•im^i^j;^^ y- .>?^s^%^^?&i'V\ ::rr^Q^fi^mm^mi^Mmti'^.^ Wisconsin Magazine ^ of History

Athletics in the Wisconsin State University System, 1867—1913 RONALD A. SMITH An Unrecopvized Father Marquette Letter? RAPHAEL N. HAMILTON The Wisconsin l^ational Guard in the Milwaukee Riots of 1886 JERRY M. COOPER The Truman Presidency: Trial and Error ATHAN THEOHARIS Proceedings of the One Hundred and Twenty-fifth Annual Meeting

Published by the State Historical Society of Wisconsin / Vol. 55, No. 1 / Autumn, 1971 THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF WISCONSIN

JAMES MORTON SMITH, Director

Officers E. DAVID CRONON, President GEORGE BANTA, JR., Honorary Vice-President JOHN C. GEILFUSS, First Vice-President E. E. HoMSTAD, Treasurer HOWARD W. MEAD, Second Vice-President JAMES MORTON SMITH, Secretary

Board of Curators Ex-Officio PATRICK J. LUCEY, Governor of the State CHARLES P. SMITH, State Treasurer ROBERT C. ZIMMERMAN, Secretary of State JOHN C. WEAVER, President of the University MRS. GEORGE SWART, President of the Women's Auxiliary

Term Expires, 1972 E. DAVID CRONON ROBERT A. GEHRKE BEN GUTHRIE J. WARD RECTOR Madison Ripon Lac du Flambeau Milwaukee SCOTT M. CUTLIP JOHN C. GEILFUSS MRS. R. L. HARTZELL CLIFFORD D. SWANSON Madison Milwaukee Grantsburg Stevens Point MRS. ROBERT E. FRIEND MRS. HOWARD T. GREENE ROBERT H. IRRMANN Hartland Milwaukee Beloit

Term Expires, 1973 THOMAS H. BARLAND MRS. RAYMOND J. KOLTES FREDERICK I. OLSON DR. LOUIS C. SMITH Eau Claire Madison Wauwatosa Lancaster E. E. HOMSTAD CHARLES R. MCCALLUM F. HARWOOD ORBISON ROBERT S. ZIGMAN Black River Falls Hubertus Appleton Milwaukee MRS. EDWARD C. JONES HOWARD W. MEAD DONALD C. SLIGHTER Fort Atkinson Madison Milwaukee

Term Expires, 1974 ROGER E. AXTELL PAUL E. HASSETT MRS. WM. H. L. SMYTHE CEDRIC A. VIC Janesville Madison Milwaukee Rhinelander HORACE M. BENSTEAD WILLIAM HUFFMAN WILLIAM F. STARK CLARK WILKINSON Racine Wisconsin Rapids Nashotah Baraboo THOMAS M. CHEEKS ROBERT B. L. MURPHY MILO K. SWANTON Milwaukee Madison Madison

Honorary Honorary Life Members EDWARD D. CARPENTER, Cassville MRS. ESTHER NELSON, Madison RUTH H. DAVIS, Madison DOROTHY L. PARK, Madison MRS. MARGARET HAFSTAD, Rockdale MONICA STAEDTLER, Madison PRESTON E. MCNALL, Clearwater, Florida BENTON H. WILCOX, Madison JOHN C. JACQUES, Madison PAUL VANDERBILT, Madison WILLIAM ASHBY MCCLOY, New London, Connecticut

Fellows VERNON CARSTENSEN MERLE CURTI ALICE E. SMITH

The Women's Auxiliary Officers MRS. GEORGE SWART, Fort Atkinson, President MRS. GORDON R. WALKER, Racine, Vice-President MISS RUTH DAVIS, Madison, Secretary MRS. RICHARD G. ZIMMERMANN, Sheboygan, Treasurer MRS. EDWARD H. RIKKERS, Madison, Ex-Officio VOLUME 55, NUMBER 1 / AUTUMN, 1971 Wisconsin Magazine of History

WILLIAM CONVERSE HAYGOOD, Editor WILLIAM C. MARTEN, Associate Editor

Athletics in the Wisconsin State University System, 1867-1913 2 RONALD A. SMITH

An Unrecognized Father Marquette Letter? 24 RAPHAEL N. HAMILTON

The Wisconsin National Guard in the Milwaukee Riots of 1886 31 JERRY M. COOPER

The Truman Presidency: Trial and Error 49

ATHAN THEOHARIS

Book Reviews 59

Proceedings of the One Hundred and Twenty-fifth Annual Meeting of the State Historical Society 66 Contributors 84

Published Quarterly by The State Historical Society of Wisconsin

THE WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY is published assume responsibility for statements made by contributors. quarterly by the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Second-class postage paid at Madison and Stevens Point, 816 State Street, Madison, Wisconsin 53706. Distributed Wis. Copyright © 1971 by the State Historical Society of to members as part of their dues (Annual membership, Wisconsin. Paid for in part by the Maria L. and Simeon $7.50; Family membership, $7.00; Contributing, $25; Busi­ Mills Editorial Fund and by the George B. Burrows Fund. ness and Professional, $50; Sustaining, $100 or more annual­ Wisconsin newspapers may reprint any article appearing in ly: Patron, $500 or more annually). Single numbers, $1.75. the WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY providing the Microfilmed copies available through University Microfilms, story carries the following credit line : Reprinted from the 313 North First Street, Ann Arbor, Michigan. Communica­ State Historical Society's Wisconsin Magazine of History for tions should be addressed to the editor. The Society does not [insert the season and year which appear on the Magazine}. In this turn-of-the-century photograph a young ballplayer, holding the equipment and wearing the catcher's uniform of the time, poses in stiff solemnity in the Black River Falls studio of Charles Van Schaick. It is one of the hundreds of Van Schaick photographs owned by the Society's Iconographic Collections, covering the years 1890 to 1910. ATHLETICS IN THE WISCONSIN STATE

UNIVERSITY SYSTEM: 1867-1913

By RONALD A. SMITH

A THLETIC DEVELOPMENT in the Wis- Less than a year after the founding of Wis­ -'*- consin normal schools (the present Wis­ consin's first normal school the townspeople consin State University System) occurred at were preparing for a journey to a nearby fair­ a time when athletics were becoming impor­ grounds at "Strawberry Diggings" where the tant in colleges throughout America. Athletic normal-school boys were to meet the Dar­ programs were patterned after major eastern lington town team in a baseball game.^ The and midwestern colleges, but because of the day was made a festive occasion. It was not unique nature of the normal schools, athletics common that 100 townspeople in twenty car­ differed in both quality and quantity. The riages would spend a day together, and they influence of women on men's athletic programs had never had the opportunity to see the at the female-dominated, two-year normal Platteville Normal School, or a Platteville schools can be clearly seen. While the devel­ team, play the "truly American game of Base opment of baseball, football, and basketball Ball." The Platteville team was composed of followed a national pattern, few leaders of in­ a number of Civil War veterans, who may have stitutions of higher learning questioned their first seen baseball played, as did many sol­ school's lack of virility as did the presidents diers, during the Civil War.^ Wherever they of the normal schools. The presidents, who learned the rudiments of the game, some fea­ saw the need for a larger male student con­ tures of Platteville Normal School's first game stituency, gained control of the student-con­ would be readily recognized by twentieth- trolled athletic programs of the late nineteenth century and developed an athletic conference under faculty control in the early twentieth century. The growth of athletics between 1867 ^ Platteville opened on October 9, 1866. Charles McKenny (ed.). Educational History of Wisconsin and 1913 gives a clearer picture of early (Chicago, 1912), 130. "Strawberry Diggings" was preparation of teachers in Wisconsin, of so­ probably no more than a crossroads about two miles cial life in the normal schools, and reflects north of Elk Grove, seven miles southeast of Platte­ ville. Grant County Witness, June 13, 1867. the desire of the new educational institutions ^ Grant County Witness, October 4, 1866; Otto to promote and project their identity. Basye to State Historical Society, January 19, 1950, in the Archives-Manuscripts Division, State Histori­ It all began, more or less, on a Saturday cal Society of Wisconsin, Madison; Foster Rhea late in the spring of 1867. Unusual excitement Dulles, A History of Recreation (2nd ed., New York, 1965), 189; David S. Crockett, "Sports and Recrea­ awaited the little southwestern Wisconsin tional Practices of Union and Confederate Soldiers," town of Platteville on that morning, and the in Research Quarterly, XXXn:335-347 (October, town's citizenry buzzed with anticipation as 1961) ; John R. Belts, "Organized Sport in Indus­ trial America" (Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia Uni­ the horses were readied for their carriages. versity, 1951), 71. WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971 century Americans. There were nine men on kinds," may have been true as it applied to each side at the familiar positions as well as the first two Wisconsin normal schools, Platte­ nine innings of play, and special mention was ville and Whitewater. Both schools opened made of home runs. The players, however, (1866 and 1868) at a time when the recently did not use baseball gloves, and the pitcher returned Civil War veterans would likely threw underhanded. They also played at a have enrolled. In fact a number of those more leisurely pace than their counterparts a normal-school students who participated on century later. The contest started at noon the first organized teams were war veterans.^ but was delayed at the end of the fourth inning The interest which created teams in the first so that players and spectators alike could have year of existence did not continue unabated their picnic dinner. The players completed in the years that followed. The nature of the the game on full stomachs, Darlington win­ normal schools and the question of finances ning 16 to 15.^ played a role in the fluctuating character of The beginning of athletics in Wisconsin normal-school athletics. normal schools probably did not differ great­ Organization of athletic teams must have ly from the origin of athletics at most schools been far from the minds of the state legislators and colleges in the United States. That Platte­ who created the normal-school system. Origi­ ville Normal School organized a team in 1867 nally the schools were organized to provide in its first year of existence is rather surpris­ training for future and practicing grade-school ing in that the origin of midwestern school teachers. Grade-school or common-school and college sport is usually attributed to the teaching was one vocation in which women period of the 1880's and 1890's. The normal became readily accepted. Rarely, until well school at Platteville, however, was not the into the twentieth century, did men comprise exception in organizing athletics in the first more than one-third of the normal-school en­ year of existence. Whitewater, the second rollment. Most institutions of higher learn­ Wisconsin normal school, had both a junior ing in the 1860's, including the University of and senior baseball team in 1868, and it was Wisconsin, were exclusively for men.^ The meeting outside competition the following small number of men in the normals created year. Oshkosh, Wisconsin's third normal continuity problems in the fledgling athletic school, played the city high school in a three- organizations. By the early 1900's an even game baseball series in its first year of exist­ greater scarcity of men in the normals caused ence. In 1874 Oshkosh Normal played what concern among faculty and presidents. By that might be called the first intercollegiate games time the question of the lack of a virile ele­ by a Wisconsin normal school, a two-game ment in teaching and teacher education had baseball series with Ripon College.* become a salient point for promoting a well- Sport in Wisconsin normal schools began organized normal-school athletic program. early, but it had at best a tenuous existence But the state legislature was not concerned until the twentieth century. Historian Albert about the virility of the normal schools when Bushnell Hart's statement that "the Civil War they were first organized. They were not gave a singular impetus to field sports of all

'^ Albert Bushnell Hart, "Status of Athletic Sports in American Colleges," in the Atlantic Monthly, " Grant County Witness, June 13, 1867. LXVI:65 (1890). At least four of the nine Platte­ 'Allan Nevins, Illinois (New York, 1917), 131; ville baseball players of the 1867 team were Civil Merle Curti and Vernon R. Carstensen, The Univer­ War veterans; probably only one of the Whitewater sity of Wisconsin: A History, 1848-1925 (Madison, players in 1868 had served in the war. Compare 1949), 1:673; Raphael N. Hamilton, The Story of Grant County Witness, June 13, 1867, and White­ Marquette University (Milwaukee, 1953), 37; E. water Register, June 12, 1868, with Charles E. Esta- Bird Johnson, Forty Years of the University of Min­ brook, Wisconsin Volunteers, War of Rebellion, 1861- nesota (Minneapolis, 1910), 223; G. C. Clancy, "Ath­ 1865 (Madison, 1914) and Roster of Wisconsin letics," in E. D. Eaton (ed.), Historical Sketches of Volunteers (2 vols., Madison, 1886). Civil War Beloit College (New York, 1928), 242; Whitewater veterans living near Platteville and Whitewater were Register, June 12, 1868, May 28, 1869; Oshkosh assumed to be the same persons whose names ap­ Northwestern, May 23, June 13, 1872, June 4, 1874. peared in the newspapers. The teams split the series, Ripon winning the first "McKenny (ed.). Educational History of Wiscon­ game 27-25 and Oshkosh the second, 30-22. sin, 184-185. ' t^dtJ^ttxF ^ "4^ .

