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Book Note Justice Thomas’S Inconsistent Originalism
BOOK NOTE JUSTICE THOMAS’S INCONSISTENT ORIGINALISM MY GRANDFATHER’S SON: A MEMOIR. By Clarence Thomas.1 New York: HarperCollins Publishers. 2007. Pp. xii, 289. $26.95. Since his infamous confirmation hearings, several of Justice Tho- mas’s biographers2 have struggled to understand and explain the ap- parent conflicts in the life and jurisprudence of a man who acknowl- edges that his conservative views do not comport with the traditional viewpoints of African Americans3 and who advocates an originalist in- terpretation of the Constitution.4 Justice Thomas has received harsh criticism from some of these biographers, and the debate surrounding his adequacy as a Supreme Court Justice has strong political under- pinnings.5 Seeking to correct other accounts of his life, which Justice Thomas views as partly “untrue, at times grossly so” (p. x), My Grand- father’s Son sheds new light on his personal history — especially the key roles race and religion played therein — but generally eschews di- rect discussion of his jurisprudential philosophy. Even so, Justice Thomas’s memoir illuminates his judicial philosophy, because that phi- losophy stems from the experiences and principles discussed in his book. My Grandfather’s Son begins with a description of Justice Tho- mas’s West African ancestry (p. 2) and early childhood. Born in a shanty in Pinpoint, Georgia, on June 23, 1948 (pp. 3–4), Thomas spent his early years fatherless, alongside his mother, Leola; aunt, Annie; and siblings, Emma Mae and Myers (pp. 1, 3). In 1954, Myers accidentally burned down their home (p. 6), and Leola took her sons to live in a de- ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 1 Associate Justice, Supreme Court of the United States. -
Critical Constitutionalism Now
Fordham Law Review Volume 75 Issue 2 Article 6 2006 Critical Constitutionalism Now Louis Michael Seidman Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Louis Michael Seidman, Critical Constitutionalism Now, 75 Fordham L. Rev. 575 (2006). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol75/iss2/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Law Review by an authorized editor of FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Critical Constitutionalism Now Cover Page Footnote Carmack Waterhouse Professor of Constitutional Law, Georgetown University Law Center. Thanks to Alex Aleinikoff, Carrie Menkel-Meadow, Girardeau Spann, Mark Tushnet, and participants at the Fordham Law School symposium A New Constitutional Order? for comments on an earlier draft of this paper. This article is available in Fordham Law Review: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol75/iss2/6 CRITICAL CONSTITUTIONALISM NOW Louis Michael Seidman* In the fall of 1999, Mark Tushnet published a celebrated foreword to the Supreme Court edition of the Harvard Law Review arguing that the Rehnquist Court's decisions could be understood as part of an era marked by divided government and sharply reduced ambitions for the transformative potential of constitutional law. 1 Almost exactly two years later, on September 11, 2001, airplanes crashed into the World Trade Center. For the next three or four years, Tushnet's characterization of our times seemed exactly backward: We appeared to be in the middle of an era of united government and of quite dramatic constitutional transformation. -
Defending Korematsu?: Reflections on Civil Liberties in Wartime
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Georgetown Law Scholarly Commons Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2003 Defending Korematsu?: Reflections on Civil Liberties in Wartime Mark V. Tushnet Georgetown University Law Center, [email protected] Copyright 2003 by The Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System; Reprinted by permission of the Wisconsin Law Review. Permitted use is limited to the work described above and does not include the right to grant to others permission to photocopy or otherwise reproduce this material except for copies permitted under the Copyright Act. This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/246 2003 Wis. L. Rev. 273-307 (2003) This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, and the Jurisprudence Commons GEORGETOWN LAW Faculty Publications February 2010 Defending Korematsu?: Reflections on Civil Liberties in Wartime* 2003 Wis. L. Rev. 273-307 (2003) Mark V. Tushnet Professor of Law Georgetown University Law Center [email protected] This paper can be downloaded without charge from: Scholarly Commons: http://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/246/ SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=368323 Posted with permission of the author * Copyright 2003 by The Board of Regents -
Mark Tushnet: a Personal Reminiscence
Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2001 Mark Tushnet: A Personal Reminiscence Louis Michael Seidman Georgetown University Law Center, [email protected] This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/905 90 Geo. L.J. 127-130 (2001) This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Legal Studies Commons SYMPOSIUM Justice, Democracy, and Humanity: A Celebration of the Work of Mark Tushnet Mark Tushnet: A Personal Reminiscence Louis MICHAEL SEIDMAN* The papers in this Symposium pay tribute to Mark Tushnet's astonishing energy, influence, originality, and sheer brilliance as a scholar. As important and interesting as they are, they do not come close to capturing the breadth of his work. How could they? My most recent check of the online version of the Index of Legal Periodicals reveals 242 articles and book reviews published by Tushnet since roughly 1980.1 Georgetown's Edward Bennett Williams Li- brary online catalogue lists an additional forty books and book chapters written by Tushnet. In this short Essay, I will not try to summarize this incredible output or detail the ways in which it has influenced the development of legal thought. I wish the others who attempt that task the best of luck. Instead, I feel much more confident in my ability to say something about a topic that is in some ways more important-the kind of person Mark Tushnet is. -
Critical Constitutionalism Now
Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2006 Critical Constitutionalism Now Louis Michael Seidman Georgetown University Law Center, [email protected] Georgetown Public Law and Legal Theory Research Paper No. 907101 This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/601 http://ssrn.com/abstract=907101 75 Fordham L. Rev. 575-592 (2006) This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Constitutional Law Commons CRITICAL CONSTITUTIONALISM NOW Louis Michael Seidman* In the fall of 1999, Mark Tushnet published a celebrated foreword to the Supreme Court edition of the Harvard Law Review arguing that the Rehnquist Court's decisions could be understood as part of an era marked by divided government and sharply reduced ambitions for the transformative potential of constitutional law. 1 Almost exactly two years later, on September 11, 2001, airplanes crashed into the World Trade Center. For the next three or four years, Tushnet's characterization of our times seemed exactly backward: We appeared to be in the middle of an era of united government and of quite dramatic constitutional transformation. More recently still, things may have shifted yet again. As I write, in early fall of 2006, there has emerged a fragile possibility of a Democratic resurgence coupled with constitutional retrenchment. I cite these facts not to criticize Tushnet, who has been my constant friend and mentor and sometimes co-author for over thirty years. -
The Paradox of Constitutional Democracy and the Project of Political Justification
\\jciprod01\productn\H\HLC\47-2\HLC204.txt unknown Seq: 1 3-JUL-12 13:18 The State of Progressive Constitutional Theory: The Paradox of Constitutional Democracy and the Project of Political Justification By Nimer Sultany* “Am I in contradiction with myself?”1 ABSTRACT Every time the Supreme Court strikes down a law enacted by Congress or a state legislature the age-old debate over the “counter-majoritarian difficulty” resurfaces. Theories of judicial review, new and old, are offered to answer this tension between constitutionalism and democracy. But what explains the persis- tence and contestability of this difficulty? Why has the existing wealth of schol- arship failed to resolve this difficulty? In this Article, I address such questions while contextualizing “counter-majoritarianism” within larger liberal theoreti- cal frameworks. I offer a typology and map the prominent progressive liberal answers deployed to justify judicial review in constitutional democracies. This typology and map fill a gap in the existing literature, which has been largely preoccupied with advancing positions within the debate rather than assessing it holistically. This reconstructive exercise both organizes the field of constitu- tional theory and identifies the discursive moves and patterns of reasoning used within the field. The Article evaluates the similarities and differences between the different positions. By mapping these differences and relations, I show that the supposed distinction between democracy and constitutionalism has been un- dermined without resolving the underlying tension between these competing val- ues. The collapse of the distinction exposes the circular movement of the debate around the tension. Ultimately, I conclude, the existing body of literature offers no satisfying method for assessing whether the ruling in any controversial case is “counter-majoritarian.” I suggest that rather than attempting to solve the difficulty, scholars should recognize its irreconcilability, because only then would a better understanding of the role of law in society emerge. -
