economic and Social Council Distr.: General 1 June 2017 English only Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues Sixteenth session New York, 24 April-5 May 2017 Attendance at the sixteenth session of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues Note by the Secretariat The attendance at the sixteenth session of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues is listed below for purposes of information and ready reference. Members Phoolman Chaudhary (Nepal); Jens Dahl (Denmark); Jesús Guadalupe Fuentes Blanco (Mexico); Terri Henry (United States of America); Brian Keane (United States of America); Dmitrii Kharakka-Zaitsev (Russian Federation); Elifuraha Laltaika (United Republic of Tanzania); Les Malezer (Australia); Aisa Mukabenova (Russian Federation); Anne Nuorgam (Finland); Gervais Nzoa (Cameroon); Tarcila Rivera Zea (Peru); Lourdes Tibán Guala (Ecuador); Mariam Wallet Aboubakrine (Mali). States Members of the United Nations represented by observers Algeria; Angola; Argentina; Armenia; Australia; Austria; Bangladesh; Bhutan; Bolivia (Plurinational State of); Botswana; Brazil; Brunei Darussalam; Bulgaria; Cambodia; Canada; Central African Republic; Chile; China; Colombia; Congo; Costa Rica; Cuba; Cyprus; Democratic Republic of the Congo; Denmark; Dominican Republic; Ecuador; Egypt; El Salvador; Estonia; Fiji; Finland; Germany; Ghana; Greece; Guatemala; Guyana; Honduras; Hungary; India; Indonesia; Iran (Islamic Republic of); Iraq; Israel; Italy; Japan; Kenya; Lao People’s Democratic Republic; Lebanon; Lithuania; Luxembourg; Malaysia; Marshall Islands; Mexico; Morocco; Myanmar; Namibia; Nepal; New Zealand; Nicaragua; Norway; Panama; Paraguay; Peru; Philippines; Republic of Korea; Romania; Russian Federation; Singapore; Slovenia; South Africa; South Sudan; Spain; Sudan; Sweden; Syrian Arab Republic; Thailand; Turkey; Tuvalu; Ukraine; United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland; United States of America; Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of); Viet Nam. -
Partial List of Mass Execution of Oromos and Other Nation And
Udenrigsudvalget 2013-14 URU Alm.del Bilag 174 Offentligt Partial list of Mass execution of Oromos and other nation and nationalities of Ethiopia (Documented by Oromo Liberation Front Information and Research Unit, March 2014) Injustice anywhere is injustice everywhere!!! Ethiopia is one of the Countries at Genocide Risk in accordance with Genocide Watch’s Report released on March 12, 2013. •Genocide Watch considers Ethiopia to have already reached Stage 7, genocidal massacres, against many of its peoples, including the Anuak, Ogadeni, Oromo and Omo tribes. •We recommend that the United States government immediately cease all military assistance to the Ethiopian Peoples Defense Forces. We also recommend strong diplomatic protests to the Meles Zenawi regime against massive violations of human rights in Ethiopia Article 281 of the Ethiopian Penal Code : Genocide; Crimes against Humanity Whosoever, with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial, religious or political group, organizes, orders or engages in, be it in time of war or in time of peace: (a) killings, bodily harm or serious injury to the physical or mental health of members of the group, in any way whatsoever; or (b) measures to prevent the propagation or continued survival of its members or their progeny; or (c) the compulsory movement or dispersion of peoples or children, or their placing under living conditions calculated to result in their death or disappearance, is punishable with rigorous imprisonment from five years to life, or, in cases of exceptional -
AFRICA in CHINA's FOREIGN POLICY
AFRICA in CHINA’S FOREIGN POLICY YUN SUN April 2014 Yun Sun is a fellow at the East Asia Program of the Henry L. Stimson Center. NOTE: This paper was produced during the author’s visiting fellowship with the John L. Thornton China Center and the Africa Growth Initiative at Brookings. ABOUT THE JOHN L. THORNTON CHINA CENTER: The John L. Thornton China Center provides cutting-edge research, analysis, dialogue and publications that focus on China’s emergence and the implications of this for the United States, China’s neighbors and the rest of the world. Scholars at the China Center address a wide range of critical issues related to China’s modernization, including China’s foreign, economic and trade policies and its domestic challenges. In 2006 the Brookings Institution also launched the Brookings-Tsinghua Center for Public Policy, a partnership between Brookings and China’s Tsinghua University in Beijing that seeks to produce high quality and high impact policy research in areas of fundamental importance for China’s development and for U.S.-China relations. ABOUT THE AFRICA GROWTH INITIATIVE: The Africa Growth Initiative brings together African scholars to provide policymakers with high-quality research, expertise and innovative solutions that promote Africa’s economic development. The initiative also collaborates with research partners in the region to raise the African voice in global policy debates on Africa. Its mission is to deliver research from an African perspective that informs sound policy, creating sustained economic growth and development for the people of Africa. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS: I would like to express my gratitude to the many people who saw me through this paper; to all those who generously provided their insights, advice and comments throughout the research and writing process; and to those who assisted me in the research trips and in the editing, proofreading and design of this paper. -
“Buried in the Sands of the Ogaden”: the United States, the Horn of Africa and the Demise of Detente
