411 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIV N° 3/4, Mei-Augustus 1997 412
HETTITOLOGIE allusion to a period of famine. I wonder whether the behav- iour of Istar might be explained as the goddess's terror at the HAAS, Volkert — Geschichte der hethitischen Religion. sight of Îedammu.3) Since this same theme of someone's (Handbuch der Orientalistik: Abt. 1, Der Nahe und refusal of food and drink that is offered recurs in another Mittlere Osten, 15). (Handbook of Oriental Studies: passage of the Kumarbi cycle in a context which in my view The Near and Middle East, 15). E.J. Brill Publishers is similar to the previous one, this theme might be inter- N.V., Leiden, 1994. (25 cm, XXII, 1032, (2) + 50 Taf. preted as a literary topos. In a passage from the Song of + 1 Karte). ISBN 90-04-09799-6. ISSN 0169-9423. Ullikummi,4) in fact, it is narrated that the Sun, after having In this book of over a thousand pages, enriched with seen Ullikummi from the sky, seized by anger, rushes to detailed illustrative material, V. Haas examines the gods, the Tessob to inform him of the existence of this monstrous myths and the cults of the Hittites, gathering together and creature; the Sun-god, arriving before Tessob, refuses to sit carefully analyzing textual sources and archaeological down, to eat and to drink — most probably because he is sources not only from Anatolia, but more generally from all still upset by the sight of Ullikummi — and accepts the hos- over the ancient Near East. pitality offered to him only after much insistence on the part The geographical and chronological coordinates within of the Weather-god. The use of this topos would have the which the Author has conducted his research, the aim of purpose of emphasizing the uneasiness and anxiety of the which is to reconstruct the development of Hittite religion, person who is refusing the hospitality being offered to him. are widely spaced. V. Haas, in fact, does not limit himself to The chapter on the seasonal myths is followed by an the study of the more specifically Anatolian panthea and analysis of the various traditions associated with the birth of cults, but devotes considerable space also to the examination the cosmos (and with the separation of heaven and earth, a of those belonging to the Syrian region. Furthermore, separation that causes a conflict between the celestial gods although his study concentrates on the Middle and Late and the deities of the underworld), with the deities linked to Bronze Age periods, in the second chapter of the book the the seasons and agriculture, and with the creation of man. Author also deals with the religious beliefs of Anatolian cul- The Author then deals with the theme of kingship in Anato- tures of the prehistoric and protohistoric ages, and at the lia, seen in terms of both its development (from prehistory, same time frequently makes mention throughout the work, to the Hattian tradition, up until the Hittite age), and its var- of those surviving Hittite themes which are identifiable in ious aspects, examining the symbols of kingship and the cults and traditions of Anatolia in the Early Iron Age and describing the rituals that mark the fundamental episodes in in classical periods. the life of the Hittite sovereign, from his enthronement until The book starts with an introductory chapter in which the his death. geographical area involved is defined and an overview of The next two chapters are devoted, respectively, to the the main events in Hittite history is presented. In the second funerary traditions documented in Anatolia and to the wor- chapter the Author outlines a history of the religion of Ana- ship of ancestors. The Author then examines the function of tolia from the Neolithic Age up until the Old Bronze Age. the house, both as a place in which certain cults, like those In the next four chapters V. Haas makes an analysis of the of the ancestors, are practised, and also as a sacred place, Mesopotamian, Syrian and Anatolian myths associated with both in its entirety and in its various parts. the origin and order of the cosmos. The first to be dealt with At this point in the book the study of the Hittite deities are the seasonal myths, those myths whose theme is the cre- begins, a study divided in nine chapters. The first is an intro- ation of the world and which are therefore in some way ductory chapter and discusses the concept of divinity; the related to the celebrations of the new year festivals. Included others, in which the exposition is organized on the basis of in this group of myths is the Hurro-Hittite mythological the characteristics of the various deities or their place of ori- cycle of Kumarbi. In fact, the Author believes that the theme gin, concern, respectively, supraregional deities (in particu- of the separation of heaven and earth — contained in the lar the Weather-god, Istar/Sausga, the war gods, the Moon song of Ullikummi — symbolizes the beginning of the new god), deities of Syrian origin (Îebat, IsÌara, Allani, Kubaba, year in spring, whereas the theme of the birth of Tessob, Lelluri, Maliya), deities connected with horses, the great present in the song of Kumarbi, and the consequent relega- central Anatolian female deities (understood as sun god- tion of Kumarbi (seen as a god of wheat)1) to the under- desses, chthonian deities, mother gods, etc), deities of vege- world alludes to period after the harvest-time. tation (and, therefore, Telepinu), tutelary deities, deified According to V. Haas other themes confirm this interpre- mountains, rivers, springs and the sea, and finally deities tation of the Kumarbi cycle. Indeed, the wars and famines who always appear as a group, usually of two, three, seven or nine, yet are considered as a single deity, a pluralia tan- which Ullikummi, Îedammu and Silver provoke with the 5 aim of subverting the order of the cosmos symbolize emer- tum as V. Haas describes it. ) gency situations and famines occurring or verifiable in the The Author then examines cult objects and temples fur- course of the alternating seasons. nishings, and, in connection with cult vases, analyzes the Many of the episodes of the mythological composition figural representations on the vases of Inandık, and Bitik, on under examination are considered in these terms, as, for the rhyton of the Schimmel collection, on the fist-shaped example, where it is said — in the fifth fragment of the myth vase conserved in Boston, and on the Îasanlu bowl. of Îedammu — that the goddess Istar refuses the food and drink offered to her,2) a refusal which V. Haas sees as an 3) Cf. F. Pecchioli Daddi - A.M. Polvani, La mitologia Ittita, TVOa 4.1, Brescia 1990, p. 133. 4) Cf. H.A. Hoffner, Hittite Myths, WAW 2, Atlanta 1990, pp. 54-55; 1) See the Author's observations on pp. 167-171. F. Pecchioli Daddi - A.M. Polvani, op. cit., pp. 154-155. 2) Cf. J. Siegelova, StBoT 14, pp. 44-45. 5) p. 468. 413 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — HETTITOLOGIE 414
In the next chapter V. Haas illustrates the panthea of the In my view, if we accept this interpretation of Allani's various regions that once formed part of the Hittite king- role — as cup-bearer to the god Tessob and at the same time dom: the north-eastern and north-western Syrian areas, the the architect of his misfortune — we might see here the region of the Euphrates, Kizzuwatna, central Anatolia and application of a topos that was also known in other literary the area of the Black Sea. texts of the ancient Near East, in other words the theme of When dealing with the pantheon of Ebla, the Author the cup-bearer who betrays and brings to ruin the person to devotes a few pages to the literarian composition known as whom he is servant. the “song of the liberation”, that is the Hurro-Hittite bilin- We may recall, by way of comparison, what is written in gual text found in the excavations of the Hittite capital in the the epic mythological cycle, of Hurrian tradition, about the years 1983 and 1985.6) god Kumarbi, and in particular in the “song of Kumarbi”, It is known that this “song” (which was written — as the where we read how the god Alalu was removed from his colophons testify — on at least six tablets) has survived in a position of supremacy among the gods by his cupbearer fragmentary state; the composition, as it has reached us, Anu, who replaced him in the celestial sovereignity. In turn, consists of a preamble (KBo XXXII 11), a series of parables however, Anu was banished and replaced by his