'^

Ralph Andreano, No Joy m Mudville Union prisoners playing baseball during the Civil War at Salisbury, North Carolina. even willing financially to support the insti­ teams, and uncertain finances led to an un­ tutions with state tax funds for the first two stable athletic program. The nature of the decades of normal school operations. Except normal school also raised other obstacles to for a federal government windfall in the form athletic continuity from year to year. Stu­ of a land grant, the likelihood of a separate dents organized and coached their own teams Wisconsin normal-school system in the 1860's and scheduled the games in addition to paying would have been slight. Shortly after state­ for any of the expenses, equipment, or travel. hood, in 1850, the federal government granted If a school had students interested in orga­ swamp and overflow lands to the states in nizing a team one year, it might have none which they lay. The Wisconsin state legisla­ the following year. The only normal-school ture in 1857 provided that one-quarter of teams from 1868 until the latter 1880's were the proceeds of the sale of these lands should baseball teams. Platteville, Whitewater, and go to the development of a normal school Oshkosh normals played baseball in their first system. In 1865 one-half of the proceeds from year of existence, but the regularity of play these lands were given to the fund. The in­ ended there. terest accumulated from this fund provided for Whitewater can be regarded as a representa­ the operation of the first school. Not until tive school in the first generation of normal- the fifth school was established at Milwaukee school athletics, for the other schools fol­ in 1885 was the legislature to appropriate lowed a similar pattern. When Whitewater any tax money for their maintenance.'' It would have been inconceivable at the time to appropriate money for the support of athletic ' James Sutherland, "Origin of Our State Normal teams. Thus, organized sport in the normal School System," in Proceedings of the State Historical schools survived without state funds and on Society of Wisconsin . . . 1897 (Madison, 1898), 166; McKenny (ed.). Educational History of Wisconsin, the slimmest of budgets. 122, 128; William H. Herrmann, "The Rise of the The students were completely responsible Public Normal School System in Wisconsin" (Ph.D. dissertation. University of Wisconsin, 1953), 140, for the financial support of their athletic 150, 157. VyiSCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971

Normal opened in the spring of 1868, two ball was thriving in the city of Whitewater. baseball teams were organized, representing Between 1875 and 1886 only one baseball the junior and senior classes. The two teams game was reported to have been played by a played each other, the juniors winning 37 to Whitewater Normal team. In 1887 another 32 in a nine-inning game. The score was not team was organized and by the early 1890's, unusually high. The following year, 1869, when football was first becoming important, the Whitewater Normal senior class played baseball games had become annual affairs.^ the Whitewater junior city team, losing 53 to If one were to trace the early sport history 43. "Both nines" it was reported, "showed a in each of the other normal schools from its want of practice."^ Thirty years later if a opening to about 1890, it would not differ similar "want of practice" was shown in one greatly. The only organized sport, baseball, of the normal schools, someone was likely to was generally played against local or nearby advocate the need for a coach and an athletic town teams and high schools. Some years association was likely to hire one. only intraschool games were played. Finances After these first two years of organized and travel conditions dictated to a large ex­ athletics, four years passed before the nor­ tent the number of games and the opponents mal school was reported to have another team. to be played. In the earliest period, the 1860's, In 1874 the local newspaper announced that railroads did not directly connect the first "the game of base ball has been revived to a and closest normal schools at Whitewater and considerable extent in Whitewater this spring." Platteville. Even if they had, it is doubtful But, enthusiasm was almost squelched as they that the boys at the normals would have encountered an out-of-town team, Milton, for wanted to pay the extra expense of traveling the first time. Evidently too embarrassed to by rail. Crowds were not large and had admis­ report the score of the game, the newspaper sion been charged only small gate receipts stated that the normal school was beaten by would have been collected. It was not until an "overwhelming majority." That fall a 1889 that Whitewater Normal charged an group of Whitewater Normal School students admission fee, twenty cents, for a baseball and young men from town, along with Pro­ fessor Herbert E. Copeland of the normal school, formed a baseball team and played OCIAL LIFE in Wisconsin's small town the nearby Koshkonong team. The presence S normal schools in the early years (1860's~ of Professor Copeland was the first evidence 1890's) lacked much of what later became found of faculty involvement in school ath­ associated with college life. The young men letics. In the spring of 1875 the Copeland and women training for a teaching career B.B.C. (Base Ball Club) was organized at the were expected not to drink or smoke, or to normal. Although Whitewater evidently need­ dance in public. A River Falls Normal School ed more than Copeland's organizing ability catalog stated that "abstinence is strictly en­ to produce a winning team, he may have had joyed during membership, from intoxicating a psychological effect upon his boys. After drinks, tobacco, public dancing, and from dis­ being thoroughly beaten by Milton, 70 to 14, orderly conduct." Shortly before the turn of it was stated that the normal-school boys "do the century the Oshkosh catalog plainly stated not feel at all discouraged." Discouraged or that "no person addicted to the use of tobacco not, they apparently did not have an organized or other injurious stimulants should apply for team for the next five years even though base- admission, as such rarely show the strength of character or uniform health essential to high excellence as teachers." While dancing by prospective teachers became generally ac- " Whitewater Register, June 12, 1868; Platteville Normal beat Big Patch city team 54-26, Grant County Witness, June 22, 1871; Oshkosh Normal split two games with the local high school 26-24 and 29-24, Oshkosh Northwestern, May 23, June 13, 1872; and Harvard-Yale baseball scores for the " Whitewater Register, May 21, October 8. 1874, years 1868-1871 were 25-17, 41-24, 24-22, 22-19, June 10, 1875, October 7, 1880, June 2, 1881, May Harvard Graduates' Magazine, IHtllS (September, 19, 1887. 1894). " Whitewater Register, May 2, 1889. SMITH : ATHLETICS IN WISCONSIN

cepted by the first decade of the twentieth activities were also important in the lives of century, smoking and drinking were frowned many students. upon until well into the twentieth century.^^ Apparently one of the outlets that was not At Whitewater in the 1870's the president prohibited or strictly controlled (aside from required that every week each student fill church and literary activities) was participa­ out and present to him a questionnaire on tion in athletic events. Although there is general personal habits such as going to evidence of participation in gymnastics, cro­ church, keeping study hours, time of rising quet, bicycling, roller skating, football, and and retiring, and even the regularity of brush­ track prior to the 1890's,^* it was baseball ing one's own teeth. Even taking a young lady which for many reasons became the most to a public function was strictly controlled, as popular athletic activity at all of the Wis­ Lewis Clark, a student and later a faculty consin normal schools. In the first place member at the school recalled: baseball was the great American game in the second half of the nineteenth century. It was I entered the Whitewater Normal School played throughout the United States by pro­ after some attendance at college. The or­ fessional teams, city teams, in colleges and ganization of the school impressed me as high schools, and baseball spread rapidly resembling that of a young ladies' seminary. throughout the nation. The nature of the Two-thirds of the school were ladies then as now, and the great attention paid to per­ game lent itself to what some said was the sonal details of manners, appearance, bath­ American character. Thomas Wentworth Hig- ing, study-hours, association of gentlemen ginson, in 1858, believed that it was the game and ladies tended to strengthen the impres­ of baseball "whose briskness and unceasing sion. If a young man desired to call upon activity are perhaps more congenial ... to a lady, or to escort one to a lecture, he must our national character, than the comparative wait upon the preceptress, state his wish, the deliberation of cricket." "Baseball," stated time, and the lady's name. Imagine how long Mark Twain, "is the symbol, the outward and a bashful young man would hesitate before visible expression of the drive and push and he faced the chances of two refusals, that rush and struggle of the raging tearing boom­ of the lady and that of Mrs. Arey [the preceptress].^^ ing nineteenth century." Similar sentiment was expressed by the most important sport­ Not all extracurricular activities were ing journal of its day. The Spirit of the frowned upon. Literary and debating socie­ Times.^^ ties were in evidence at each of the early nor­ Baseball was an inexpensive sport requir­ mal schools and had the blessing of the school ing almost no equipment and was easily or­ presidents.^^ In addition to these societies, ganized, lending itself to the Wisconsin nor­ it was not unusual for graduates of the nor­ mal-school conditions. The average student mal course to give orations at their gradua­ could participate in a baseball game without tion ceremony. Church, YMCA, and YWCA painstaking preparation and be reasonably assured that he could not only enjoy a spirited game, but he could come out of the contest ^^ River Falls Normal School Catalogues, 1875- unscathed except for an occasional bruise. 1892, 1897, p. 28; Oshkosh Normal School Catalogue, Now and then, of course, a more serious acci­ 1893, p. 44. Even the faculty at River Falls did not smoke in the presence of the president as late dent might occur as it did to a young Mr. as the early 1900's. Taped interview, Rudolph A. Karges, May 23, 1963, Oral History Files, Area Re­ search Center, WSU-River Falls. ^^ George L. Collie and Hiram D. Densmore, Thom­ as C. Chamberlin and Rollin D. Salisbury (Madison, " River Falls Journal, May 15, 1879, April 26, May 1932), 58; Lewis H. Clark, "Reminiscences of the 10, 1883, June 2, 1887; Whitewater Register, May Faculty," in Albert Salisbury, First Quarter-Century 26, 1881, May 10, 1883, April 21, 1887. of the State Normal School at Whitewater 1868-1893 ^° Thomas Wentworth Higginson, "Saints and Their (Madison, 1893), 50. Bodies," in Atlantic Monthly, 1:593 (1858); Robert ^Oshkosh Northwestern, May 15, 1873; River H. Boyle, Sport-Mirror of American Life (Boston, Falls Journal, June 21, 1877; Grant County Witness, 1963), 17; Dulles, A History of Recreation, 191; April 20, 1877; Whitewater Register, January 21, John R. Belts, "Sporting Journalism in Nineteenth- 1888; Annual Report of the Superintendent of Public Century America," in American Quarterly, 'V:41 Instruction (Madison, 1868), 206. (Spring, 1953). WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971

Sullivan at River Falls Normal. In an intra­ The normal schools reflected the rise of school game Sullivan, attempting to catch a high-school education in Wisconsin. Oshkosh fly ball, misjudged the ball and it hit the Normal School in the 1889-1890 school year end of his fingers. One finger had to be contained only twenty-eight high-school grad­ amputated at the first joint.^^ For most, how­ uates in a school enrollment of over 500. ever, baseball was merely a happy diversion Eight years later there were 222 high-school from a rather strictly controlled social life. graduates out of 727 students. At Stevens Student life in America was generally rigid­ Point the number of high-school graduates ly supervised in the nineteenth century. West­ rose from thirty-four in its first year of the ern schools and colleges were patterned after school's existence in 1894 to ninety-seven two eastern institutions. If the student's freedom years later. Even then Stevens Point enrolled was restricted in terms of compulsory chapel, more ex-teachers than high-school graduates. controlled study hours, and prohibited drink­ At River Falls the student body was composed ing and smoking, it was likely that western col­ of something less than 50 per cent of high- leges would follow a similar pattern.^'' Like­ school graduates in the early 1900's.'^ wise, if athletics were to become important With the increased high-school-graduate en­ in the social life of the eastern colleges, an rollment in the normal schools a more homo­ analogous situation could be expected in the geneous student body resulted. The high- West. Athletics, by 1890, in the Wisconsin school graduates entering the normal schools normal schools were not a dominating force were forcing curricular and extracurricular in the social life of the schools, but the situa­ concessions from a system that had previously tion was about to change. Athletically, the been dominated by grade-school graduates, small, female-dominated normal schools of many of whom were teachers desiring further Wisconsin were in need of faculty or institu­ schooling.^" tional recognition and a transfusion of eastern Paralleling the increased number of high- college spirit in order to convert athletics school graduates attending the normal schools from a discontinuity to an established tradi­ was an increase in the ratio of women to men tion. in the schools. The normals had always been dominated by women. In 1871 about 40 per rpHE CHANGING CHARACTERISTICS of cent of Wisconsin normal-school students were -*- the student bodies of the Wisconsin nor­ men. Twenty years later less than one-third mal schools in the period from 1890 to 1910 of the student body was male. The same influenced not only the curricula, but the trend continued until the Inter-Normal Ath­ extracurricular activities as well. The change letic Conference of Wisconsin was organized resulted to a great extent from the multipli­ in 1913. In that year less than one-fourth of cation of high schools in these two decades. the normal-school students were men, while In Wisconsin the number of high schools in­ creased from seventy-seven in 1880 to 288 by 1910. High-school enrollment rose four­ fold in those same years. These figures cor­ tics of High Schools," in School Review, XXXVIH: respond to the growth pattern in the United 641 (November, 1920) ; Otis W. Caldwell, "An Ex­ States in the same period.^* perimental School," in Education, XXXVIII :694 (May, 1918). " The First Half Century of Oshkosh Normal School (Oshkosh, 1921), 19-20; Stevens Point Jour­ nal, July 27, 1895; Jesse H. Ames, "Reminiscences " River Falls Journal, May 10, 1888. of Jesse Hazen Ames," 36, in the Archives-Manu­ " Laurence R. Veysey, The Emergence of the scripts Division, State Historical Society of Wiscon­ American University (Chicago, 1965), 32-33, 67; sin. Henry S. Canby, Alma Mater: The Gothic Age of ^ Conrad E. Patzer, Public Education in Wiscon­ the American College (New York, 1936), xi; Fred­ sin (Madison, 1925), 170; Jesse H. Ames, The erick Rudolph, The American College and Univer­ River Falls Teachers College, 1874-1932 (River Falls, sity (New York, 1962), 104, 105; Henry W. Bragdon, 1932), 46-47; Ames, "Reminiscences," 36; Herrmann. Woodrow Wilson: The Academic Years (Cambridge, "The Rise of the Public Normal School System in Mass., 1967), 17. Wisconsin," 377; The First Half Century of Oshkosh "McKenny (ed.). Educational History of Wiscon­ Normal School, 19-20; Oshkosh State Teachers Col­ sin, 84; Merle Curti, The Growth of American lege, 1871-1946: 75th Anniversary Bulletin (Osh­ Thought (3rd ed., New York, 1964), 584; "Statis- kosh, 1946), 50. SMITH: ATHLETICS IN WISCONSIN