Clarence X?: the Black Nationalist Behind Justice Thomas's Constitutionalism, 4 N.Y.U
Notre Dame Law School NDLScholarship Journal Articles Publications 2009 Clarence X?: The lB ack Nationalist Behind Justice Thomas's Constitutionalism Stephen F. Smith Notre Dame Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.nd.edu/law_faculty_scholarship Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, and the Judges Commons Recommended Citation Stephen F. Smith, Clarence X?: The Black Nationalist Behind Justice Thomas's Constitutionalism, 4 N.Y.U. J.L. & Liberty 583 (2009). Available at: https://scholarship.law.nd.edu/law_faculty_scholarship/550 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Publications at NDLScholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of NDLScholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. JOURNAL OF LAW & LIBERTY ~NEW YORK UNIVERSITY CLARENCE X?: THE BLACK NATIONALIST BEHIND JUSTICE THOMAS'S CONSTITUTIONALISM Stephen F. Smith* In trod uction ......................................................................................... 584 I. Black Nationalism and Malcolm X ............................................ 586 II. Clarence Thom as as Clarence X ................................................. 590 A. Clarence X Confronts White Supremacy and Defends Black Institutions ................................................... 591 1. W hite suprem acy ........................................................... 591 2. Higher-education desegregation and historically black schools .............................................. 596 B. Clarence X Defends Civil Rights against Traditional Rem edies ............................................................ 601 Professor of Law, University of Notre Dame. This Essay is based on remarks pre- sented at the symposium held at New York University School of Law on the "Un- known Justice Thomas." I am grateful to the New York University Journal of Law & Liberty for sponsoring this symposium and for allowing me the honor of participat- ing in it. -
Assessing Chief Justice William Rehnquist
KEYNOTE ADDRESSES ASSESSING CHIEF JUSTICE WILLIAM REHNQUIST † ERWIN CHEMERINSKY How should a Chief Justice be assessed? This conference provides the occasion for considering this question as part of looking at the role of Chief Justice on the Supreme Court and in the American legal system. Rather than examining the office generally, I want to focus on assessing William Rehnquist as Chief Justice. One way of assessing any Chief Justice is in terms of her ability to achieve a substantive vision of the law. In this sense, few would disagree that John Marshall and Earl Warren were enormously successful in having their substantive visions reflected in the decisions of their Courts. Marshall’s visions of judicial review and federalism, among other crucial issues, were embodied in decisions like Marbury v. Madison1 and McCulloch v. Maryland,2 which provided a framework for government that lasts to this day. Earl War- ren’s visions of a more equal society better protecting the dignity of individuals were reflected in the desegregation cases,3 the rulings in- corporating the Bill of Rights,4 and the decisions requiring reappor- tionment of state legislatures.5 Writings on the Warren Court, both by † Alston & Bird Professor of Law and Political Science, Duke University. 1 5 U.S. (1 Cranch) 137, 180 (1803) (providing that the Supreme Court can re- view and invalidate laws that are unconstitutional). 2 17 U.S. (4 Wheat.) 316, 436-37 (1819) (establishing that states cannot tax an “in- strument employed by the government of the Union to carry its powers into execu- tion”). -
Tragic Rights: the Rights Critique in the Age of Obama
Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2011 Tragic Rights: The Rights Critique in the Age of Obama Robin West Georgetown University Law Center, [email protected] Georgetown Public Law and Legal Theory Research Paper No. 11-143 This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/736 http://ssrn.com/abstract=1975457 53 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 713-746 (2011) This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, Jurisprudence Commons, and the Public Law and Legal Theory Commons TRAGIC RIGHTS: THE RIGHTS CRITIQUE IN THE AGE OF OBAMA ROBIN L. WEST TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION......... ............ ................. 714 I. THE RIGHTS CRITIQUE IN THE AGE OF OBAMA ............ 719 II. TRAGIC RIGHTS .................................... 727 III. THE FAILURE OF COMMUNITY ........................ 737 CONCLUSION ........................................ 744 * Frederick J. Haas Professor of Law and Philosophy, Associate Dean, Georgetown University Law Center. 713 714 WILLIAM AND MARY LAW REVIEW [Vol. 53:713 INTRODUCTION Rights, Mark Tushnet once opined, are positively harmful to the party of humanity.' Conceding some exceptions-most notably the civil rights victories of the 1950s through 1970s-Morton Horwitz observed around the same time that U.S. constitutional rights -