cup-bearer (KBo XXXII 12 and 14), a mythological tale describing a Kumarbi.14) banquet organized by Allani in honour of Tessob (KBo This same literary motif, that is, the cup-bearer who XXXII 13) and a narration revolving around the request usurps his master's position, can be seen in the Edict of advanced by Tessob to free the slaves of Ebla (KBo XXII Telipinu,15) where it is stated that king Mursili I was killed 15, 17, 18, 19).7) and replaced by his cup-bearer Îantili.16) Owing to the fragmentary nature of the tablets bearing It may be interesting to point out, finally, that — in addi- the text, the succession of the individual parts and the link tion to the use of the same topos — there are other stylistic- between them is not clear. Just as he had previously literary elements shared by the two compositions, the “song declared in an essay written together with I. Wegner,8) V. of the liberation” and the cycle of Kumarbi. For example, in Haas confirms in the present volume that a link can be KBo XXXII 13, in the passage I/II 2-8 where the enormous seen, in terms of content, between the mythological narra- size of the throne and stool prepared for the god Tessob is tion contained in KBo XXXII 13 and text KBo XXXII 15 described, and, some lines further on in the same text (I/II in which the god Tessob asks for the liberation of the 15-20), where the many heads of livestock Allani had slaves and where mention is also made of a state of captiv- slaughtered for the banquet held in the god's honour are ity which the god finds himself in,9) needy, for this reason, enumerated, we recognize that taste for exageration in the of gold, silver, food and clothes.10) V. Haas advances the size and quantity of everything belonging to the divine hypothesis that the god remained a prisoner in the under- world, a taste that colours passages from the song of world, where he had gone to take part in the banquet orga- Ullikummi, for example in the description of the rock made nized in his honour by the goddess Allani, because he had pregnant by Kumarbi,17) or from the song of Îedammu, in eaten the food of the chthonian world;11) this last episode the list of animals devoured by the aquatic monster.18) would be the continuation — which has not survived — of Moreover, the adoption of the same metaphor, that is the the narration whose initial part, that is, Allani's banquet, is expression “the black earth” to indicate the underworld,19) conserved in KBo XXXII 13. The link between the two is common — as E. Neu20) has pointed out — in both the tablets, KBo XXXII 13 and 15, therefore, would be repre- “song of the liberation”21 and the cycle of Kumarbi.22) sented by the theme of Tessob's captivity and subsequent V. Haas, after the chapter on the panthea of the various liberation. cities of the Hittite kingdom, examines the pantheon of Îat- According to V. Haas,12) the narration's insistence on tusa, and also describes the temples and other cult places of Allani's role as cup-bearer to the god Tessob (KBo XXXII the capital, particularly the rock-temple of Yazılıkaya. 13 I/II 28'ff) would, in this context, be justified, since it was The analysis of the festivals of the Hittite cultic calendar the drinks (we do not know whether it was the food too, is preceded by a chapter devoted to the theme of sacrifice since the text is fragmentary) offered by Allani to the god for the gods, a ritual act that was at the centre of the festivals that caused the latter to become a prisoner.13)
6) All the texts of the Hurro-Hittite bilingual composition are published 14) See H. Hoffner, op. cit., pp. 40-41; F. Pecchioli-Daddi - A.M. in transliteration, translation and commentary by E. Neu, StBoT 32, Wies- Polvani, op. cit., pp. 128-129. baden 1996. 15) See S. de Martino, SCO 32 (1982), p. 307; AoF 22 (1995), pp. 295- 7) Cf. E. Neu, op. cit., pp. 16-20. 296. 8) V. Haas - I. Wegner, OLZ 86 (1991), 386. 16) We may recall here also the tradition concerning king Sargon of 9) Concerning the identity of the person who, in the speech made by Akkad, a tradition according to which Sargon, before taking the throne, him, mentions Tessob's captivity here, see the observations of E. Neu, op. was cup-bearer to the king of Kis, see J.J. Glassner, R1A 8 (1995), pp. cit., pp. 298-299. 420, 421. 10) KBo XXXII 15 I/II 1'-21'. 17) See H. Hoffner, op. cit., p. 52; F. Pecchioli Daddi - A.M. Polvani, 11) P. 552. As V. Haas points out, this mythological episode concerning op. cit. p. 151. Tessob would find a parallel in what we know from Greek mythology for 18) See H. Hoffner, op. cit., p. 48; F. Pecchioli Daddi - A.M. Polvani, Persephone, who remained a prisoner in Hades after having eaten the fruit op. cit. p. 129. of a pomegranate from the underworld. 19) For a discussion of this expression and the recurrence of it also in 12 loc. cit. Greek literature see, in particular, N. Oettinger, WO 20-21 (1989-90), pp. 13) E. Neu, in: Religionsgeschichtliche Beziehungen zwischen 83-98; E. Neu, OBO 129, pp. 343-344. Kleinasien, Nordsyrien und dem Alten Testament, OBO 129, Freiburg 20) E. Neu, StBoT 32 pp. 246-247. Schweiz - Göttingen 1993, pp. 344-347; StBoT 32, pp. 232-233 n. 12, 21) KBo XXXII 13 I/II 10. gives a different interpretation of all the narration contained in KBo 22) See H. Hoffner, op. cit., p. 48; F. Pecchioli Daddi - A.M. Polvani, XXXII 13. op. cit., p. 129. 415 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIV N° 3/4, Mei-Augustus 1997 416 themselves. The various types of offering presented to the magic was founded and describes the types and structure of gods are examined, as are the ways by which sacrificial vic- the rituals. tims were killed; there is also discussion of the problem — The wealth of material, the depth of the analysis and the which has often been the object of debate among scholars clarity of the presentation make V. Haas's book an indis- — of the interpretation of the formula “to drink the god”, pensable tool not only in the sphere of Hittitology, but also which recurs many times in all festival texts. According to in that of the History of Religions. V. Haas,23 the original significance of this expression and of the rite which it indicates should be sought for in the Hittite University of Trieste, Stefano de MARTINO cultual tradition of representing the gods by means of ritual January 1997 vases in the shape of animals; indeed, the rite — carried out by the king and queen — of drinking from such vases * * would have been expressed with the formula “to drink the * god” following an identification among the god, the vase which represented its symbol and the content of the vase HOUT, Theo van den — Der Ulmitesub-Vertrag / eine pro- itself. sopographische Untersuchung. (Studien zu den Bogaz- The main Hittite festivals — the festival, the purulliya- köy-Texten, 38). Verlag Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, KI.LAM festival, the AN.TAÎ.SUMSAR festival, the nuntar- 1995. (24 cm, XX, 326). ISBN 3-447-03473-4. ISSN sÌ festival and the Ì s festival — are all ana- riya a- ( )i uwa- 0585-5853. lyzed thoroughly; with a wealth of detail, the Author me- ticulously examines and describes the ceremonies that took The volume under review is a revised edition of a doc- place in the course of each of the five above-mentioned fes- toral dissertation presented at the University of Amsterdam tivals, thus reconstructing the Hittite cultual calendar with in 1989, done under the direction of Philo H.J. Houwink ten an awareness of its diachronic character. Cate, with Erich Neu as co-promoter. As explained in the There are a great many interesting new elements in V. introduction, the purpose of the enterprise was double: a full Haas' book, too many to list here. By way of illustration we philological treatment of the Ulmi-Tesub Treaty (KBo might mention, in connection with the texts of the purulliya- 4.10+), and a prosopographical study based on contempo- festival, the interpretation the Author proposes for the for- rary texts. mula Ìalukan tarna-, characteristic of this group of texts,24) Hittite prosopography is particularly difficult to recon- understood in the sense of “announcing the oracular struct because of the lack of a recorded dating system. response”. This, therefore, would be an oracular response Besides, unlike Mesopotamia where private archives supply derived from an examination of the sacrificied animal's liver a wealth of prosopographical information, Anatolia has so in the course of the celebration of the festival