74 per cent of the students were high-school Railroads by 1890 connected all of the normal- graduates.^^ school cities.) Once contact between students A more homogeneous student body in age of the various normals was made there was and experience (while at the same time more rapid development of rivalries. In extracur­ feminine) created a demand for extracurricu­ ricular affairs, comparisons could be made lar activities. The extracurricular activities between the various institutions. After the which developed rapidly in the 1890's were first internormal contests, there was honor to not dominated by athletics, unlike the situa­ uphold among the normals. The force that tion in most colleges in the country in that brought them together may have been noth­ decade.^^ As the student composition of the ing more than the natural outgrowth of feel­ normal schools in terms of previous educa­ ing between institutions which held many com­ tion began to resemble that of the colleges, mon traits: student bodies similar in size and they began to imitate collegiate ways. The composition with common educational objec­ mid-nineties saw the normal schools of Wis­ tives. For the normal-school students who consin expanding debating and oratorical so­ were attempting to emulate collegiate ways, it cieties, starting student publications, and be­ was obviously more honorable to defeat a coming involved in internormal debates, ora­ sister normal school than a neighboring high torical, and athletic contests. Because the school which was the usual opponent. What­ student bodies were so heavily dominated by ever the force was that brought the schools young ladies it is not surprising that athletics together, it developed between 1894 and 1896. were not the predominant student activity. In less than two years the first internormal That athletics became as important as they contests were held in debate, oratory, and did in the 1890's and early 1900's probably athletics.^* reflects the influence that eastern and mid- In the final months of 1894 three important western colleges exerted upon the normal Wisconsin internormal extracurricular firsts schools in that period. The rise of various were noted: a movement began to organize types of intercollegiate or internormal con­ an oratorical association, Milwaukee and tests in the social life of normal-school students Whitewater met for their first internormal contributed to the development of athletics. debate, and Stevens Point and Oshkosh sched­ By 1895 each of the six normal schools had uled their first internormal athletic contest.^^ a baseball and a football team, with the These initial contacts between the Wisconsin probable exception of Milwaukee, a school normal schools likely stimulated further com­ overwhelmingly dominated by women.^"' Yet petitive contests and created enthusiasm with­ there had been no internormal contests in in the respective student bodies for more baseball or football or extracurricular con­ social intercourse. tests of any type between the various normals. Debate and oratory, which included men What was needed, apparently, was a force and women, were important to the growth of which would bring the schools together. internormal athletics; the competitive nature (Transportation was no longer a limiting fac­ of both debate and oratory stimulated natural tor as it had been in the 1870's and 1880's. rivalries and intensified both positive and negative feelings among the normals. When the Milwaukee debating team journeyed to

^ John W. Stearns (ed.), The Columbian History of Education in Wisconsin (Milwaukee, 1893), 274; A. N. Farmer, Conditions and Needs of Wisconsin Normal Schools (Madison, 1914), 108; Board of '^ Grant County Witness, November 28, 1894, Oc­ Regents Physical Training Committee—Athletic Sur­ tober 23, 1895, May 20, 1896; River Falls Journal, vey of 1913, in Athletic Correspondence, 1902-1940, December 10, 1896; Whitewater Register, December Series No. 56/4/1/1/14, Box 1, in the W.S.U.- 6, 1894, October 10, November 21, 1895, May 28, Whitewater Archives. 1896; The [Oshkosh Normal School] Normal Ad­ ^ Canby, Alma Mater, 35; Rudolph, The American vance, May-June, 1896, p. 105; Mary Bradford, College and University, 373-393; Veysey, The Emer­ "Memoirs of Mary D. Bradford," in the Wisconsin gence of the American University, 276-277. Magazine of History, 15:321-322 (March, 1932). ^The six were Platteville, 1866; Whitewater, 1868; '^ Grant County Witness, November 28, 1894; Oshkosh, 1871; River Falls, 1875; Milwaukee, 1885; Whitewater Register, December 6, 1894; The Nor­ and Stevens Point, 1894. mal Advance, September-October, 1894. WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971

SHSW—Van Schaick Collection Unidentified football team playing a game in the snow in the late 1890's or early 1900's.

Whitewater in 1894, thirty-five partisan stu­ Whitewater leading 8 to 4 when Whitewater's dents accompanied them, cheering and wav­ team questioned a referee's decision and ing flags for their team. After Platteville de­ walked off the field. Platteville merely started feated Whitewater in an 1896 debate, a White­ a play from scrimmage and scored, uncon­ water newspaper claimed a foul for choosing tested. Newspaper accounts revealed the in­ "partisan" Governor William H. Upham as tense rivalry which had already developed be­ one of the judges. "Only the most impartial tween these two schools. The Platteville ac­ conditions," the paper stated, "should sur­ count of the game charged that Whitewater round its [the debate's] final determination. had been indulging in slugging throughout Unless this rule is complied with, the inter- the game. "The Platteville boys," the account Normal debates will soon get their quietus." read, "found they had a team of pugilists to The controversy intensified as the Platteville contend with—so-called players, who having newspaper printed in full the Whitewater story been worsted in one previous football game in a front-page article.^^ by Platteville, and had been beaten in an The previous year, 1895, the Whitewater oratorical contest [and a debate] had evi­ football team had taken a train to Platteville dently made up their minds that they would for its first internormal football game. Al­ win this game by all means, fair or foul." though Whitewater was decisively beaten, 30 What made the contest even more disgusting to 0, there was a cordial relationship between from Platteville's point of view was that the the two teams and Whitewater reported they Whitewater players had refused to buy din­ were entertained in grand style. However, ners for the Platteville team following the when the two teams met in the fall of 1896 a game. The buying of dinners, they claimed, different relationship existed. Between the two was an accepted custom. The game was not games, Platteville had defeated Whitewater in entirely unrewarding. After the train ride debate and oratory and spirits were high for home the Platteville team was greeted by an the second meeting of the two football teams. enthusiastic crowd, taken to the gymnasium for The second game was a close contest with a reception, and finally honored at the local hotel.2'

" Whitewater Register, December 6, 1894, May 14, ^ Whitewater Register, October 17, 1895, Novem­ 1896; Grant County Witness, May 20, 1896. ber 5, 1896; Grant County Witness, November 4, 1896.

10 SMITH : ATHLETICS IN WISCONSIN

Internormal contests were becoming im­ spectator delegation from not only the host portant—important enough to raise the ire school, but from Platteville and Whitewater of the Whitewater players after they read the as well. Cheering, as at modern basketball Platteville account of the game. The White­ or football games, was in evidence. The fol­ water team's rejoinder was printed in the lowing year the oratorical competition was Platteville newspaper and the article com­ won by Whitewater's football captain. When peted with the 1896 McKinley-Bryan election he returned from the contest, "the immense results for front-page coverage. In it, the crowd that had gathered at the station broke Whitewater players repudiated the fighting into a mighty cheer, and the noise of horns charge, attributing many of the Platteville and other instruments of welcome was deafen­ injuries to lack of face protection. They de­ ing." A parade followed with the winner be­ nied that they had treated the Platteville ing placed upon a float and pulled through players discourteously. They had not only town.^" welcomed the team at the rail station, but In debate as in oratory student enthusiasm the wife of the president of Whitewater had was a sign of school spirit. The Oshkosh de­ given them a reception. The precedent for bating team defeated Stevens Point in 1899. providing an after-game dinner, they said, The victorious team was welcomed in Oshkosh had not been set by Platteville the previous and the scene recorded in a student's diary: year.^* Hadn't much more than gotten to sleep Fri­ day night when I was awakened by a great TNTERNORMAL DEBATE AND ORATORY shout all along the street. The boys were •'• did more than intensify rivalries which announcing the victory of our boys at the carried over into athletics. These activities Stevens Point debate. There was a great helped to develop the individual school's time this afternoon [Saturday]. A hack esprit de corps. In 1904 the Stevens Point was draped in red, yellow and purple and Normal newspaper pointed out that school pulled by forty boys down to the depot to spirit was built around extracurricular activi­ bring the victors home. They were carried ties—"the Oratorical Contests, the School De­ on the boys' shoulders. President and all, marched all over town [, from] there up bates, and the Athletics are of most vital im­ to the gym where there were speeches.''' portance." As soon as internormal debates and oratorical contests began, victorious en­ The Milwaukee Normal School yearbook counters brought out student enthusiasm which devoted seven pages to an article titled, "The had previously been dormant. It would ap­ Trip to Oshkosh, and How the Contest Was pear that celebrations for debate and oratory Won." It was not detailing an athletic event, winners, both men and women, were even but rather the Wisconsin Inter-Normal Ora­ greater than those given to conquering ath- torical Contest won by the 1900 Milwaukee letes.29 orator.^^ When an Oshkosh orator won the 1896 Not only was school spirit raised by debat­ Inter-State Normal Oratorical contest at War- ing and oratory contests, but more important­ rensburg, Missouri, he returned as a conquer­ ly for the development of athletics, these ac­ ing hero. The winner was paraded from the tivities promoted internormal athletics. The rail station to the normal school in a car­ Oshkosh debaters met the Whitewater team riage decorated with the school colors. The in a "long anticipated debate" in the spring 1897 Wisconsin Inter-Normal Oratorical Con­ of 1897. A sidelight to the debate, but not test held at Oshkosh was attended by a large

^ Grant County Witness, November 11, 1896. ^ The [Stevens Point Normal School] Normal TAe Normal Advance, May-June, 1896, p. 105, Pointer, October 15, 1904; Rudolph A. Karges, April, 1897, p. 73; Whitewater Scrapbook, 1897-1898, "Reminiscences—My Life Story," 28, in the W.S.U.- Vol. I, Series No. 56/4/1/3/3, W.S.U.-Whitewater River Falls Archives; Milton Longhorn (ed.), Dur­ Archives. ing Seventy-Five Years: A History of the State ^ Diary, May 20, 1899, in the Louise Bailey Papers, Teachers College, Platteville, Wisconsin, 1866-1941 Box 1, Oshkosh/Mss/AH W.S.U.-Oshkosh Archives. (Milwaukee 1941), 68; The Normal Advance, Oc­ ^The Echo [Milwaukee Normal School Yearbook], tober, 1898, p. 54. 1900, pp. 188-194.