“Buried in the Sands of the Ogaden”: The United States, The Horn of Africa and The Demise of Detente. Louise Prentis Woodroofe London School of Economics and Political Science PhD International History UMI Number: U615656 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615656 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Abstract The decade of the 1970s, despite representing the era of detente, superficially appeared to be one of Soviet successes and American setbacks. From Vietnam to Angola, the USSR seemed to be gaining Marxist friends in the Third World. Because of this, the Soviet Union wanted the United States to recognize it as an equal power in the world. With such acknowledgement, the Kremlin believed that negotiations to limit the arms race would then be mutually beneficial. On the other hand, President Nixon and Secretary of State Kissinger interpreted detente as a series of agreements and compromises to draw Moscow into an international system through which the United States could exercise some control over Soviet foreign relations, particularly with the Third World. -
LIST of DELEGATIONS/ORGANIZATIONS (Alphabetical Order)
FORUM ON MINORITY ISSUES Fourth Session 29 – 30 November 2011 “Guaranteeing the rights of minority women and girls” LIST OF DELEGATIONS/ORGANIZATIONS (alphabetical order) No. Organization 1. Action for Peace and Development in the Great Region (DRC) 2. Afri Forum 3. African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights 4. African Rights Monitor 5. Agenda Zimbabwe 6. Ahwaz Education and Human Rights Foundation 7. Ahwaz Human Rights Organization 8. Ahwaz Studies Centre 9. Ahwazi Education Foundation 10. Al Kalema Center for Human Rights 11. Al Moustakbal 12. Al-Hakim Foundation 13. Amnesty International 14. Amnesty International Turkey 15. Approach 16. ARC CULTURE 17. Arc. Culture Azerbaijan 18. Association for Human Rights in Kurdistan of Iran 19. Association for Social Change 20. Association for the Defense of Women’s Rights (ADDF – Ruyigi) 21. Association of Human Rights of Kurdistan of Iran-Geneva 22. Association of World Citizens 1 FORUM ON MINORITY ISSUES Fourth Session 29 – 30 November 2011 “Guaranteeing the rights of minority women and girls” No. Organization 23. Association pour la Promotion de la Francophonie en Flandre (APFF asbl) 24. Assyrian Universal Alliance 25. Azerbayjan de (L’Iran) (CFNI) 26. Azidi Solidarity and Fraternity League 27. Azidi Solidarity and Fraternity Organisation 28. Balochistan Peoples Party 29. Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist and Christian Unity Council Europe 30. Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council 31. Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council (Youth Front) 32. Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council UK 33. Bangladesh Minority Council 34. Bangladesh Minority Forum for Human Rights 35. Barnabas Trust International 36. Birmingham University 37. Brunel Univerity 38. Center for Multicultural Education 39. -
Ethiopia: Prospects for Peace in Ogaden
Ethiopia: Prospects for Peace in Ogaden Africa Report N°207 | 6 August 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Ogaden: Ethiopia’s Most Contested Territory ................................................................. 2 III. The ONLF and Federal Ethiopia ...................................................................................... 5 A. The ONLF and the EPRDF ........................................................................................ 5 B. Article 39 .................................................................................................................... 7 C. Amateur Insurgents ................................................................................................... 7 D. Local Governance Issues ............................................................................................ 9 IV. Externalisation of the Conflict ......................................................................................... 10 A. The Eritrean Factor .................................................................................................... 10 B. The Somali Factor ..................................................................................................... -
Libya: Military Actors and Militias
Libya: military actors and militias By Francesco Finucci With special thanks to Lucia Polvanesi, for her editing work Photo: BRQ Network/Flickr The aftermath After Qaddafi's fall, about 200000 militiamen took to the streets. It was the end of a 40 years lasting regime. But it was also the first step towards the chaos: a country dominated by militias, fulfilled with weapons and characterized by harsh territories, where paratroops could hide themselves for months. Moreover, evidences suggest the use of this chaos in order to cover conflicts between rival tribes. Actions already blamed as war crimes. Hope is a fundamental element to be considered in new Libya, but fear is as well. What emerged from this study is a complicated scenario, much more than expected. On the other hand, requests are numerous and often genuine. The will to build a better place to live in came to light as well as the simple effort to gain power. Exploring this lively and intense underworld is not simple, even without being on the spot. Violence is part of this scenario as well as sense of the State. Sometimes they merge, sometimes they clash, but they never disappear. Probably, they won't do it for years, until Libya will be mature for military and political stability. After entering inside the last two years of Libyan history, we can't help hoping for this. Francesco Finucci Loyalty Name Flag/Symbol State-affiliated Libyan Army Force: 35000 soldiers1. القوات المسلحة الليبية Bodies The new army risen after Qaddafi's fall seems to be partially composed by former military staff, Allies: Libya Shield; and the detained equipment level is about the National Mobile Force; same as militias weaponry standard.