and far produced only state archives in which genealogical infor- announced while the rite of “drinking the god” is carried mation is practically restricted to kings and scribes. Thus, out.25) problems of homonymy can only be resolved by the occa- Passing on to the KI.LAM festival, V. Haas26) — depart- sional mention of a person's title and post, and by his ing from an article by I. Wegner27) concerning the text KUB appearance in the company of other persons, which can eas- II 3 II 11-31 — believes that the original purpose of the cel- ily lead to circular arguments. Despite these inherent diffi- ebration of the KI.LAM festival was to obtain rain.28) In the culties, it is increasingly realized in recent years that proso- above-mentioned passage of the text of the KI.LAM festi- pographical investigations are a prerequisite for a serious val, KUB II 3, in fact, a strange rite is described which has understanding of Hittite state and society. as its protagonist two “performers” (LU.MESALAN.ZU) Probably the best documented period of Hittite history is squatting naked in a vat;29) a priest pours beer on their backs the thirteenth century, in particular the reigns of Îattusili and then, at the end of the rite, a horn is sounded three “III” and TudÌaliya “IV”. In addition to the large number times. According to I. Wegner and V. Haas, the nakedness of diplomatic, administrative and divinatory texts mention- of the two performers, the act of pouring a liquid (beer in ing Hittite officials, there are three long lists of persons this case) and the sound of the horn are elements character- comprising the cream of Hittite nobility, who gathered to istic of a propitiatory rite for rain.30) witness the signing of two treaties with the kingdom of In the last chapter, which deals with magic rituals, the TarÌuntassa, and a decree of TudÌaliya in favour of SaÌu- Author illustrates the principles on the basis of which Hittite runuwa, an important state official. One of the TarÌuntassa treaties, concluded between TudÌaliya and Kurunta, is inscribed on a bronze tablet that was discovered in 23) Pp. 669-673. Bogazköy in 1986. The other, which is fragmentarily pre- 24) See F. Pecchioli Daddi, FsPugliese Carratelli, Firenze 1988, served on a clay tablet (KBo 4.10+), was concluded between pp. 194ff.; OrAn 26 (1987), p. 55. Ulmi-Tesub of TarÌuntassa and a king of Îatti whose name 25) Pp. 731ff. 26) P. 749. is now lost, but could only be either Îattusili or TudÌaliya. 27) I. Wegner, UF 10 (1978), 403-409. Van den Hout, like the majority of commentators before 28) I. Singer, StBoT 27, Wiesbaden 1983, p. 132, believed, instead, that 1986, preferred the latter possibility. In fact, the original aim the celebration of the KI.LAM festival was connected with neither mete- of his dissertation was a general study of late thirteenth cen- orogical phenomena nor agriculture. 29) The term luli- is used here, for which see CHD L-N, p. 81. tury script and language (“Spätjunghethitisch”), with the 30) P. 765. V. Haas (p. 687) also interprets as a rain dance the one Ulmi-Tesub treaty as the crown-piece of the corpus of texts described in another text of the KI.LAM festival, KBo X 23 + IV 12, dated to TudÌaliya IV. Then came the stunning discovery of because of the nakedness of the dancer. For a different interpretation of the Bronze Tablet, which stirred up a hectic discussion on this dance see S. de Martino, La danza nella cultura ittita, Firenze 1989, p. 13. the relative dating of the TarÌuntassa treatise. Several schol- 417 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — HETTITOLOGIE 418 ars, including van den Hout himself, held to their dating of Bronze Tablet iii 84, vs. Kummanni in KBo 4.10+ rev. 53'. KBo 4.10+ after the Bronze Tablet, and consequently, they In state treaties the former is definitely older than the lat- consider Ulmi-Tesub to be the successor of Kurunta on the ter.4) On the other hand, I have some doubts that the appear- throne of TarÌuntassa.1) Other scholars reverse the order of ance of Sarruma in the list of witness gods in both treaties is the two treaties, following Güterbock's suggestion that indeed as significant for a TudÌaliya dating as maintained Ulmi-Tesub and Kurunta are simply two names of the same by van den Hout (pp. 17, 69), following Laroche. Par. 24 of person.2) The controversy is extremely complicated and the Bronze Tablet deals with a remission of expenditures hinges on various questions of text interpretation and proso- granted by Îattusili and by TudÌaliya “for the sake of the pography. Paleography and language can hardly decide the Storm-god of Lightning, Sarruma, son of the Storm-god, and issue since in any case the two texts cannot be separated by all the gods of TarÌuntassa” (iii 67 f.). To my mind, Sar- more than a few years. Obviously, this review cannot delve ruma appears here as a god of TarÌuntassa, not as the per- into the heart of the matter, but I have to admit that on sev- sonal god of TudÌaliya. There are further indications which eral counts the arguments of the latter group of scholars show that the pantheon of TarÌuntassa was modelled after a appears to me as more convincing. However, this does not typical Hurrian triad, including the Storm-god, Îebat, and affect the important achievements of van den Hout's study their son Sarruma.5) — a reliable philological study of KBo 4.10+, and an exten- The masculine determinative on NIR.GAL in rev. 53' sive prosopography of thirteenth century Îatti, using a may perhaps be more revealing than a simple lapsus scribae wealth of textual and glyptic data. (p. 69). Indeed, the Bronze Tablet has simply dU NIR.GAL, After an introduction summarizing the salient features of but it also omits the following dU piÌaimmis. In fact, the the Ulmi-Tesub Treaty and the main arguments for its dating Valiant Storm-god is listed before Muwatalli's personal god, to TudÌaliya, the first part of the book provides a transliter- the Storm-god of Lightning (piÌassassis), and I wonder ation, translation and commentary of KBo 4.10+, a one-col- whether this fact crossed the scribe's mind when he added umn tablet about two thirds of which are preserved. the personal determinative, thus turning the deity into the Although the treaty, in particular the witness list, was often logographic spelling of Muwatalli's name. utilized in historical and prosopographical studies, the only The commentary contains a wealth of valuable observa- available full study of the text was the 1943 edition of V. tions, both philological and thematic. For the latter, I call Korosec in the Slovene language. The main tablet has been attention to the highly interesting observation (p. 66) that the augmented by two small joins, 1548/u and KUB 40.69, rec- remittal of corvée obligations from the KISAL.LUÎ-men, ognized by Otten and by Hoffner respectively (see join- the APIN.LA-men, and the lapanallaÌi(t)-men (obv. 45'), sketch on p. 8). represents more than a mot-à-mot translation of these voca- ABoT 57 is a parallel text, which contains a short edict bles, and reflects in fact a tripartite division of Hittite agri- dealing with the military obligations of Kurunta. Many pas- cultural economy into “temple administration”, “farming”, sages of KBo 4.10+ are also paralleled in the Bronze Tablet, and “animal husbandry”, respectively. and the author has wisely chosen to provide a score-like The second, and larger, part of the monograph presents a transliteration of the parallel passages in smaller print. This detailed prosopographical study of 55 Hittite personae, enables the reader to observe easily the variants, an impor- based on textual and glyptic materials from Îattusa, Ugarit tant tool for establishing the redactional history of the and Emar. The order of names is according to the order of TarÌuntassa treaties. Collation of the tablet resulted in sev- witnesses in the Bronze Tablet. Since an alphabetical order eral improved readings, e.g., sastan=za in obv. 40', refer- was renounced (a useful alphabetical list with page refs. is ring to Muwatalli's transfer of his “residence” to TarÌun- found on p. 78), some other internal organization could have tassa (instead the traditional reading annisanza, been more sensible, perhaps a grouping according to profes- “formerly”). sional classes (kings, military men, palace administraion, Van den Hout seeks support for his dating of the text in scribes, etc.) or to familial kinship, wherever it can be estab- various orthographical and