11 Univ. Archives W.S.U.—Whitewat A 1915 reception, complete with marching band, welcomes visitors to the Inter­ normal Oratorical Contest at Whitewater. to the growth of internormal athletics, was a cording to historian Allan Nevins, were often baseball game between the Oshkosh and White­ part of annual oratorical contests.3* Not only water teams. Athletic teams participating as were athletic events held in conjunction with, part of debate and oratory contests was not they were also promoted by the Inter-State uncommon after the mid-1890's. Generally Oratorical League of State Normal Schools. an athletic contest was associated with the an­ The Wisconsin normal schools belonged to nual Inter-Normal Oratorical Contest. In 1899 this league, along with normals from Illinois, Oshkosh organized a basketball team so that Iowa, Kansas, and Missouri. The 1899-1900 it could properly act as host school for the league constitution contained a resolution en­ oratorical contest. Although oratory had been couraging internormal athletics: the stimulus for a basketball team, the plans were changed and the Oshkosh and Milwau­ Whereas it is not the purpose or intention kee schools played a baseball game prelimi­ of the League to make Athletics a feature of their work, yet the League desires to en­ nary to the oratorical contest. In 1905 a courage any movement in the direction of basketball game was played prior to the ora­ friendly contests in sports of recognized tions, and the first official internormal basket­ merit by the members of the different State ball title game was played as "an incident of Associations. Be it Resolved, That the State the state internormal oratorical contest" in Association where the annual Inter-State 1913.33 Contest is to be held, be requested to elect Athletic contests connected with oratorical an athletic Manager, whose duty shall be to arrange for such athletic contests, and sports competitions were not unique to Wisconsin to take place in conjunction with the Ora­ and the normal schools. Baseball games, ac­ torical Contest. . . .3^

*> Whitewater Register, June 10, 1897; The Nor­ ^ Allan Nevins, Illinois (New York, 1917), 131. mal Advance, November, 1899, p. 44; The Echo, ^ Constitution of the Inter-State Oratorical League 1900, p. 188; The Normal Pointer, April 15, 1905, of State Normal Schools, 1899-1900, in the Presi­ p. 90; Oshkosh Daily Northwestern, March 28, 1913, dential Correspondence With Faculty, 1900-1905, p. 12. Series No. 56/10/1/1, W.S.U.-Stevens Point Archives.

12 SMITH: ATHLETICS IN WISCONSIN

The Oratorical League was quick to note that the resolution was not meant to imply financial aid to foster athletics. The Inter- State Oratorical League sponsored both base­ ball games and track meets for some years after 1900.^^ Eventually interest in internormal oratorical contests began to wane as that in athletics waxed. This change occurred some­ what later in the Wisconsin normal schools ^fel**^"^ than in colleges in America, a condition pos­ sibly resulting from the high percentage of women in the normal schools. Had there been no internormal debates or oratorical contests the growth of internormal athletics would nevertheless have occurred. Society's Iconographic Collections It is likely, however, the development would An Oshkosh Normal School student leads the hun­ have been slower. Literary contests were dred-yard dash at an athletic meet in De Kalb, Illi­ nois, June, 1903. backed by the presidents and faculties, and any activity connected with the more tradi­ organized by the men of the school in 1894. tional extracurricular activities was more They chose as president, interestingly, one of likely to win official support. their professors. At Whitewater, around 1900, "the faculty appointed an advisor but we 1%/rORE than moral support was necessary students ran the business." A similar situa­ ^^•^ to carry out a successful internormal tion was found at River Falls in the first athletic program, and so athletic associations, decade of the twentieth century."* patterned after similar organizations in the The normal-school athletic association as­ colleges, assumed the primary responsibility sumed various responsibilities. One of its for the growth of athletics and the promotion chief tasks was to finance the athletic teams of contests. The athletic associations sprang that it chose to sponsor. Financing became up in the Wisconsin normal schools in the vitally important after the costly sport of 1890's about the same time football was being football was introduced. The association also introduced. Whitewater, the first normal with elected one of its own members to manage a football team, had the first athletic associa­ each of the teams. Generally this meant a tion in 1891. Milwaukee was the last school manager for football, baseball, or track, and to organize an athletic association, 1897, as for basketball when that sport made its ap­ it was the last to form a football team."'' pearance around 1900.^^ In addition the as­ The athletic association was structured sociation scheduled games, hired and paid around student direction and control. At coaches, and in general attempted to further Stevens Point the athletic association was the interests of athletics. Finances were always a major considera­ tion for the athletic association. Gate receipts and association dues in the two decades after ™ The Normal Advance, May, 1900, p. 150, May, 1903, p. 179, May, 1904, p. 219. 1890 seldom kept athletics out of debt. It was '"Whitewater Register, October 1, 1891; Charles M. Gleason, "Physical Training at Whitewater," in Salisbury, First Quarter Century of the State Nor­ mal School, Whitewater, 87; The Echo, 1897, p. 151; ^ Henry D. Sheldon, Student Life and Customs The Normal Pointer, June, 1896, p. 69; Stevens Point (New York, 1901), 248; The Normal Pointer, June, State Normal Catalogue, 1897, p. 14; The Normal 1896, p. 69; R. Dale Schallert, "A History of Inter­ Advance, September-October, 1894, p. 13; Grant collegiate Eootball at Wisconsin State University, County Witness, November 14, 1894; River Falls Stevens Point, 1894-1964," (Master's thesis, Winona Journal, April 18, 1895. Stout Institute, a member State College, Winona, Minn., 1966), 8; Stevens of the conference in 1916, organized an athletic asso­ Point Gazette, May 29, 1895; Karges, "Reminis­ ciation in 1906. Walker D. Wyman (ed.), History cences," 14, 27-28. of the Wisconsin State Universities (River Falls, '^ Karges, "Reminiscences," 27-28; Ames, "Remi­ 1968), 244. niscences of Jesse Hazen Ames," 23.

13 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971 up to the athletic association to figure out financial problems. In 1910 President Albert some other way to balance the accounts. This Salisbury wrote to the newspaper editor of was often accomplished by sponsoring a varie­ the University of Utah asking him how Utah ty of activities such as socials, dances, con­ supported athletics. The editor's reply pro­ certs, or minstrel shows. Student and town do­ vided a financial solution which was eventually nations were solicited. At times, student-facul­ used by all of the Wisconsin normal schools ty baseball or basketball games were sponsored and by many colleges throughout America— to provide funds for the athletic association. a student activity fee.*^ In such cases it was common for the senior Because of the continuous unstability of class to challenge the faculty. One such chal­ financial support for athletics, the existence lenge read: "We, the people of the Senior of any one team sport was uncertain from one class, in order to uphold former records, year to the next. This was especially true of preserve ancient customs, build up a vigorous the spring sports, baseball and track. By spring physical constitution, arouse a common inter­ the indebtedness or fear of indebtedness by the est, and replenish the treasury of the Athletic members of the athletic association often made Association, do hereby challenge the faculty the support of either baseball or track proble­ of the Oshkosh Normal School to a game of matical. In the spring of 1901, after the foot­ baseball." The Oshkosh faculty accepted the ball and basketball receipts had paid all ex­ challenge, basing its decision upon the "de­ penses, the Stevens Point school newspaper sire to foster manly physical sports" and an asked if it was wise to go into debt for track interest in the athletic association "whose or baseball. Football, too, was jeopardized. treasury lies low in the dust.'""" The faculty In 1898 the editor of the Oshkosh Normal won 27 to 7. newspaper lamented the lack of support at However, these methods of financing ath­ football games. One game, he noted, showed letics were not completely successful. For a gate receipts of less than $20 and at a time time the Whitewater faculty was assessed a when the normal school contained more than certain percentage of their salary to benefit 500 students. In a serious tone the editor athletics. In 1908 the faculty assessment was stated that "it is a discredit to a great edu­ 2 per cent of one month's salary. This was cational institution not to have a good athletic raised to 2^2 per cent in 1909. Again in 1911 team. Shall we give the Athletic Association a 2 per cent levy on one month's salary was the support it deserves, or shall we allow our­ assessed upon a faculty that was none too af­ selves to be ranked as a back number?" The fluent. Precedent for a faculty levy for extra­ next year the Oshkosh athletic association curricular activities had been set in 1907 when reported a balance in the treasury, "something 1 per cent of one month's salary was assessed unprecedented in its history."'*^ to provide the band with transportation to the As problems beset the athletic associations oratorical contest. Faculty assessment was ob­ of the normals the nature and function of viously not a long-term solution to athletic the organizations changed. When they began they were predominately student controlled. In time, faculty and townspeople were called in to help financially. A natural result of " The Normal Advance, September-October, 1894, p. 11, May, 1902, pp. 189-191, March, 1903, p. 118, this was that interested outsiders and faculty May, 1903, p. 193, June, 1904, p. 246, April, 1906, p. 183; Whitewater Register, February 21, 1901, November 19, 1903; Karges "Reminiscences," 14; Stevens Point Athletic Association Financial Report, "Faculty Minutes, 1907-1912, 1:8, 34, 80, 154, 1908, in Presidential Administrative Correspondence, Series No. 56/4/3/1/1, W.S.U.-Whitewater Archives. 1908-1931, Series No. 56/10/1/1/2, W.S.U.-Stevens It was noted in the Minneiska (Whitewater Year­ Point Archives; President J. W. Livingston, Platte­ book), 1908, p. 79, that faculty contributed |75 for ville, to President Albert Salisbury, Whitewater, Sep­ new football uniforms. F. A. Johnson, Salt Lake tember 18, 1908, in President's Letters Received, City, to Salisbury, February 9, 1910, in President's 1899-1912, Series No. 56/4/1/1/2, Box 3, W.S.U.- Letters Received, 1899-1912, Series No. 56/4/1/1/2, Whitewater Archives; The [Whitewater Normal Box 3, "J," W.S.U.-Whitewater Archives. School] Royal Purple, June, 1902, p. 19; Whitewater " The Normal Advance, March, 1906, pp. 157-158, Scrapbook, 1900, 111:102-103, Series No. 56/4/1/3/3, October, 1898, p. 21, September, 1899, p. 14; The W.S.U.-Whitewater Archives; Grant County News, Normal Pointer, March 15, 1900, p. 66, April 15, May 7, 1902. 1901, p. 190.

14 SMITH: ATHLETICS IN WISCONSIN began to gain partial control over athletics. The faculty, especially, became more and more involved as problems of released time for travel, eligibility requirements, and financial instability affected the operation of the school. r'is '4t ^ 'W. J*^; • '. The schools followed the general college WW- *• • 1- T .' --^ . ?*'*' f pattern of less student control over athletics. The athletic association was not necessarily replaced, but a new organization, the athletic committee, was introduced to give nonstudents, usually faculty, some power in determining athletic policy. The continual financial defi­ cit, problems of athletic eligibility, questions of scheduling and travel arrangements, dis­ putes over officials and game rules, and the hiring of professional coaches and players all played a part in bringing about adult control z^- • over the athletic program of the normal Univ. Archives W.s.U.—Vvhitewatcr schools. The trend has continued to the pres­ A faculty-senior class baseball game being played in ent. In the 1970's, students are represented on 1900 at Whitewater Normal School. Played for the each athletic committee of the nine Wisconsin benefit of the Athletic Association, the game netted about $35 and was won by the seniors, 26-13. State University institutions, but their posi­ tion is a minority one in each instance.*^ fall sport in colleges from coast to coast.** As the Wisconsin normal schools became part rpHE DEVELOPMENT of football and bas- of the college athletic milieu of the nineteenth -*- ketball and the resultant hiring of pro­ century, they too formed teams. With the fessional coaches was instrumental in the rise advent of football there was a need at times of athletics in the Wisconsin normal schools for an arnica type of treatment for bruises in the 1890's and early 1900's. As the new and sprains; at times the intense rivalry and century dawned the normal schools developed partisanism of a heated game led to near the major team sports which changed little anarchy. for the first half of the twentieth century. Football, American style, was always a Football dominated, basketball was emerging rough sport. It became more so as techniques as the key winter sport, while baseball, which for winning kept ahead of rule changes de­ was gradually becoming less important, com­ signed to prevent dangerous or "brutal" play. peted with track as the spring sport. A description of football safety equipment Football, a River Falls newspaper warned has been given by Mary D. Bradford, a noted in 1894, will mean "arnica if not anarchy in Wisconsin educator and professor at Stevens this peaceful hamlet." River Falls Normal, Point Normal. In 1895 her son began playing like each of the other normal schools, had on the Stevens Point Normal football team at formed a football team in the 1890's. A dec­ the age of fifteen. Mrs. Bradford allowed him ade before they had been challenged by Ham- to participate, but not before she made sure line University of St. Paul, Minnesota, to a he had the best protective equipment available. football game, but, as they had no team, they Among the pieces of equipment obtained were had had to decline. By the early 1890's, how­ a "pair of silk and rubber, tight-fitting knee ever, football was becoming the acclaimed caps to protect knee joints not yet well knit; a rather conspicuous green-colored pair of hose, designed to help in the identification of

"River Falls Journal, October 18, 1894, May 10, 1883; Belts, "Organized Sport in Industrial America," *°Fred Jacoby, Commissioner of Athletics, Madi­ 253. Arnica is a medicinal plant extract for treat­ son, to author, September 9, 1970. ment of sprains and bruises.