Alarmism Versus Moderation in Responding to the Rehnquist Courtl
Alarmism Versus Moderation in Responding to the Rehnquist Courtl MARK TUSHNET* INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................... 47 I. THE SUPREME COURT, MODESTLY INTERPRETED ............................................ 48 A. Federalism................................................................................................ 49 1. Limits on Enumerated Powers ........................................................... 49 2. State Sovereignty Limitations .......................................................... 50 3. The Court's Failures to Act: Preemption and the Spending Power ....... 51 4. Conclusion ......................................................................................... 52 B. Individual Rights ...................................................................................... 53 1. Property Rights .................................................................................. 53 2. Free Expression ................................................................................. 54 3. Conclusion ......................................................................................... 55 C. Conclusion ............................................................................................... 55 II. THE IMPLICATIONS OF DIVIDED GOVERNMENT .............................................. 56 A. Divided Government ............................................................................... 57 B. Ideologically PolarizedGovernment ..................................................... -
Can Free Speech Be Progressive?
CAN FREE SPEECH BE PROGRESSIVE? Louis Michael Seidman* Free speech cannot be progressive. At least it cannot be progressive if we are talking about free speech in the American context, with all the historical, sociological, and philosophical baggage that comes with the modern American free speech right. That is not to say that the right to free speech does not deserve protection. It might serve as an important side constraint on the pursuit of progressive goals and might even pro- tect progressives against the possibility of catastrophic outcomes. But the notion that our free speech tradition might be weaponized to advance progressive ends is fanciful. The American free speech tradition is too deeply rooted in ideas about fixed property rights and in an equation of freedom with government inaction to be progressive. Instead of wasting energy on futile efforts to upend our First Amendment traditions, progressives should work to achieve their goals directly. INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................2219 I. SOME DEFINITIONS, LIMITATIONS, AND GENERAL THROAT CLEARING ...........................................................................................2220 II. THE HISTORICAL RECORD .................................................................2226 III. FOUR REASONS WHY FREE SPEECH CANNOT BE PROGRESSIVE ...........2232 A. Free Speech and Property Entitlements ...................................2232 B. Free Speech and the Feasance–Nonfeasance Distinction ........2239 C. Free -
Constitutional Hardball
Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2004 Constitutional Hardball Mark V. Tushnet Georgetown University Law Center, [email protected] This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/555 http://ssrn.com/abstract=451960 37 J. Marshall L. Rev. 523-553 (2004) This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Law and Politics Commons CONSTITUTIONAL HARDBALL MARK TuSHNET* I. INTRODUCTION: THE CONCEPT OF CONSTITUTIONAL HARDBALL, WITH SOME EXAMPLES For the past several years I have been noticing a phenomenon that seems to me new in my lifetime as a scholar of constitutional law. I call the phenomenon constitutional hardball. This Essay develops the idea that there is such a practice, that there is a sense in which it is new, and that its emergence (or re-emergence) is interesting because it signals that political actors understand that they are in a position to put in place a new set of deep institutional arrangements of a sort I call a constitutional order.l A shorthand sketch of constitutional hardball is this: it consists of political claims and practices-legislative and executive initiatives-that are without much question within the bounds of existing constitutional doctrine and practice but that are nonetheless in some tension with existing pre-constitutional understandings.2