thematic features. E.g., the lished. spelling dÎataÌÌa- in the Bronze Tablet seems to be more Van den Hout performs an admirable task in weaving conservative than dÎatagga- in KBo 4.10 rev. 2 (p. 71) together the countless little threads of information, often according to the phonetic development suggested by Otten very fragmentary and problematical, to reconstruct the intri- and Kühne in StBoT 16, 49 f. But then, one finds both cate web of thirteenth century Hittite high society. Obvi- KataÌÌa and ÎataÌÌa in the same tablet of Muwatalli's ously, some of the data may be interpreted in different ways, Prayer (KUB 6.45 ii 46, 60), which casts some doubt on the but it would be pointless to comment on each of the proso- chronological value of these phonetic variants.3) Perhaps pographical entries. I will merely raise some issues of a more indicative is the geographical variant Kizzuwatni in the more general character, and offer some remarks on a few personae. One of the first issues to be decided in a study dealing 1) Van de Hout's main arguments were already presented in JCS 41 (1989), 100-114. For references to the studies of Heinhold-Krahmer, with royalty is the exact meaning of the title Houwink ten Cate, Imparati and Pecchioli Daddi, see van den Hout's bib- DUMU.LUGAL, “king's son, prince”. There has been a liographical addendum on p. 326, and add R. Stefanini, Archivio Glotto- long-standing controversy whether all “princes” were really logico Italiano 67 (1992), 135 f. of royal blood, or perhaps, in some cases, this term desig- 2) For references to the studies of Klengel, del Monte, Beal, Gurney, Hagenbuchner and Sürenhagen, see ibid, to which add now D. Hawkins, nated a junior official who was not related to the royal fam- The Hieroglyphic Inscription of the Sacred Pool Complex at Hattusa (Süd- burg), (STBoT-Beih. 3), Wiesbaden 1995, 62, and G. Beckman, Hittite Diplomatic Texts, Atlanta 1996, 102. 4) A. Goetze, JCS 18 (1964), 90; G. del Monte, Il trattato fra Mursili 3) I. Singer, Muwatalli's Prayer to the Assembly of Gods through the II di Îattusa e Niqmepa{ di Ugarit, Roma 1986, 105, n. 4. Storm-God of Lightning, Atlanta 1996, 63. 5) Singer, op. cit., 170 f. 419 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIV N° 3/4, Mei-Augustus 1997 420 ily.6) The issue involves the entire ancient Near East, and letter to Ramesses PuduÌepa describes how she raised all the the debate was particularly intense with regard to ben ham- children that she found in the royal household of Îattusa.10) meleÈ in ancient Israel. In a penetrating article entitled “The For Kurunta, who appears in one of these fragments (KUB Prince and the Pauper”, A.F. Rainey dismissed one-by-one 6.11), one can argue that he was indeed adopted as a son by all the cases in Hebrew and in cuneiform sources where Îattusili (p. 88), but in the case of Îesni it is now possible “prince” is allegedly not of royal blood.7) Van den Hout to show that he was related to the court of Kargamis, rather also conceives of DUMU.LUGAL as being the son of a king than that of Îattusa. or of another prince (p. 233), but he is somewhat more hes- The rich attestation on Îesni is dealt with in detail on pp. itant with regard to the semantic field of the hieroglyphic 206-211. Most significant for the question of domicile sign HH 46 = INFANS+REX (p. 133). The hieroglyphic appears to be KBo 18.48, a letter sent by His Majesty to evidence is actually quite clear: the title PRINCE is held by Îisni, DUMU.[.LUGAL], which deals with some border all the descendants of Hittite kings and the kings of Hittite dispute between the kings of Kargamis and Assur. One sub-kingdoms, such as Kargamis, Îalab, TarÌuntassa and could argue that Îesni is in Karkamis on a temporary mis- Isuwa.8) In addition, the title may also be carried by the king sion, but an intriguing new attestation from Ugarit seems to of a vassal state connected by marriage to the Hittite royal support a more permanent connection. RS 17.403 was found family, as is the case with Sausgamuwa king of Amurru. in 1953, but the tablet was in such a bad condition that noth- Through several generations the rank of royal offspring ing but the hieroglyphic seal impression of Taki-Sarruma must have multiplied to a hefty size, as nicely put in KUB was visible on it (Ugaritica III, 137-139). The recent clean- 26.1+23.112 i 10 f.: “The Land of Îatti is full with royal ing of the tablet has recuperated eleven lines apparently seed” (p. 101 f.). As in other monarchies throughout the dealing with the ratification of a decree ordered by Mursili world, important state positions, including imperial adminis- II (spelled Mu-ur-zi-i-li!).11) Two Hittite officials are men- tration, was manned by members of the royal family. tioned in the tablet: Ta-gi LUGAL-ma GAL L[UMES Faced with the host of Hittite princes and peers, the next DUB.SAR(.GIS)]12) and Îi-is-ni-i LUGAL(sic) KUR step could be a useful distinction between those residing in URUKa[r-ga-mis. Concerning the title of Îisni, I prefer an Îattusa and those officiating at the court of the Hittite omission of the first element in DUMU.LUGAL, rather than viceroy in Kargamis. The task is not easy, and obviously, positing for a yet unattested king of Kargamis, as tentatively there must have been officials who were active at both suggested by the publisher. The only seal impressed on this courts. Still, with the growing evidence from Ugarit and political document is that of Taki-Sarruma, which would be from Emar we should now be able to get a clearer picture of unthinkable if Îesni was really a king. the structure of Hittite bureaucracy.9) To some extent this Another high official who is identified by a text from structure is reflected in the useful genealogical table given Ugarit (RS 17.423) as the son of the king of Kargamis is by the author on p. 80; it displays, in addition to the court of Upparamuwa (pp. 115 f.). Perhaps he bears the title Prince Îattusa, also the royal houses of Kargamis, TarÌuntassa and of [Kargam]is(?) also in a text from Emar.13) Upparamuwa Isuwa, as well as the vassal courts married into Hittite roy- is designated LUanduwasalli in the Bronze Tablet and alty — Amurru, Ugarit and the SeÌa River Land. “
16) See, e.g., S. Ahl, Epistulary Texts from Ugarit (Diss., Ann Arbor 19) As pointed out by R. Beal (AnSt 43, 31 f., n. 10), §§ 13-14 of the 1973), 108 ff.; A. Hagenbuchner, Die Korrespondenz der Hethiter I (Hei- Bronze Tablet practically exclude the possibility that Kurunta was the delberg 1989), 44 ff. See also A.F. Rainey, UF 7 (1975), 431 f. elder brother and the tuÌkanti: “Since TudÌaliya is not hiding the fact that 17) See also Th. van den Hout, “Khattushili III, King of the Hittites”, in he was once passed over for kingship, why should he hide the supposed Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, vol. II (New York 1995), p. 1110 f. fact that it was Kurunta who was placed ahead of him? Most com- 18) Ugaritica III, p. 99 ff., figs. 24-26, and p. 111. See also H. Otten, pellingly, it is impossible to believe that someone just named heir PuduÌepa, eine hethitische Königin in ihren Textzeugnissen (Mainz 1975), to the empire would swear to be his passed-over cousin's servant/ p. 30; Die 1986 in Bogazköy gefundene Bronzetafel, Innsbruck 1989, 11. slave”. 423 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIV N° 3/4, Mei-Augustus 1997 424