15 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971

padded, sheathed, sheeted and buried up in such an infinitude of traps and wrap­ pages,—shin, mouth and ear guards, nose and head-guards, and Heaven knows what of paraphernalia besides,—built, stitched and rivetted, of rubber, leather, canvas and cotton-batting, that they need ticketing for identification; the whole surmounted by a shag of hair that looked like a dog-skin doormat after you've wiped your feet on it; on the whole a very rum-looking lot,—a very rum-looking lot indeed. The "old-Timer," despite his vituperations, saw the direction that football, the most im­ portant of the normal-school sports, was tak­ ing. While he preferred the old game he never­ theless concluded his letter stating that two factors improved the quality of football: in­ creased modern armor and the introduction of coaching.*^ Basketball, the second most important sport in the normal schools after it was introduced, needed little armor, but it eventually con­ tributed to professional coaching. Basketball, which was to become the first official confer­ Society's Iconographic Collections ence sport, became a popular athletic event A 1903 portrait of Miss Mary C. Allerton, director of within a decade after it was devised by James physical training at Stevens Point Normal, where she was especially instrumental in promoting the Naismith in Springfield, Massachusetts, in popularity of basketball among both boys and girls. 1891. Probably no sport won faster recogni­ tion by both men and women. Surprisingly, legs." At first Mrs. Bradford attended the women began playing basketball before men Stevens Point games so that she could be did in many of the nation's colleges. It was close by in case her " 'green stockings' might true also in some of the normal schools, where be carried prone off the field." Although women organized teams as soon as, or before, she stated that the "green stockings always the men.*^ Not long after, girls were playing came out of those dreadful melees safe and outside teams. right end up," she need not have been overly Basketball was so popular with the women worried during the first year of her son's at Oshkosh that one young man summed up participation because he never played in a his feelings in the poem, "A Valentine to a game."*^ Other parents were undoubtedly as Basketball Girl." concerned as was Mrs. Bradford, and there Will you be my valentine? was an increase in quantity and quality of Or, alas! have I a rival? athletic equipment in football. If it's the game of basket ball The change in the quantity of football equip­ Then all my hopes I stifle. ment was illustrated in a letter to the editor by an ex-Whitewater football player. The let­ ter was critical of excessive equipment worn ^° Bradford, "Memoirs of Mary D. Bradford," in by players in 1899 in comparison to that worn the Wisconsin Magazine of History, XV:322 (March, 1932) ; The Normal Pointer, December, 1895. Young no more than a decade before. The Whitewater Bradford did play by 1897 as a substitute and was a Normal team was characterized as the starting halfback in 1898. " Whitewater Register, October 12, 1899. queerest looking crew I've seen in many a •" The Normal Advance, November-December, 1896, p. 34; I. N. Mitchell (ed.). Quarter Centenary of day; harnessed and helmeted, welted, belted, the Milwaukee State Normal School (Milwaukee, strapped and buckled beyond recognition; 1911), 21; River Falls Journal, December 3, 1901.

16 The Stevens Point Normal School football team in 1897. Mrs. Mary D. Brad­ ford's well-padded and green-stockinged son is shown in the circle.

In 1898, basketball was played by both men at that time.*^ As there were no men physical and women, but it was claimed "it is more training instructors until 1912, it is likely a ladies' game." The following year a men's that some of the men students turned to the team was organized at Oshkosh and coached woman physical training instructor for leader­ by a woman who evidently wanted a well- ship in the new game of basketball. disciplined team. Her coaching philosophy It did not take long before basketball be­ was based on the "plan carried out in all the came extremely popular with the men of larger colleges of the country." She stated the normals and they began to dominate the that at "the first indication of indifferent or sport. Milwaukee Normal in 1895 was the poor playing on the part of one of the 'regu­ first to organize a men's basketball team. By lars' his place will be filled by one of the 1901 Oshkosh, Superior, Stevens Point, Platte­ 'scrubs.'" At Platteville a woman coached ville, and River Falls had teams. In the early both men's and women's basketball in 1903.*** 1900's basketball became so popular that a It is possible that a woman was the most Platteville student believed that it "bids fair qualified person to introduce and coach nor­ to rival football and baseball in the near mal-school basketball around the turn of the future." By 1912 a decision was made to century. Each of the normal schools had a have an internormal basketball championship. woman physical training instructor. A num­ The same year, the presidents informally ber of them were trained in the East and agreed to prohibit women's internormal bas- probably had come in contact with the game

" The Normal Advance, November-December, 1896, "Stevens Point Gazette, August 1, 1894; "Prospec­ p. 54, December, 1898, p. 61, November, 1899, p. 49; tus of the Superior State Normal School, 1896," in Longhorn (ed.). During Seventy-Five Years: A His­ the State Historical Society of Wisconsin; The tory of the State Teachers College, Platteville, 41. Normal Advance, March, 1899, p. 128.

17 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971

fessional coach was heard in the normal schools. A paid coach was considered more impor­ tant for football and basketball than for either baseball or track. This may have resulted from the need in football and basketball, both teamwork-demanding sports, for someone who could prevent dissention. It was also likely that football and basketball were becoming the prestige sports and winning a basketball or football game became more important than winning in track or baseball. The normal schools by the mid-nineties were influenced by the trend to hire coaches which had been developed at eastern colleges in the 1870's and 1880's.^^ The desire to win in­ fluenced the normal-school athletic associa­ Univ. Arclnves W.S.U.—Whitewater tions to engage experienced ex-players to help Whitewater Normal School football team in 1899. coach their teams. There was no question that the employing of coaches caused financial ketball games.^^ Although this was not strict­ embarrassment to the debt-ridden athletic as­ ly enforced, it generally left outside games sociations. The lack of winning teams, how­ and internormal contests to the men. As had ever, created greater discomfort. Football occurred in football, the rise of basketball in coaches were the first to be hired. The ath­ letic association often gained the services of the normal schools was influenced by play a coach for only the period before the first at eastern and midwestern colleges. College game. After the team had been drilled by basketball aroused normal-school student in­ the coach, he departed, leaving the team under terest in the game. As in football, former the direction of the elected captain. players from the larger colleges stimulated play by passing on their knowledge to normal- Oshkosh Normal hired an ex-Ripon College school teams.^^ Soon a demand for the pro- player as coach in 1894. In both 1895 and 1896 Stevens Point obtained J. E. Raycroft from the University of Chicago to coach the football team for one week prior to the open­ ing game. In mid-season, 1896, during the week prior to the important Stevens Point- '* Mitchell (ed.). Quarter Centenary of the Mil­ waukee Normal School, 21; The Echo, 1896, p. 117; Whitewater game, the businessmen of Stevens The Normal Advance, January-February, 1897, p. Point hired a former Williams College player, 59; Superior Normal School Catalogue, 1897, p. 15; attending the University of Chicago, to coach The Normal Pointer, January, 1898, p. 46; Grant County News, December 12, 1900; River Falls Jour­ the team. He accompanied the team to White­ nal, December 3, 1901; Oak Leaves [Platteville Nor­ water and saw his team win 12 to 10.^^ mal Yearbook], 1907, p. 78; President W. J. Suther­ land, Platteville, to President A. H. Yoder, White­ Platteville in 1896 acquired the coaching water, January 10. 1913, in President's General Cor­ services of J. F. A. Pyre, a five-year football respondence, 1912-1920, Series No. 56/4/1/1/3, Box 4, "N-Z," W.S.U.-Whitewater Archives. veteran from the University of Wisconsin. ^^ The Normal Pointer, December, 1895, p. 8, re­ ported that basketball was receiving much attention in various eastern and western colleges, the Uni­ versity of Wisconsin in particular. The Normal Ad­ vance, January-February, 1897, p. 59. The Yale Col­ ^^ Eugene L. Richards, "College Athletics," in lege basketball team made an extensive trip to the Popular Science Monthly, XXIV:592 (March, 1884) ; West in 1899. A Fond du Lac Team, one of whose Betts, "Organized Sport in Industrial America," 89. members was also on the Oshkosh Normal team, ^' Oshkosh State Teachers College, 75th Anniver­ defeated them. See R. B. Hyatt, "Basketball," in sary Bulletin, 1946, p. 51; The Normal Pointer, N.C.A.A. Proceedings, 111:47-48 (1909) ; The Nor­ December, 1896, p. 91. Raycroft became a faculty mal Advance, November, 1899, p. 54, January, 1900, leader of athletics at Princeton University in the p. 92. eariy 1900's.

18 SMITH : ATHLETICS IN WISCONSIN

Because of his busy coaching schedule he could only spend one day a week at Platte­ ville. Whitewater had a professional football coach as early as 1895 who trained the team for "an hour a day for several weeks." They had another coach three years later when they W met and were defeated by the University of Wisconsin. Like some of the other normal- school athletic associations around the turn of the century, Whitewater hired coaches from the University of Chicago or the University of Wisconsin.^* Without a professional coach a team ran a greater risk of team demoralization through the loss of a key player, continuous losing, or team factionalism. Team dissolution in football was a common occurrence before coaches were employed regularly. The cap­ tain of the 1897 River Falls team dislocated his elbow in a football scrimmage. "No one," the local paper noted, "could charge them with lack of courage if they disbanded.'""^ No other River Falls games were reported that year. Injuries, however, were not the usual rea­ son for quitting in the middle of the season. The 1897 Oshkosh football team disintegrated after the first few weeks of practice. The team was reorganized only after the stirring speech­ es of two interested faculty members. After the six-game schedule was completed one writer commented that the early season prob­ lems resulted from the lack of school sup­ port, poor material, and the absence of a coach. Following Oshkosh's initial defeat in Society's Iconogiaphic Collections the 1899 season, they hired an ex-Beloit foot­ Two of the earliest full-time football ches. ball player to coach the team. The new coach (Above) J. F. A. Pyre, a University of Wisconsin was credited with engendering team spirit and varsity veteran who coached at Platteville in 1896 and later taught in the UW English department for teamwork after Ripon College was held to a over forty years and also wrote a history of the 12 to 12 tie. Either the coach or the spirit did University; and (below) Bert Swenson, an ex- not last long, for the season ended with only Princeton athlete who coached at River Falls. one win, and that was over a weak Milwaukee Normal team. There were numerous examples citing the need for coaches in the other nor­ mal schools. One writer for a school news­ " Grant County Witness, October 14, 1896; Richard paper summed up what was a common belief: D. Gamble, From Academy to University, 1866-1966: A History of Wisconsin State University, Platteville, "No team without coaching," he stated, "can Wisconsin (Platteville, 1966), 220; Whitewater Re­ stand against a coached team of equal ma­ gister, October 3, 1895; newspaper clipping in terial strength."^° Whitewater Scrapbook, 1897-1898, 1:146, Series No. 56/4/1/3/3, W.S.U.-Whitewater Archives; Karges, "Reminiscences," 14. Pyre later became prominent in faculty control of the University of Wisconsin athletics. Pat O'Dea, Wisconsin's famed kicker TAe Normal Advance, October, 1897, p. 20, De­ starred in the Whitewater defeat, 22-0. Karges at­ cember, 1897, p. 60; October, 1899, pp. 31-32, No­ tended Whitewater Normal in 1899 and 1900. vember, 1899, p. 70; The Normal Pointer, Novem­ " River Falls Journal, October 28, 1897. ber 15, 1901, p. 20.