The volume is rounded out with glossaries, and with a are indicated by the observation that of a total of 103 tablets very useful index (A) of the source material, which is in fact and fragments, only five or six texts are complete or can be a corpus of thirteenth century texts that mention personal restored with certainty (Bd. I, 11-12). names. Where possible, the texts are attributed to specific The letters edited here were composed during two periods reigns. The remaining material is classified according to of the history of the Egyptian New Kingdom, the Amarna ductus: fourteenth (III a), early thirteenth (III b), and late Age (ÄHK 1)5) and the reign of Ramses II (all other pieces). thirteenth century (III c) texts. The latter type, which is Correspondence from the chancellery of both Ramses and of restricted to the last three kings of Îatti (TudÌaliya, the Hittite Great King Îattusili III is included in the second Arnuwanda, Suppiluliama), will be dealt by van den Hout in group, the latter, of course, being drafts or file copies — a separate study (p. 297). Index B, with references to all the some in Hittite language — retained in Îattusa. “Authors” names of the corpus arranged in alphabetical order, is a use- of the letters from the thirteenth century include not only the ful contribution to Laroche's outdated catalog of personal rulers themselves, but also their queens and a number of names.20) royal princes. The debate on the sequence of the TarÌuntassa treaties Beyond his painstaking reconstruction and grammatical will probably linger on for some time. Whatever the final elucidation of each missive, Edel provides useful discus- result may turn out to be, StBoT 38 will remain an indispen- sions of topics relevant to this body of texts, for example, sible tool for all concerned with thirteenth century Hittite the archival context of the correspondence (Bd. II,20), dif- society and culture. The immense amount of information ferences between the script and Akkadian language included in the prosopographical entries, as well as the reli- employed in Egyptian cuneiform texts of the Amarna able philological treatment of the Ulmi-Tesub Treaty, make archives and those of the thirteenth century (Bd. II, 313- a substantial contribution to Hittitology. Theo van den Hout 316), the influence of Egyptian language on the Akkadian and the “Kommission für den Alten Orient der Akademie written by Ramses' scribes (Bd. II, 38; cf. also 267), the der Wissenschaften und der Literatur” are to be congratu- variety of gifts exchanged by the royal households (Bd. II, lated on their production of this excellent volume in the 189-196), the size of the caravan which brought a Hittite series Studien zu den Bogazköy-Texten. princess to Ramses' harem (Bd. II, 241), and the time required to travel between Îattusa and the Nile delta (Bd. II, Tel Aviv, December 1996 I. SINGER 201). In his philological commentary, Edel refers to some * * pieces by their publication, and to others by their excavation * number.6) Most convenient, however, is his occasional use of the number assigned to the letters in this study as labels, EDEL, Elmar (Hrsg.) — Die ägyptisch-hethitische Korrespon- and it would indeed be reasonable for all scholars to adopt denz aus Boghazköi in babylonischer und hethitischer these designations. References by publication or Bo. number Sprache. (Abhandlungen der Rheinisch-Westfälischen may be converted easily to “ÄHK” numbers through Edel's Akademie der Wissenschaften; 77). Westdeutscher Ver- concordances (Bd. I, 236-38). As a supplement to these lists, lag, Leverkusen, 1994 (30 cm, 2 Bde). ISSN 0171-1105; I provide here a table matching these texts with their assign- ISBN 3-531-05091-5 (Gesamtwerk): brosch. Bd. 1: ments in CTH7) and THeth 168) (where applicable), and with Umschriften und Übersetzungen. 240 + 48 Taf. ISBN 3- references to the excellent photographs and collations to be 531-05111-3: DM 98,-; sFr. 100,10. Bd. II: Kommentar, found in the plates to Bd. I. 382. ISBN 3-531-05112-1: DM 128,-; sFr. 129,-. 1 ÄHK CTH THeth 16 Photo Collation or For nearly half a century ) the eminent Egyptologist Join Sketch Elmar Edel has pursued a scholarly sideline in the study of the epistolary exchange between Egypt and Îatti, as pre- 2 170 served on cuneiform tablets found at the Hittite capital of 3 165.7 Bogazköy/Îattusa. The work under review2) represents the 4 Tf. XXXV culmination of this lifetime of research, presenting full edi- 5 216 238 tions, translations, and exhaustive grammatical and histori- 6 166.2 315, 350 Tf. XLVIc Tf. VI-VII cal commentaries on all of the relevant texts.3) The magni- 7 Tf. XXXII 4 9 169 tude and complexity of the task now completed ) by Edel 10 168 Tf. XXXVIa 12 167.1 Tf. XX-XXI 20) Les noms des Hittites, Paris 1966; with suppl. in Hethitica 4 (1981), 13 Tf. XLVIb 3-58. See also G. Beckmann, JAOS 103 (1983), 623-627. 1) The earliest contribution known to me is “Neue keilschriftliche 5) Add now Th. P.J. van den Hout, “Der Falke und das Kücken: der Umschreibungen ägyptischer Namen aus den Bogazköytexten”, JNES 7, neue Pharao und der hethitische Prinz?”, ZA 84, 1994, 60-80 (CTH 154), 1948, 11-24. and the fragment whose publication is cited above in n. 3. The sole letter 2) See already the review by V. Haas and I. Wegner, OLZ 91, 1996, from Îatti found in Egypt (EA 41 = CTH 153) may also be listed here. 295-301, and the comments of A. Archi, OLZ 91, 1996, 172-74. 6) This is due to the fact that the author labored on the manuscript for 3) The author published a fragment discovered too late for inclusion years before hand-copies of many of the texts were published (see Bd. I, here in “Bo. 92/129, ein neues Brieffragment in hethitischer Sprache aus 12-13). H.M. Kümmel's KBo 28, which includes the bulk of the relevant der Korrespondenz zwischen Ägypten und Îatti”, ZA 86, 1996, 114-117. material discovered after 1913, appeared only in 1985. 4) The manuscript was closed on April 16, 1986 (Bd. I, 4), but a few 7) E. Laroche, Catalogue des textes hittites (Paris, 1971). bibliographic references to studies appearing as late as 1991 were added 8) A. Hagenbuchner, Die Korrespondenz der Hethiter. 2. Teil. Die during the long period while the volumes were in press (see Bd. II, 233, 82, Briefe in Transkription, Übersetzung und Kommentar. Texte der Hethiter, 348). Heft 16. (Heidelberg, 1989). 425 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — HETTITOLOGIE 426
16 170 252 Tf. X-XI 104 209.5 228 Tf. XXVIII 17 Tf. XXIIIa 105 176 Tf. XXVIII 18 170 236 Tf. XXX 106 209.4 227 Tf. XXVIII 20 155.2 Tf. I 107 209.20 232 Tf. XXVIII 21 165.4 Tf. XXVI 108 225 22 155.1 109 221 23 Tf. XXXIV 110 215 230 24 156.A Tf. XIV-XV 111 207 Tf. XXXIV 25 156.B Tf. XXV-XXVI 113 220 26 162.A Tf. XXIV 27 162.B Tf. XXVII I conclude with a number of technical corrections and 28 166.1 Tf. XVIII-XIX bibliographic additions: 29 163.2 Tf. XXVII ÄHK 2, obv.? 26': ... UGU LU†e -mi ...; rev. 3': On the Hit- 30 163.4 Tf. XXXVII Tf. XXXI 4 32 165.2 Tf. IV-V tite military units known as sarikuwa-, see now R. Beal, 34 216 317 THeth 20, 37-55. 36 165.6 316 Tf. XXVII ÄHK 6, obv. 7': ... sa il-li-ku ...; rev. 9': ... ma-a-da-ti ...; 37 208.2 226 For a thorough prosopographical study of the witness list of 38 314 KBo 4.10 (CTH 106), several of whose members appear in 39 208.3 345 this letter, see Th. van den Hout, StBoT 38. 40 216 406 ÄHK 9: I have recently translated this letter as No. 22A in 41 170 374 Hittite Diplomatic Texts (Atlanta, 1996). 42 157 Tf. XXXVIII Tf. XII-XIII, ÄHK 10, obv. 11-13: In commentary to these lines, read XXXIX “Naptera” for “PuduÌepa”. 43 158 Tf. XLII-XLV GAD 44 Tf. XXXIX-XLI ÄHK 12, rev. 1: 1 TUG.«MES».GU.È ...; English trans- 45 Tf. XXXII lation as Hittite Diplomatic Texts, No. 22B. For a transliter- 46 Tf. XXXI ation, Turkish translation, and photo with the constituent 47 Tf. XXXI portions of this text rejoined, see G. Ün, Anadolu Medenyet- 48 Tf. XXXIII leri Müzesi, 1988 (Ankara, 1989) 3-6. I have published col- 51 159.2 Tf. XLVIII Tf. VIII lations of this piece in JCS 37, 1985, 16-17. 52 376 ÄHK 17: English translation as Hittite Diplomatic Texts, 53 160 Tf. II-III No. 22C. 54 159.1.A (cf. Bd. II, 357) ? 55 159.1.B ÄHK 18, line 3': ... sa at-ta tà[s -pu-ra]. 56 170 341 ÄHK 25: Although Edel (Bd. II, 98) claims that this text is 57 164.1 Tf. XXIX the only example of a local copy of a Ramses letter (namely 58 170 249 of ÄKH 24), I believe that two additional pieces may also 59 170 Tf. XXVI have been transcribed at Îattusa. In these instances, how- 61 170 ever, the original tablet from Egypt has not come down to 63 170 us. Note that, in addition to orthographic conventions atypi- 64 Tf. XLVIa cal for the Ramessid chancellery (Bd. II, 41), H. Otten's 65 170 250 hand-copy of ÄKH 5 (KBo 8.14) indicates numerous era- 66 216 237 67 216 348 Tf. XXVIII sures (not noted in Edel's transcription) inappropriate on a 68 170 Tf. XXX diplomatic instrument dispatched from the court of one 69 165.3 Tf. XXV Great King to another. And the singular rendering of Ram- 72 164.2 Tf. IX ses' prenomen “Wasmuwaria satneparia” in ÄHK 20 (KUB 73 164.3 Tf. XXVII; (cf. 3.22 + KBo 28.3) (Bd. II, 77) may perhaps be attributed to a Bd. II, 357) Hittite scribe.9 74 165.5 248 Tf. XXVII ÄKH 28, rev. 17': ... sa LUGAL.G[AL LUGAL KURÎa-at-ti 75 (cf. Bd. II, 357) ...]; English translation as Hittite Diplomatic Texts, No. 76 163.1 Tf. XXI-XXII 22D. 77 162.A 78 165.1 ÄHK 30, obv. 22’: a-na ur-ru-ki ... 79 819 ÄHK 33, obv. 9': ... at-ta ... 80 Tf. XXXIII ÄHK 39, obv. 5': [la t]u-mas-sìr-su-ma ... 83 Tf. XLIb ÄHK 43, rev. 51': ...