19 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971

In 1912, after the passage of a state law those who think there is still room for some requiring the normal schools to provide train­ profitable work and study in the Universi­ ing in physical education and playground in­ ties and Colleges. To my mind the football struction, the normal-school presidents de­ has lowered the morals and ideals of our cided to hire full-time athletic coaches, euphe­ higher institutions as much as would rec­ ognized prize fighting and horse racing. mistically calling them directors of physical culture and playground management."'^ The Evidently others in the normal schools did presidents had good reason for hiring full- not feel as strongly as did Brier; football con­ time coaches if the money was available. First, tinued to be played. One of the reasons seemed a winning football or basketball team would to be that the presidents believed effeminacy tend to bring attention to that school. Second, of the schools was a worse evil than question­ and likely more important, by developing a able practices in football.^* sound athletic program, with adult leadership, President Brier, who most wanted to see there might be a greater tendency for men to football abolished, reported in 1908 that the enroll in the normal schools. The issue of masculine element was decreasing in most virility of normal schools was important, and normal schools in the country. President the presidents used it to develop a stronger J. A. H. Keith of Oshkosh observed the same athletic program which eventually led to the tendency. Commenting on the Wisconsin nor­ formation of the Inter-Normal Athletic Con­ mal schools, he stated that "either we shall ference of Wisconsin, forerunner of the Wis­ become female seminaries ... or we shall be­ consin State University Conference. come strong, virile, vigorous institutions. . . ." President Cotton of the new La Crosse Nor­ npHE EARLY 1900's saw a decreasing en- mal was also concerned. He saw "no reason -*- rollment of men in the Wisconsin normal why normal schools should be so feminized schools—only about one of every four stu­ as the schools in some states are in danger dents. At the same time that educators were of becoming." "Masculine virility," wrote becoming concerned that teacher training in­ President Sutherland of Platteville Normal, stitutions were becoming devirilized, thus pos­ "should be found more often in the school sibly leading one to support manly athletics, room." Sutherland's predecessor claimed that there was a national collegiate movement to "young men in the normal classes gives vigor reform or abolish the leading, and possibly and virility" to the school. He, like others, most vigorous, collegiate sport—football. Na­ charged that too large a proportion of women tionally the issues were the questionable ethics teachers leads to the feminization of youth.^^ surrounding football and the increase in bru­ tal play. Even one of the normal-school presi­ ^W. J. Brier to Charles R. Van Hise, January 9, dents, Warren Judson Brier of River Falls, 1906, quoted in Curti and Carstensen, The University advocated abolishing the game. He wrote to of Wisconsin, 11:538. At Whitewater Normal School President Charles R. Van Hise of the Uni­ football was dropped in 1905 and 1906 because of lack of men and poor prospects. The Royal Purple, versity of Wisconsin in 1906: .September, 1905. National educators, too, believed that a lack of virility threatened the schools. See Professionalism has so saturated the game Charles De Garmo (annotations), in John Frederich that it has become a stench in the nostrils Herbart, Outlines of Educational Doctrine (New York, 1901), 188; G. Stanley Hall, Educational of the more sober and conservative people. Problems (New York, 1911), 1:245, 251, 620; G. The coaches have dictated terms and rules, Stanley Hall, "Student Customs," in American An­ and their own interests, and there has been tiquarian Society Proceedings, New Series, XIV:91 a strong following of the sporting element (1900-1901); Henry S. Curtis, "Physical Training in Normal Schools," in American Physical Education which has over-ridden the thoughtful and Review, XIX:94-112 (1914) ; John H. Gardiner, Harvard (New York, 1914), 59; Veysey, The Emer­ gence of the American University, 278. ^° Board of Regents Reports, August 31, 1908, p. 115; Keith to the Brethren [presidents of the normal °' For a more complete account see Ronald A. schools], July 2, 1912, in President's General Cor­ Smith, "From Normal School to State University: respondence, 1912-1920, Series No. 56/4/1/1/3, Box A History of the Wisconsin State University Confer­ 14, "N-Z" W.S.U.-Whitewater Archives; Board of ence" (Ph.D. dissertation. University of Wisconsin, Regents Reports, 1912-1914, p. 37, 1908-1910, p. 28, 1969). 112.

20 SMITH: ATHLETICS IN WISCONSIN

What was the answer to the declining num­ ber of male teachers and dwindling enrollment of men in the normal schools? Although there was not universal agreement, a large number of educators would have agreed with Platte­ ville Normal's President John W. Livingston, who wrote in 1908 that the encouragement of clean athletics will draw and hold in a normal school the more vig­ orous type of young men. These are the sort that may be developed into manly teachers for the public school. The fre­ quent calls for young men capable of direct­ ing high school athletics and the willingness of the school authorities to pay such a per­ son one hundred dollars additional salary indicate the wisdom of encouraging in nor­ mal schools this feature of vigorous modern school life. A notice in the Whitewater Normal news­ paper emphasized the same point. It gave this advice to the girls of the school: "Uphold the Foot Ball Team and you will contribute indirectly to 'the attraction' that keeps the boys in the Normal." Meanwhile other presi­ Society's Iconographic Collections dents joined the push for greater involvement John W. Livingston, president of Platteville Normal, ivho favored a stronger athletic program to attract by the Board of Regents in a stronger athletic more male students. program.^" The support of an athletic program by the agriculture, and physical education would presidents and the Board of Regents was only draw a more virile element to the normal one method of increasing the male enrollment schools. Still others saw the value of a two- of the schools. At the same time that the year liberal arts course as a means of attract­ presidents were calling for increased support ing and holding men students.®'^ and financial aid from the Board of Regents The presidential discourse on virility did for athletics, they were requesting a normal- bring before the Board of Regents arguments school course for the preparation of high- for the promotion of athletics and for the school teachers. This, some felt, would attract expansion of the curriculum to encourage the men to the normals. Others believed that the enrollment of male students. When the state organization of "special departments," such legislature acted in 1911 to make physical as industrial education, commercial education. education mandatory in the public schools and instructed the normal schools to provide teacher preparation in physical education and playground management, the Board of Re- ""Board of Regents, Reports, 1906-1908, p. 100: 1908-1910, p. 112; The Royal Purple, October, 1904: "President V. E. McCaskill's Report," in Board of Regents Proceedings, June 26, 1907, p. 21; "Presi­ '^ Board of Regents Proceedings, June 26, 1907, pp. dent J. W. Livingston's Report," in ibid., 15; "Presi­ 15, 21, June 28, 1907, p. 9; Board of Regents Reports, dent John F. Sims' Report," in Board of Regents 1908-1910, p. 28; 1910-1912, p. 45; 1912-1914, p. Reports, 1910-1912, p. 45; "President W. J. Suther­ 35, 37, 39; Board of Regents, Bulletin of the Wis­ land's Report," in ibid., August 31, 1910, p. 29; consin Normal Schools, 1914-1915, 11:11 (May, Livingston to Salisbury, September 18, 1908; Presi­ 1914), in the W.S.U.-Superior Vault (Archives); dent Charles McKenney, Milwaukee, to Salisbury, The Normal Advance, December, 1913, p. 103, May, December 13, 1907, both in President's Letters Re­ 1914, p. 247; Whitewater Register, August 29, 1913; ceived, 1899-1912, Series No. 56/1/1/2, Box 3, Keith to the Brethern, July 2, 1912; McKenny (ed.). W.S.U.-Whitewater Archives; McKenny (ed.), Edu­ Educational History of Wisconsin, 262; Wyman (ed.), cational History of Wisconsin, 262. History of the Wisconsin State Universities, 208.

21 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971 gents of the normal schools directed that "a cision in 1912 to organize a league and the man be employed on the faculty of each nor­ formalizing of it the following year may have mal school especially qualified to do work had an effect upon the rising male enrollment in Physical Training, Playground manage­ which followed. Whether the normal schools ment and the coaching of athletics, and who of Wisconsin became more virile is not clear; shall devote his entire time to such work. . . ."^- at least it was no longer a leading issue. The presidents soon began a search for quali­ What does seem to be clear is that the action fied men in physical education, playground of hiring a full-time coach and creating a management, and, most important, coaching. conference brought a stability in athletics Although the force behind the creation of a that had been lacking since the first baseball director of physical culture was primarily game was played by Platteville two years after that of the physical education and playground the Civil War. movement, the desire of faculties, presidents, and Board of Regents to have a faculty coach ISCONSIN normal-school athletics in of normal-school athletics played a vital role W the first half century, 1867-1913, were in filling the newly created position of physi­ not a preponderate social activity until the cal director. President James W. Crabtree of end of the period. The two-year teacher-train­ River Falls Normal searched out a coach for ing institutions lacked the enrollment stability the position, a man of the Amos Alonzo Stagg of four-year colleges not only in terms of type. He hired Bert Swenson, an ex-Princeton length of attendance, but also in percentage athlete. Whitewater, in 1913, attempted to of male enrollment. That athletics played as hire a successful Oak Park, Illinois, High strong a role in the students' lives as they School coach, Robert Zuppke. Zuppke, later did was likely a reflection of the growing im­ to be a famous coach at the University of portance of college athletics nationally. The Illinois, reportedly asked for a salary too high conformity with other institutions of higher for Whitewater to meet, whereupon they hired learning was quite natural. Because of the an ex-football player from the University of pressure to conform—probably the necessity Wisconsin, William Schreiber.^^ Jf t}jg other to conform in order to draw students, to hire normal schools did not at first look primarily a respectable faculty, to gain prestige and to for a coach it would have been surprising. win financial backing from the state legis­ The director of physical culture and athletics, lature—it became important to be like the in short, became a euphemism for coach. established colleges and universities. The de­ The presidents had been successful, at least velopment and support of baseball, football, and basketball teams was part of this confor­ partially, in creating the image of a more virile mity. The normal schools, like other colleges, institution by placing the outward manifesta­ felt the need to organize athletic associations tion of manliness, athletics, under adult male to give moral and financial support to their leadership. teams. Likewise they obtained professional Within a year after the legislature passed coaches because coaches could hold teams to­ the law emphasizing physical education the gether, give them guidance, and create success first formal conference championship was held —that is, win. When the normal schools chose in basketball. In July of 1913 a meeting was school colors or nicknames such as the "Ti­ set up for the purpose of creating a confer­ tans," when they they began organized cheer­ ence, and in December the Inter-Normal Con­ ing or instituted the homecoming game, the ference of Wisconsin was formalized. The de- schools were accepting outside practices as their own. By the end of the period a con­ "' Emphasis added. Board of Regents Proceed­ ference was formed and championships were ings, February 9, 1912, Resolution 49, p. 53. determined much like other colleges. "'James W. Crabtree, What Counted Most (Lin­ coln, Neb., 1935), 114; Karges, "Reminiscences," One of the major differences which set the 14; Whitewater Scrapbook, 1924-1927, 1:107, Series No. 56/4/1/1/3, W.S.U.-Whitewater Archives; James normal schools apart from the mainstream of B. Miller, "The History of Intercollegiate Athletics college education was the predominance of at Wisconsin State University, Whitewater" (Mas­ women in the normals. The desire on the ter's thesis, Winona State College, Winona, Minn., 1966), 11. part of the various presidents to make their

22 SMITH : ATHLETICS IN WISCONSIN

institutions more masculine logically in­ normal schools. fluenced them to turn toward athletics not By 1913, with the organization of the Inter- only as a recruiting device to bring in more Normal Athletic Conference of Wisconsin, ath­ men, but to create a climate of vigor and letics had gained a certain amount of sta­ virility. The desire for a masculine image bility. Compulsory student fees were soon may have prompted the presidents to pressure collected to make the financial situation less the Board of Regents to include coaching of tenuous. Rising enrollment of men and addi­ athletics as part of the implementation of the tional courses of study did help to change the state legislature's 1911 act which made man­ image from that of a "female seminary" to datory a course in physical education and a more collegiate type institution. In the en­ playground management in each of the nor­ suing years the normal schools as institutions mal schools. The inclusion of a man to teach and athletics as part of their social life con­ physical education, recreation, and act as di­ tinued to develop. Eventually the normal rector of athletics, with faculty status, may schools became teachers colleges, colleges, and have been unique among all institutions of finally universities. The three or four spon­ higher learning in America in the early twen­ sored sports later expanded to about ten. Yet tieth century. The feeling that it was neces­ by the early 1900's much of the character of sary to hire such a person to gain a masculine athletics as an important aspect of institu­ tional social life had already evolved. image may also have been unique to the

•ft*!