- iq-bi; English translation as Hit- 85 Tf. XXIII = KBo tite Diplomatic Texts, No. 22F. 36.101 ÄHK 52, obv. l'a: l[u-u sul-mu]; 7': ... ù 2 LUGAL.MES ... 88 Tf. XXXI ÄHK 72, obv. 8: a-na GISGIGIR.ME[S s]u-ul-mu ù i-na SÀ- 91 243 bi gab-bi
ÄHK 97, rev. 3: UZUka-bi-t[i; rev. 2 similar. much debated question of the king's identity, seems to ÄHK 102, obv. 6'-7': [...] Ìa!-at-pa-mu-a / [... favour the hypothesis whereby it is Suppiluliuma I, the D]UMU.MES mMar-ni-ip-taÌ, with S. Lackenbacher, NABU homonymous ancestor represented as deified. 1994/57. The edition of the inscription begins on p. 21. In his pre- ÄHK 105, obv. 10': ... na-at-za am-mu-uk U-UL sa-a[g-ga- liminary observations Hawkins underlines the complications aÌ-Ìi na-at ar-Ìa wa-a]r-nu-wa-an É-i[r e-es-zi], “do I not of reading it due both to the technique of execution (simpli- [know that it (viz., the storehouse) is] a burned-out struc- fied with respect to YALBURT and EMIRGAZI) and to the ture?” English translation as Hittite Diplomatic Texts, No. grammar. In fact, unlike other contemporary inscriptions, 22E. there are hardly noun and verb endings and connective par- These volumes will certainly long remain the standard ticles. A syntactical and stylistic analysis also reveals the edition of this material. Hittitologists, Egyptologists, and singularity of the document: the name and full title of the ancient historians alike owe a debt of gratitude to Professor sovereign do not, as is normally the case, appear at the Edel. beginning; the description gets underway immediately (“When the — royal title — subject(ed) ...”). The entire Ann Arbor, December 1996 Gary BECKMAN composition, which Hawkins analyses in a fascinating chap- ter (“The Syntax and Structure”, pp. 46 ff.),2) is charac- * * terised by a “curiously repetitious style, in which subjects or * objects may be repeated or amplified after the verb. Blocks of words, especially the name and titles of Suppiluliuma, HAWKINS, J. David — The Hieroglyphic Inscription of the seem to stand [...] between clauses” (p. 46). What emerges Sacred Pool Complex at Hattusa (SÜDBURG) / With is, rather than a chronicled account, a celebratory monument an Archaeological Introd. by Peter Neve. (Studien zu to the glory of the king and his divine protectors. den Bogazköy-Texten. Beih. 3). Verlag Otto Harras- To explain the significant differences between this and sowitz. Wiesbaden, 1995. (30 cm, 140, [2] + 23 p. other long inscriptions of the late empire, the author speaks plates). ISBN 3-447-03438-6. ISSN 0936-0468. DM of “style deliberately archaizing” (p. 21), but as things stand 72,-. I do not believe there is sufficient evidence to support this, both for the scarcity of other documents for comparison and Thanks to H. Otten and J.D. Hawkins two of the most because the concentration of inscriptions of this kind in a important documents found in recent years in the southern very limited time space rather invalidates the use of the term sector of Bogazköy/Îattusa have been relatively quickly “archaizing”. The explanation is perhaps better sought in made available for study; the editions are excellent both the different placing and function of the inscriptions — from a typographical and, more importantly, from a scien- unlike the others, as Hawkins himself observes, this one is tific point of view. The two documents in question are the 1 in a closed and very restricted space. The hieroglyphic so-called “Bronze Tablet”, published by Otten in 1988, ) inscriptions of the last Hittite kings (and this one in particu- and the hieroglyphic inscription named SÜDBURG after its lar) seem to reveal a wish to experiment both with graphics location and dating from the epoch of king Suppiluliuma II, and with narrative which is of particular interest; this may in published by Hawkins in the volume discussed in this part have been due to outside influences.3) It could also be review. that an attempt was made to abbreviate this inscription4) as The book opens with an “Archaeological Introduction” much as possible given the lack of space and the difficulties (“Kammer 2 und der ‘Heilige Teich’”) by Peter Neve, who of the relief-technique. describes the complex, in the sector named “Südburg”, in On pages 22-23 one finds the transliteration and transla- which there is the room within which was found the inscrip- tion of the text. There follows a detailed commentary during tion analysed in the book. The complex consisted of a large the first part of which the author suggests various possible artificial pool surrounded by a mound, the western and readings and analyses of the signs and the terms presenting northern corners of which contained two rooms, one of these the greatest difficulties of interpretation. The brief space of being decorated with reliefs depicting the sun-god on the far the current review does not permit a discussion of all the wall and a king Suppiluliuma on the wall to the left of the many important points and stimulating proposals contained entrance, with the hieroglyphic inscription on the wall to the in this part of the book, so we are obliged to limit ourselves right. The typology and the probable function of the build- to a number of illustrative observations and remarks pertain- ings and some discovered objects, indicate that the complex ing to particular matters. was for cult purposes. Neve stresses this aspect, mentioning §1. *416-wa/i-ni, pp. 26 ff. The meaning of the sign L other sacred pools, recordings of which have been found in 416, frequently found also on seals, has for some time been Hittite territory, and also that these constructions belong to the end of the imperial age, and are probably related to the Egyptian sacred lakes. After a brief introduction by Hawkins and the list of 2) The content of the inscription is summarised by Hawkins (p. 46) in the following plan: A. Conquest 1 (§§ 1-5); B. Building 1 (§§ 6-7); C. abbreviations, there is (pp. 19-20) a note on the relief in Conquest 2 (§§ 8-11); D. Conquest 3 (§§ 12-15); E. Building 2 + offering Kammer 2 on the wall opposite the inscription which (§§ 16-17); F. Building Inscription (§ 18). depicts, as is indicated by the hieroglyphs on the upper part, 3) Cf. also Hawkins' observations, p. 26, on the correspondence “Suppiluliuma Great King”. Hawkins, with regard to the between the formula “when ... in that year” of the SÜDBURG inscription and analogous formulae of middle Assyrian inscriptions. On this cf. also Giorgieri-Mora, Aspetti della regalità ittita nel XIII sec. a. C., Como 1996, pp. 71-72 e 93 f. 1) Die Bronzetafel aus Bogazköy. Ein Staatsvertrag TutÌalijas IV., 4) See the procedures of this kind as used in Greek and Roman Wiesbaden 1988 (= StBoT-Bh. 1). epigraphs. 429 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — HETTITOLOGIE 430 a subject of debate. Its presence in the royal inscriptions § 18. DEUS. *202 ((DEUS)VIA+TERRA), “divine earth- YALBURT and SÜDBURG in the term in question, proba- road”, pp. 44 ff. The final phrase of the inscription reads: bly a royal title (according to Hawkins’ interpretation),5) “Here a DEUS.*202 in that year (I) construct(ed)”. has undoubtedly raised interest in the matter. Hawkins, who Hawkins identifies the Hier. logogram with the Cun. (DIN- dedicates an appendix to the problem in this volume, tak- GIR)KASKAL.KUR, referring to Otten's recent discussion ing into account both existing explanations and new docu- of the question.9) In Hawkins' view, moreover, the attesta- ments in double writing, confers upon it the syllabic value tion in SÜDBURG should be linked with the attestation of d/li/a; he therefore reads the term in question d/liwani. He (DINGIR)KASKAL.KUR in cultic contexts and should thus also suggests, basing his argument on a series of equiva- be interpreted as “an artificial rather than natural entrance to lences between Cun./Hier. royal titles, an equation between the underworld”. D SI this title and the Cun. UTU (Hier. SOL2/winged sun, of In the second part of the comment one finds the chapter which d/liwani would be the phonetic transcription). Rela- on the syntax referred to above. There follow two chapters tive to this suggestion, which does not appear entirely con- dedicated to new geographical discoveries (“The Geogra- vincing, cf. my observations in Giorgieri-Mora, Aspetti (see phy”, pp. 49 ff.) and to the historical problems related to note 3), pp. 87 f. Finally, in the caption to Fig. 3, p. 27, the last stages of the Hittite empire (“The History”, pp. there is a misprint: the number of the sign is correctly 319 57∞ff.). In the geographical part, Hawkins begins by dis- not 139. cussing the numerous and valuable data provided by the § 2. PURUS.FONS.MI, p. 31. With regard to the drawing Bronze Table and by the YALBURT inscription (and the of the sign PURUS, here with four vertical internal bars as analyses undertaken by Otten and Poetto respectively)10) is normal in writing the name of Suppiluliuma I, Hawkins regarding the southern and south-western parts of Anato- writes again of the possibility of a deliberate archaism. The lia. With regard to the SÜDBURG inscription Hawkins author subscribes to the enduring validity of Otten's (ZA 58 poses first and foremost the problem of placing the events — not 55 — 1967) old distinction between the hieroglyhpic in time: whether they happened within the campaign of a script of the names of