V. Collection Men and boys playing baseball in a field, probably near Black River Falls about 1900. Stemming from a fourteenth-century English game called stoolball, from which cricket also developed, baseball was known in America as early as 1778 when Washington's men played a form of it at Valley Forge. The legend that it was invented by Abner Doubleday at Coopertstown, New York, in 1839, was promulgated by a commission appointed in 1906 to decide whether the game was of English or American origin. The commission totally ignored all published evidence to the contrary, even the fact that in 1839 Doubleday was not in Cooperstown but in West Point. Nevertheless, the Doubleday myth con- continues to exist in some quarters.

23 AN UNRECOGNIZED FATHER MARQUETTE LETTER?

By RAPHAEL N. HAMILTON

TT'IFTY YEARS have passed since a scholar language, but he would like to find the white -*- from the department of history at the men who are their friends. He identifies him­ University of Illinois announced the discovery self as a Jesuit assigned to "the Canadian of what seemed to be a letter written by Father region," only for the spiritual welfare of the Jacques Marquette during the summer of Indians. He ends with a protestation of de­ 1673, when he and Louis Jolliet were making pendence on God and "the immaculate virgin" the exploration of the Mississippi River.^ and a hope that Providence "may bring us Clarence W. Alvord, respected for his studies together," if not on earth, why then in heaven. about the English and French rivalry in North His final words are, "Given at the River Con- America, was the author who discussed the vectionis at the altitude of the Pole SS** at the possibility.^ He had uncovered, in the library Longitude perhaps 275'* 4th August, 1675. of the Duke of Portland at Walbeck Abbey, Servant in christ jesus and immaculate Virgin the manuscript written in Latin on a single Jacobus Macput. Societ. jesu." At present the sheet of paper certified as a seventeenth-cen­ letter is on loan to the British Museum.* tury rewrite of the original which had been Alvord's particular interest in the letter "received by Coll. Bird in Virginia in the stemmed from the possibility of its affording Winter 1675." What became of the prototype evidence for the intrusion of English traders is not known.^ into the country west of the Appalachian range The note begins with a salutation to him at this early date. Briefly, his argument was "into whose hands it may fall." Then it un­ this. The signature "Macput" was a copyist's folds the writer's predicament. He has come misreading for "Marquet," a variant spelling among Indians who appear to be offended by of "Marquette." Likewise, the date "1675" in­ his presence, but he thinks they are in contact stead of the proper "1673" was an easy mistake with Europeans. He cannot understand their to make because of the similarity between a seventeenth-century "5" and "3." The river "Convectionis," if it "is read Conceptionis, would indicate this was Marquette's letter ' Clarence W. Alvord, "An Unrecognized Father Marquette Letter," American Historical Review, XXV:676-680 (1919-1920). " Henry Putney Beers, The French in North Ameri­ •British Museum, Dept. Mss., Loan 29/240, Port­ ca: A Bibliographical Guide to French Archives, Re­ land Papers, Letter of Macput. There is a photo­ productions, and Research Missions (Baton Rouge, graphic copy in the Archives of Marquette Univer­ 1957), 159-163, outlines Alvord's career, which was sity, N. Amer., Fr. Reg., 8, which was obtained ended by his untimely death in 1928. through the kindness of William A. H. Cavendish- ''Alvord, "Marquette Letter," American Historical Bentinck, Seventh Duke of Portland and his former Review, XXV:676. librarian, Francis Neeham, Esq.

24 HAMILTON: MARQUETTE LETTER: since he . . . was the only man in the world calling the Mississippi River by the name 'Conception' ... in August, 1673."^ In the archives of the College Sainte-Marie, in Mon­ treal, there is a holograph map drawn by Father Marquette, at the time of his trip, which so labels the river and along its bank, at 35° north latitude, places the site of an Indian village called "Mons b pelea."^ In the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, there is a Jesuit "Map of the new discovery ... by the Rev. Father Jacques Marquette ... in the year 1673," which is known as the Manitoumie map, owing to a clause in the long descriptive title which calls attention to a statue found in the Mississippi Valley representing a "Mani- tou which means spirit or genie."' This map shows a village at about the 35th parallel and announces that the Indians who dwell there Robert Thom's painting of Father Marquette and have guns. Father Marquette's narrative of Louis Jolliet on their historic journey down the Fox his expedition with Jolliet also places gun- and the Wisconsin to the Mississippi. carrying Indians a little distance south of the Ohio River.* Then, it tells how these natives extend encouragement to other priests who spoke a language which Marquette did not un­ were engaged in the conversion of the abori­ derstand but how they made clear to him by gines of America; hence, it was entrusted to signs that they had acquired the weapons from the Indians in the hope that they would de­ white men who lived far to the east, and these liver it when they made their next journey to people had among them individuals who barter pelts for European goods. But the letter dressed in gowns somewhat like his cassock did not find its way to Florida. On the con­ and had rosaries like the one he showed them.^ trary, it fell into the possession of Colonel Alvord thought this indicated that these In­ Byrd of Virginia and is certified as received dians had traffic with the Catholic Spanish by him in "the Winter of 1675." Alvord sug­ settlements in Florida. gested that the only plausible explanation for this seemed to be that English traders must All these points tie in with the situation of have contacted the natives of Mons b pelea be­ the Jesuit who wrote the letter from the River fore they had time to convey the Marquette Convectionis, and a motive for writing it might letter to the Spanish settlements. This would well be the desire of one Indian missionary to mean that Anglo-Saxons were on the shore of the Mississippi at the early date of 1675.*° Students of the French regime in North ^Alvord, "Marquette Letter," American Historical Review, XXV:677. America accepted Alvord's hypothesis quite " Archives of the College Sainte-Marie, 687, Mar­ generally. They were aware that Marquette's quette Map. account of the events of his return trip from ' Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, V 30, fitampes. A tracing is in the Karpinski Reproductions, Ayer the exploration was very brief. During the Collection, Newberry Library, Chicago. Louise P. many weeks from the day in mid-July when Kellogg, "Marquette's Authentic Map Possibly Iden­ the canoes turned homeward, until the one late tified," in the Proceedings of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1906 (Madison, 1907), 184-185, in August when they entered the Illinois River, reproduced this map and conjectured that its author the exertion of paddling against the combined might be Pere Marquette. She withdrew this sup­ position in her French Regime in Wisconsin and the current of the Mississippi and Missouri is all Northwest (Madison, 1925), 200, n. 29. ° Archives of the College Sainte-Marie, 296, pp. 29-30; Reuben G. Thwaites (ed.), The Jesuit Re­ lations and Allied Documents (Cleveland, 1896-1904), LIX: 146-153. "Alvord, "Marquette Letter," American Historical »Ibid. Review, XXV: 269.

25 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971 that is mentioned.** The letter seemed to af­ spelled the name with a final "ette," but the ford an insight into some of the happenings seventeenth-century carelessness in handling which the narrative left untold. In addition, surnames left room for the supposition that, on its friendly tone fitted well with Marquette's occasion, he might have dropped the last two known character; so, scholars were pleased to letters. Then, in 1935, several other original neglect certain discrepancies which appear Marquette holograph manuscripts were found when the hypothesis is carefully analysed.*^ in the Archivum Romanum Societatis Jesu. The years since Alvord wrote have been They are all signed with the final "ette." This laden with reminders of Father Marquette. In makes it hard to believe that "Macput" could 1923 the two hundred and fiftieth anniversary be a misreading of his signature.*' As for mis­ of the discovery of the Mississippi River was taking a "3" for a "5" in the dating of the celebrated. In 1937 the three hundredth an­ letter, the "1675" is not only in the date line, niversary of the discoverer's birth was fitting­ placed there by the sender, but on the reverse ly memorialized throughout the land of his of the page where the seventeenth-century re­ adoption. In 1968, by a joint resolution of ceiver endorsed it twice more. Thus, the copy­ Congress and by a commemorative postage ist who transcribed the document in the Duke stamp, issued in his honor, the United States of Portland's collection had, on the original Government initiated the tercentenary celebra­ manuscript, three examples of the figure he tion of Marquette's advent to its territory, and reproduced as "5." If the dates were not all a National Commission, appointed by the Pres­ "1675," it is hard to think that there would ident, decided the ceremonies should be con­ not have been enough difference in one of tinued until 1973, when the three hundredth them to eliminate his falling into such error.''^ anniversary of the Mississippi exploration In the summer of 1673, Marquette's sketch would be recalled.*^ These events aroused new map was still in the making, and Alvord is interest in the missionary-explorer and en­ right in saying that no one but the missionary couraged research about him.** One result of was then aware that on it he had named the such study has been the uncovering of evidence Mississippi, "R. De La Conception."** Such which seems to render Alvord's hypothesis being the case, it would have been quite use­ very doubtful. less for the sender of the letter to employ such a name to determine a location to which he In 1920 there was only one Marquette auto­ hoped the news might bring its unknown re­ graph known to American scholars.*^ It cipient for a rendezvous. If the letter was in-

^Thwaites (ed.), Jesuit Relations, LIX: 160-161. " "Registre," Holy Family Church, Boucherville, " Lawrence Kenny, "A New Marquette Docu­ Canada, photo in Archives of Marquette University, ment," in America, XXIV:59-60 (1920); Gilbert J. N. Amer., Fr. Reg., 19, has an entry signed by Garraghan, "The Jolliet-Marquette Expedition of Father Marquette in 1668. 1673," in Thought, Fordham University Quarterly, ^' The Archivum Romanum Societatis Jesu is the IV:60, n. 50 (1929) ; Jean Delanglez, Life and depository, at the headquarters of the Jesuit Order Voyages of Louis Jolliet, 1645-1700 (Chicago, 1948), in Rome, where the original manuscripts pertinent 95-96, 123. The validity of Alvord's conjecture is to its beginning, in 1540, and its subsequent de­ also accepted in two articles by Delanglez, "The velopment are preserved. Here, too, is the Fondo 'Recit des voyages et des decouvertes du Pere Jacques Gesuitico which houses letters about foreign missions Marquette,'" in Mid-America, XXVIII:246 (1946) and colleges. The Marquette letters in these ar­ and "Marquette's Autograph Map of the Mississippi chives are described in Gilbert J. Garraghan, "Some River," in Mid-America, XXVII:50-53 (1945), and Newly Discovered Marquette and La Salle Letters," by Joseph P. Donnelly, Jacques Marquette, S.J. 1637- in Archivum Historicum Societatis Jesu, IV:268-290 1675 (Chicago, 1968), 227. (1935), and the same author tells of other docu­ '^'^ United States Statutes at Large, LXXIX:781, ments in "Some Hitherto Unpublished Marquettia- President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the joint reso­ na," in Mid-America, XVIII:15-26 (1936). lution on September 15, 1965, whereby the Com­ "Alvord, "Marquette Letter," in American His­ mission was established. See also Congressional Rec­ torical Review, XXV:676. ord, 89 Congress, 1 Session, pp. 13,068-13,069 and " Reproductions of Marquette's map are available 19,686-19,688. in several publications, for example, Nellis M. Grouse, " In 1935, the Institute of Jesuit History at Loyola Contributions of Canadian Jesuits to the Geographi­ University, Chicago, came into existence. Garraghan cal Knowledge of New France, 1632-1675 (Ithaca, and Delanglez were on its staff, which contributed 1924), 112-113; or Sara J. Tucker, Indian Villages much to what had been known about Father Mar­ of the Illinois Country, Pt. I, Atlas (Springfield, quette. 1942), pi. V.

26 HAMILTON: MARQUETTE LETTER?

thermore, in August 1673, even so friendly a person as Marquette would scarcely have dared inviting a meeting with Spaniards. He was a Frenchman. France and Spain were at war, and only a few weeks previously be and Jolliet had abandoned the project of exploring the Mississippi to its outlet on the ocean because they feared these enemies of their country might have come to the river mouth and they would see to it that news of the French dis­ covery would die with the discoverers.^" Final­ ly, to think that Marquette would ask any­ body to rendezvous with him at the village of Mons b pelea is hardly tenable. At best, he only paused there to determine how the loca­ tion should be identified on his map. Then, he and his companions left the place, paddling as fast as they could, to make their way to the home of the Illinois Indians, where Mar­ quette intended to open a permanent mission without any idea of ever returning among the natives with guns.