the two sovereigns, despite the excep- single year, as the end of the inscription itself indicates, or tion provided by certain glyptic examples in Temple 2 in if a literary rather than a literal interpretation is the correct Bogazköy. It should nevertheless be noted that, contrary to one. Hawkins reasonably opines that “such evidence as what Hawkins refers, also among the clay sealings with we have from Hittite sources suggests that such a state- impressions of seals of Suppiluliuma II found at Ni≥anta≥, ment may be understood literally” (p. 53), and thus that, there is evidence of the type held to be archaic;6) in the light from a geographical point of view, one should consider of the most recent finds, P. Neve has in fact observed7) that the localities as if “they were so located as to be all acces- it is no longer possible to consider valid old stylistic criteria sible in the course of one campaigning season”. In the whereby one distinguished between the hieroglyphic docu- final part of the chapter the author examines all the sites ments of the two kings. This somewhat invalidates the quoted in the inscription, dividing them into four groups hypothesis of archaism. and trying to reconstruct the itinerary of the conquering § 4. a-ta, “them”(?), p. 35. As I know of no other evi- monarch. dence of enclitic pronoun “unattached”, I prefer the expla- The chapter dealing with historical events is divided into nation proposed by Otten (phonetic complement of the four parts. The first discusses the very few cuneiform docu- verb), which the author mentions among others. ments from the archives of Bogazköy which are attributable § 5. CAPUT.VIR, p. 35. Hawkins argued that it could be to Suppiluliuma II.11) Secondly, the author examines the a title (literally translated as “prince-man”) which, he sug- texts from Ugarit which can presumably be related to events gests, can be identified with tabarna, elsewhere expressed under the same sovereign's rule; thirdly, new data provided with the hieroglyphic IUDEX+la, absent in this inscription. by the SÜDBURG inscription containing information about I have already expressed some doubts about this, based on the military campaigns of Suppiluliuma II in the western and the lack of convincing evidence and on the observation that southern territories, the most important being the conquest some hieroglyphic titles may represent an enlargement, not of TarÌuntassa; fourthly, the post-imperial inscriptions of necessarily a duplication of the cuneiform titling.8) the Kızıldag-Karadag group which are important for their § 13. AVUS.*506-na, “grandfathers (and) grandmoth- evident similarities with the inscriptions of the last Hittite ers”, pp. 41 ff. The reading HANA for the sign *506, pro- kings and for their placing in the territory of TarÌuntassa. posed by Hawkins just above for the reading of the topony- Hawkins joins in the debate about these questions with great mous Tarahna, permits an interesting reading hanna- for the authority, but not always, in my opinion, with all the neces- second part of the nexus. The author then make an attempt to explain the meaning of the phrase; with regard to this he remembers “that Muwatalli was said to have removed ‘the 9 gods and the dead’ (= Hatt. II 52) to Tarhuntassa” (p. 42). ) StBoT-Bh. 1 (see note 1), pp. 33 f. 10) Cf. H. Otten, StBoT-Bh. 1 (see note 1); M. Poetto, L'iscrizione The “grandfathers and grandmothers” could thus be the luvio-geroglifica di Yalburt, Pavia 1993 (= StMed 8). dead, “who are not mentioned as returning” (ibid.). 11) In a long note on p. 57 Hawkins quotes some hypothesis formulated years back by myself, commenting that they had “an unfortunate tendency to be rapidly invalidated by new discoveries”. He is right with regard to the evidence of the reign of Arnuwanda III, now documented by means of 5) A different — even if less reliable — opinion is held by Woud- seal impressions, and also regarding the co-regency between Îattusili III huizen (JIES 22, 1994): the title would refer to functionaries. and TutÌalija IV (at least for the documentation of the impression on RLS 6) Cf. P. Neve, “Suppiluliuma I. oder II.?”, in FS S. Alp, Ankara 1992, 2, but not in the case of the cuneiform documentation). I nevertheless pp. 401-408, no. 727/90. retain serious doubts about the high dating of KBo 4.14 which is yet to be 7) Ibid., p. 403. satisfactorily established and about the reading of the name Labarna on the 8) Cf. Giorgieri-Mora, Aspetti (see note 3), p. 88. impressions of the cruciform seal (cf. below re this question). 431 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIV N° 3/4, Mei-Augustus 1997 432 sary evidence to support his claims. On p. 59, for example, (according to Hawkins it is no possible to give a causative he describes as “virtually certain” the identification of the interpretation to the verb because the suffix -nu is absent) NA4Ìekur SAG.US quoted in text KBo 12.38 with the Cham- and also the previous sign, taken to be THRONUS? by ber B of Yazılıkaya along the lines of Otten's proposal Hawkins and M 264 (= NEPOS) by Poetto. Whereas (MDOG 94, 1963), without any mention of Güterbock's Hawkins may be right on the first point, Poetto's approach subsequent hypothesis (JNES 26, 1967) whereby identifica- seems preferable on the second; indeed throughout the pas- tion with the complex of monuments at Ni≥anta≥ is more sage Poetto's analysis is more reliable also because it is plausible.12) On the much debated question of the identity, more in accordance with similar passages in other near-east- or absence thereof between Kurunta and Ulmi-Tessup,13) ern inscriptions. Hawkins comes out in favour of the identity. I remain skep- In Appendix 2 (pp. 88 ff.) there is the edition of the par- tical about this. In particular, I do not think enough impor- allel texts on the 4 altars (A-D) of Emirgazi. Hawkins' read- tance has been given to the impressions of seals SBo II 5 e ing of them is very detailed and interesting, also in his pre- 6 in which the name Kurunta appears (it should be his name sentation of the text and the clear indication of the variants as king) alongside the title “prince”.14) Finally I have some by means of critical apparatus. Photographs and drawings doubts about the supposed similarity in age between the are, unfortunately, lacking, and for these one has to refer to cousins UrÌi-Tessup/Mursili III and TutÌalija IV (cf. p. 64 the previous editions.15) and note 271 related to the father of king Hartapus in the The third Appendix deals with the edition (with concise inscriptions of the Kızıldag-Karadag group): TutÌalija, son commentary) of the inscriptions belonging to the Kızıldag- of Îattusili and PuduÌepa, was born an unknown number of Karadag group, already discussed by Hawkins in a recent years after the battle of Qades, and therefore at the soonest work.16) possible moment when UrÌi-Tessup was due to become, or In the fourth Appendix which discusses the sign L already was, king. 277/IUDEX+la, there is a lenghty and critical initial dis- A series of seven appendices begins on p. 66 shedding cussion of the proposal advanced by Carruba and myself greater light on the SÜDBURG inscription by means of a (Or 59, 1990) whereby sign L 277 should be read not as comparison with the other main inscriptions of the same labarna/tabarna but with a phonetically different term period, and touching many other problems of particular albeit with a similar meaning (a reading laÌÌijala in the interest. meaning of “military leader” was suggested, also with the Appendix 1 is dedicated to a revision (transliteration, support of some late glosses). Hawkins reproposes the translation and comment) of the YALBURT inscription. An reading labarna, basing himself on the strong argument of edition of this inscription has already been published in the presence of the sign L 277 for the name of the king 1993 by Poetto (cf. above, note 10) which Hawkins had the Labarna I on the impressions of a cruciform seal found opportunity to study (in manuscript, see pp. 13, 14, 67). The recently.17) Whilst acknowledging some uncertainty of our two interpretations, despite using completely different proposal regarding the reading laÌÌijala, I do not consider transliteration codes, which makes comparing them difficult, the reading labarna to be the full answer, as the sign on the agree on a large number of matters. There are however newly found impressions, given the absence of clear pho- important sections over which they differ considerably and tographs, is very confused. I also find rather unsatisfactory which Hawkins does not refer to; see, for example, the the explanations for the Hier. writing with la- (labarna) in block 4, § 2, for which Hawkins proposes the following correspondence to the Cuneiform tabarna. In the meantime translation: “And to these countries (dat. plur) the Great I believe there is some validity in our reading of group L Kings of Hatti, my fathers (and) grandfathers, no one had 277 as being the expression of a Hier.-Luw. term with run” (see pp. 69, 74), while Poetto translates: “mentre (final) -la, semantically similar to the cuneiform Hittite queste terre [acc.] i gran re del paese di Hatti, i miei padri tabarna.18) A last remark: the drawing of the sign L 277 as (e) avi, nessuno sconfisse” (p. 33). In this case, both from it appears on the cruciform seal in Fig. 7.d (p. 109) differs the grammatical point of view and from that of content, considerably from the drawing published in IM 43 (1993), Hawkins' approach is undoubtedly more convincing. At Fig. 2. block 14, §§ 2-3 Hawkins proposes: “I seated myself on the The content of Appendix 5, which discusses the sign L throne and (I) the Great King ...”, while Poetto translates “e 416 and the title 416-wa/i-ni has been mentioned above. insediai la mia discendenza”, and, somewhat cautiously “e i Appendix 6 (pp. 118 ff.) is dedicated to the sign discendenti del gran re, signore, vennero/verranno per gen- PUGNUS.PUGNUS, which appears three times in the erazioni” (pp. 64 ff.). At the heart of the two different inter- inscription and is taken to be a verb meaning beat or fight. pretations lies the verb expressed by the logogram SOLIUM This suggests an interesting comparison with the attestations
15) Regarding Masson's drawings, Hawkins is perhaps excessively crit- ical, also because until now they constitute the only possibility of having a 12) Recent support for this interpretation has been put forward by P. reasonably complete picture of the inscriptions. Neve (Îattusa - Stadt der Götter und Tempel, Mainz 1992, p. 63; id., AA 16) Cf. FS S. Alp, Ankara 1992, pp. 259-275. 1992, p. 332-333). 17) Cf. Dinçol-Dinçol-Hawkins-Wilhelm, FS P. Neve (= IM 43), 1993, 13) For a summary of the question including copious bibliographical pp. 87-106. indications, cf. Giorgieri-Mora, Aspetti (s. note 3), pp. 19-20. 18) Hawkins also highlights (p. 113) our observation concerning the use 14) Gurney (An St 43, 1993), has attempted to explain this anomaly of the sign L 277 on the part of the last two generations of Hittite sover- using the example of a seal of Sausgamuwa carrying the title “prince” eigns, commenting that is is incorrect in that the sign already appears on which was used when he had already become king of Amurru. The the cruciform seal, dated to the epoch of Mursili II. Apart from my reser- grounds for this analogy do not, however, exist: as far as we know, Saus- vations expressed above, one should remember that at the time of our writ- gamuva did not change name, so he may have used an old seal. It is ing the hypothesis of reading the name Labarna on this seal had not yet instead improbable that Kurunta would have made seals with the title been formulated, and that the photographs then available, published in AA “prince” when he was already king. 1987, did not clearly reproduce the sign in question. 433 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — HETTITOLOGIE 434 of the late period. Finally, in Appendix 7 there is a list of in den Index aufzunehmen. Schliesslich sind wie oben Hieroglyphic inscriptions on stone at Bogazköy. gesagt noch dreissig nicht im HZL enthaltenen Zeichenfor- The volume closes with a glossary of the terms found in men mitgegeben womit dieses Buch auch noch etwas an the various inscriptions discussed (subdivided in: Hier. HZL zufügt. Luw. Syllabic, Hier. Luw. Logograms, Divine Names, Per- Obwohl viele Hethitologen im Laufe der Jahre vielleicht sonal Names, Place Names, Mountain Names) and an index privat in bescheidenem Umfang einen eigenen Konträr of discussed items. It is worth stressing that the glossary is Index aufgestellt haben, ist auch dieser Band der Reihe extremely useful also because it gathers for the first time the StBoT unentbehrlich. Zusammen mit Jin Jie's Retrograde evidence of the most important texts of the imperial and Glossary haben die Hethitologen innerhalb von zwei Jahren post-imperial periods. On p. 139 there is a table of signs not zwei rückläufige Listen bekommen, wofür die Fachleute den included in Laroche's list (beginnning at number 501; there Autoren nur dankbar sein können. are some inaccuracies: sign 507 is reproduced upside-down; 508 occurs more than once in EMIRGAZI inscription). Leiden, Februar 1997 J. DE ROOS There follows a number of illustrations in photographs and drawings reproducing the complex in which the inscription * * was found and the inscription itself. * In this study J.D. Hawkins demonstrated once more his great expertise in dealing with very difficult material. It is, CARRUBA, Onofrio, Mauro GIORGIERI, Clelia MORA in particular, valuable his meticulously philological analysis (eds) — Atti del II Congresso Internazionale di Hitti- and his ingenious interpretation of a number of difficult tologia. Pavia, 28 giugno - 2 luglio 1993. (Studia signs and words. We must be grateful to him for having Mediterranea, 9). Gianni Iuculano Editore, Pavia, 1995. made available, with a very thorough edition, such an (24 cm, XII, 402, ill., photogr.). ISBN 8870722341. important document in Hittite studies. The book was published shortly before the third Interna- Pavia, December 1996 Clelia MORA tional Hittitology Congress held in 1996 in Çorum (Turkey), and contains 38 lectures given at the second Hittitology * * Congress held in Pavia (Italy) in 1993. * From this collection it seems that the University of Ankara's initiative taken in 1990 to hold a special congress on Hittitology, that would be repeated every three years, has RÜSTER, Christel, und Erich NEU — Konträr-Index der been a successful initiative. hethitischen Keilschriftzeichen, Materialien zum hethi- The organizers of the congress in Pavia, led by Prof. O. tischen Zeichenlexikon II. (Studien zu den Bogazköy- Carruba, have brought together about 150 interested people Texten, 40). Verlag Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 1993. who are active in every possible aspect of Hittitology and (24 cm, X, 174). ISBN 3-447-03288-X; ISSN 0585- related fields. Besides the 38 published lectures there were 8 5853. DM 89,-. more lectures given that have not been published, these can Obwohl spät möchte ich doch gerne auf eine äusserst be found in the summary pg. IX to XI. In order to give the nützliche Publikation von Chr. Rüster und Erich Neu in der reader an impression of the subjects discussed I am going to wichtigen Serie Studien zu den Bogazköy-Texten aufmerk- outline the main topics in groups. Of the 38 lectures there sam machen. are: Linguistics (Hittite and related languages): 14; Histori- Das Buch enthält alle Keilschriftzeichen (und viele Vari- cal: 10, Religious: 9, Archaeological: 3, Geographical: 1 anten) des hethitisches Zeichenlexikons (HZL) und noch and Juridical: 1. The articles are ordered alphabetically by dreissig dazu, wie auf Seiten 171-173 wiedergegeben, rück- author's name and not by subject because according to the wärts geordnet. Hauptziel dieses Index ist, beim Lesen und editors (besides the previously mentioned Onofrio Carruba, Ergänzen vorn weggebrochener Wortformen, seien es pho- Mauro Giorgieri and Clelia Mora) the variety of subjects netisch geschriebene Wörter oder auch Logogramme, Hilfe- made a thematic ordering difficult. stellung zu leisten. Die Autoren haben sich alle Mühe gege- Seeing as the compilers did not give the writers any ben, die vielen Schwierigkeiten verbunden mit einer a tergo guidelines for their contributions, neither the length nor Liste zu meistern, und wir können feststellen, dass das structure and style, the editorial work is “confined” to Endergebnis auch denjenigen, der es sehr genau nimmt, ordering the biographical information and the diacritical zufrieden stellen kann. marks. Anyone who has ever compiled a collection knows Die Einleitung gibt alle Hinweise zum Gebrauch, wobei very well that even this amount of work is very time con- z.B. die rot markierte alphabetartigen Strukturate, um das suming. Besides the editors have inputted most of the texts Grundschema des Ordnungsprinzips leicht zu erkennen, in the computer themselves, albeit with the good help of oth- sehr auffallend und zugleich sehr originell sind. Dem Kon- ers as mentioned in the introduction. trär-Index wird ein sehr hilfreiches alphabetisches Register The lack of restrictions has resulted in the length of the vorausgeschickt, wodurch das Suchen im eigentlichen pieces differing (too) much from one another: from 2 pags.: Index sehr erleichtert wird. Absichtlich sind nicht alle klei- S. Çeçen: “mutanu in den Kültepe-Teksten” to 24 pgs.: nere Varianten eines Zeichens aufgenommen, da man diese R.L. Gorny: “Ali≥ar Höyük in the Late Second Millennium Varianten dann auch in HZL begegnen kann. Sehr hilfreich B.C.”. The contributions are split into four languages, 14 in sind in dieser Hinsicht die jedem Zeichen vorangehenden German, 11 in English, 7 in Italian and 6 in French. Because dazugehörigen HZL-Nummern. So waren die Autoren im it is not possible to review the contents of all the articles and Stande weniger als etwa dreitausend (sic!) Zeichenformen it would not be fair to the unselected authors to make a 435 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIV N° 3/4, Mei-Augustus 1997 436 selection, it will suffice to say that I recommend the pur- chase of this volume. I certainly want to congratulate the compilers with this collection which on the whole has been carefully edited, and is one that should not be excluded from any library dealing with the Ancient Near East. However, there is a word of warning. Other than what one might understand from the cover, the book is part 9 in the series Studia Mediterranea (Pavia), so that many libraries who have a subscription will have automatically received it.
Leiden, February 1997 J. de ROOS