T^HESE FACTS seem sufficient to preclude -^ Marquette from having been the author of the letter which fell into the hands of Colo­ nel Byrd in 1675; but it is easier to say who was not Macput than to identify the Canadian Jesuit whose name was thus transcribed by the seventeenth-century copyist whose version was uncovered by Alvord. No such name is found among the personnel of missionaries serving New France at the time. In 1675, there were only a few of them who had the first name of Statue of Father Marquette in Statuary Hall in the Jacobus, which is the Latin version of Jacques Old Hall of Representatives in the national capitol. Authorized by the Wisconsin legislature in 1887 and in French or James in English.^* Father James approved by Congress in 1893, the statue was exe­ Bruyas was superior of the Mohawk mission. cuted by the Italian sculptor, Gaetano Trentanove Father James De Lamberville was his assistant. in 1895 at a cost of $8,000 and was formally presented by Senator John Lendrum Mitchell, son of Alexander The Relation for 1676-1677 contains letters Mitchell, on April 19, 1896. from these two men which show they were at their post in the present state of New York tended for a Spanish reader, its signer might during the summer of 1675.^^ Another have said he was on the Rio del Espiritu Santo. "James," Father James Fremin, penned his More sensibly, he would have simply asked the name with such simple clarity as to exclude addressee to make contact at the Mississippi, a name known in Europe since 1667. He hard­ ly would have asked anyone to look for him on a stream called by a name which he "was the only man in the world" to know.*^ Fur- '"Ibid., LIX: 158-161. '^ Archivum Romanum Societatis Jesu, Franc. 23, 355v, Catalogus Provinciae Franciae, 1675 Exeunte, " Jean Delanglez, "El Rio del Espiritu Santo," tells where Canadian Jesuits were in 1675. Thwaites in Mid-America, XXV:189-219, 231-249 (1943), and (ed.), Jesuit Relations, LXXI: 145-158, has a list of XXVI:192-220 (1944). The first description of the most of the Jesuits who served in Canada, with the Mississippi is in the Relation for 1666-1667, in dates of their service. Thwaites (ed.), Jesuit Relations, LI:46-47, 52-53. ^Thwaites (ed.), Jesuit Relations, LX:176-183.

27 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971 the possibility of mistaking it for anything else.^^ This leaves Father James Vaultier at the residence of St. Joseph in the Indian village of Sillery near Quebec, as the only other Jesuit in Canada named James who might have authored the letter. At first sight, Vaultier appears to be a name lacking all semblance to Macput. However, a study of Father Vaultier's signature in the Variant signatures of Father Vaultier, showing how baptismal registry of Sillery supplies evidence an inexperienced or careless scribe could easily have sufficient to demonstrate that in seventeenth- interpreted the bottom one to read "Macput." century longhand calligraphy these autographs were not too far removed from each other. The missionary made his capital "V" with a between June 30 and September 26, 1675. large, upward flourish before his pen formed Father Vaultier could have been in the wilder­ a rather round-bottomed, conventional letter ness on "4th August, 1675." A word about to begin his surname, while the "t" in the his parish of St. Joseph will afford an under­ middle of it is not crossed, but is completed standing of circumstances which would have by a tail protruding to the right above the occasioned his penning the letter during this line, which makes it very much like the "r" summer. at the end of the word, because it too is made From the south of where Sillery stands, the in this manner. When writing his first name in Chaudiere River flows into the St. Lawrence. Latin, he sometimes shortened the final "us" In 1641, some pagan Abnaki paddled down from Jacobus to Jacob''. If the superimposed the stream. They visited the Black Robes and "s" and the period get too close to the upward became attached to them so that they repeated flourish of the "V," the combination makes their calls and at such times often requested a very neat "M." The next two letters of the the return of a missionary, in their company, autograph are an "a" and a ripply mark which to make his residence in the midst of their might stand for a number of things. Next, people. In 1646, Father Druillettes went back comes the "1." If the down stroke of its loop with them, up the Chaudiere, over a portage is extended a bit below the line, as might well to the Kennebec, to their home. He spent two happen by a smearing of the ink in the process years among them, and then he was called of blotting or handling by sweaty, Indian away and no one was sent at once to take his fingers, it is easy to attach the "t" to this stem, place because of the mid-seventeenth-century thus forming a creditable "p." Three letters hostility of the neighboring Iroquois and the remain in the word "Vaultier." The first two arrival of English settlers on the coast of the are a combination of upward and downward present state of Maine. Nevertheless after his strokes of the pen which resemble a "u" as stay among them, many of the Abnaki called well as anything else. The last letter is the themselves "Christian" and kept in touch with "r," which looks so much like a "t" that the Sillery.^'^ scribe may be excused for taking it for such In the spring of 1675, some of the friendly and writing Macput for the signature.^* An­ Indians from the Kennebec came to St. Jo­ other point gleaned from the baptismal regis­ seph's begging for sanctuary.^' What led to ter is the absence of any christenings at Sillery

^Thwaites (ed.), Jesuit Relations, XXI:66-69, dates the first visit of the Abnaki. Druillettes' going to their home is found in the Relation for 1645-1646, ^Justin Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of ibid., XXIX:70-71. The Relation for 1659-1660, ibid., America (Boston 1884-89), IV:268, has a reproduc­ XLVI:68-69, says "the Iroquois are too close to tion of Fremin's signature. let us enter into this extensive field." Frederick " Archives de rArcheveche de Quebec, Liber Bap- W. Hodge (ed.), Handbook of American Indians tisatorum a Patribus Societatis lesu in Residentia seu North of Mexico (Washington, 1907-10), 1:2, locates Reductione Sancti losephi Vulgo Sillery, 73 and 73v, the habitat of the Abnaki. furnish examples by which the transformation is ^Thwaites (ed.), Jesuit Relations, LX:230-231, demonstrable. Relation for 1676 & 1677.

28 HAMILTON: MARQUETTE LETTER? their appeal was that when Louis XIV's cousin, line on the message, "Dat. ad Eluvium Con­ Charles II, was restored to the throne of Eng­ vectionis," may well have been an attempt to land, the British colonies in America were re­ turn "Given at the River of Connecticut" into organized by the English monarch. In this Latin. The Latin word "convectio" means "a process. New Haven was annexed to Connecti­ bringing together." If the Sokokis slurred cut under a new, liberal charter.^'^ The rapid their final syllable, "Connecticut" could sound influx of colonists into the area disturbed the very much like the English word "connec­ Wampanoag whose home was along the lower tion." Rather frequently, the French spoke of valley of the Connecticut River. Things went rivers which offered a route to their destina­ from bad to worse. By the spring of 1675, tion by means of a connecting portage as por­ King Philip's War had involved the Indians tage rivers. A Frenchman could easily con­ all the way up to the river's source. From clude that the English "connection river" what Father Vaultier wrote in the Relation for meant the same thing. If the priest took Con­ 1676 & 1677, it may well have been that he nection River to be the name of the stream spent the summer of 1675 on a pilgrimage into on which he found himself, it would explain Maine to seek the remainder of the Abnaki his reason for translating these English words and invite them to come to Sillery to live. Most into the Latin ones found in the letter.^" of them migrated there during the winter of If Father Vaultier actually wrote the letter 1675-1676.28 from the source of the Connecticut River, the The contents of the Macput letter, examined latitude and longitude assigned for his posi­ with a knowledge of events in the Abnaki coun­ tion need to be explained. The latitude 35° try in 1675, afford many indications that Fa­ would be far too low for any locality in the ther Vaultier was its author. The Chaudiere present state of Maine. However, in the dip­ River has its source in two streams. There is lomatic correspondence which has been cited short portage from one to the Kennebec, from as containing the charter given by Charles II the other to the Connecticut. A wrong turn for the colony of Connecticut, there occur might easily bring a stranger to the latter several typical seventeenth-century "4's" which river. If Father Vaultier made such a mistake, are written without raising the pen from the he would have been among a tribe confed­ paper. This is accomplished by making the erated with the Abnaki but who spoke a dif­ conventional downward and right-angle stroke ferent dialect. They were Sokokis.^^ This of the figure "4," but then drawing the pen would have placed him among Indians he downward at a right-angle once more, instead could not understand. Then, because the Soko- of raising it to cross the base line with a per­ kis were involved in the war against the whites, pendicular stroke.^* If such a "4" on Vaultier's they may well have tendered the Black Robe a letter tricked the copyist into reproducing it as cold reception. Of course, these Indians had a "3," then his "35" should have been the traded with the English and hence, through figure "45," which is almost the exact latitude the goods they had, Vaultier would know they of the source of the Connecticut River. had friends who were Europeans. At this In copying the longtiude, the copyist tran­ stage of the Dutch War, England was not scribed the observation that it was "perhaps" among the enemies of France; so, in his pre­ 275 degrees east. In the seventeenth century. dicament, he could have hoped some English­ men might come his way. Finally, the date

^ It does not seem too farfetched for Father Vaul­ tier to have believed that Indians who had contact with the English would tell him, another European, ^ Archives du Ministere des affairs Etrangeres, the English name for the river, rather than the name Paris, Cor. Pol., Fond Angl., 115, 191-201, preserves common to their own people. a seventeenth-century transcript of this document. '^ Archives du Ministere des Affaires Estrangeres, '^ Hodge, Handbook, 11:903; John G. Palfrey, His­ Cor. Pol., Fond Angl., 115, has a seventeenth-century tory of New England (Boston, 1890), 111:206, de­ explanatory note on its cover which says the vol­ scribes how the war affected the Abnaki; Thwaites, ume contained 229 folios on 14 March 1683. Here Jesuit Relations, LX:232-233, the Relation for 1676 the "4" in the "14" takes on the extraordinary form & 1677, contains a letter from Father Vaultier, which described. In this date line, there is no mistaking it tells of the Abnaki immigration to Sillery. for a "3" because of the close proximity of such =» Hodge, Handbook, 11:613. a numeral in the given year "1683."

29 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971 both because of inadequate instruments and cation that it came from the Connecticut rather because of a dispute about the prime meridian than the Mississippi. The hostility of the for longitudinal calculations, it was much nearby Iroquois toward the people of New more difficult to determine geographical posi­ France was encouraged by the British in the tions for one traveling east or west, than for hope that it might discourage Canadian ad­ one going north or south. True, in 1643, a sci­ vances south of Lake Ontario. From the vil­ entific congress promulgated the western tip of lages of the Five Nations, the Susquehanna the Island of Ferro (present Hierro) in the River offered an easy route to the settlements Canaries as the prime meridian of longitude, of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, and but prior to that the starting point had no the Englishmen invited the natives to travel common claim on European countries. In this way in fulfilling their needs for European France, Paris had been the zero for French goods. If in 1675, the Sokokis gave the "talk­ calculations, which were made eastward across ing paper" to their neighbors for delivery to Europe and around the world to end where the whites on their next trip to the south, its they had begun. In 1675, not all Frenchmen arrival among the latter in the very same year had accepted the decision of the congress, would be quite natural. which would move the prime meridian 20° A study of the authorship of the Macput westward to Ferro. The Parisian mapmaker, letter is handicapped because the original doc­ Sanson, did, and on his map, Le Canada 1656, ument is not available. This prevents an ap­ the source of the Connecticut River is situated peal to the author's handwriting in establish­ at 45° north and 315 east.^^ if Father Vaul­ ing its origin. Without such evidence, the tier was still measuring from Paris, the longi­ hypothesis advanced in the present article re­ tude he would have written may be arrived at mains open to further discussion. However, it by subtracting 20 from 315, which is 295. It does not seem an overstatement to say that, is traditional to confuse the seventeenth-cen­ owing to the data which have come to hand tury "7," written with a bar across the stem, in the years since Alvord wrote and because and the "9," often made with a sort of tri­ of the arguments based upon these findings, at angle instead of a circle at the top of its present the preponderance of proof favors Fa­ stem.^^ If Father Vaultier wrote 295° in his ther Vaultier over Father Marquette as the date line, the copyist may be blamed for re­ more probable of the two Jesuits who could producing the longitude as 275°. have written such a letter during the period The fact that Colonel Byrd is certified as of their missionary labors in Canada. the recipient of the letter in 1675 is a last indi­

'" Fernand Lefebvre, paleographer of the Judicial '^ Louis C. Karpinski, Bibliography of Printed Maps Archives of Montreal, issues a warning about this of Michigan with a Series of over One Hundred Re­ origin of error in dating Canadian documents in his productions of Maps Constituting an Historical Atlas "Introduction a la paleographie canadienne," in of the Great Lakes and Michigan (Lansing, 1931), Revue de I'Universite d'Ottawa, XXVIII: 506, 518- 32, pi. III. 521 (1958).

Magazine Index Available The annual index for Volume 54 (Autumn, 1970 through Summer, 1971) is being distributed. Curators, exchanges, schools, and libraries automatically re­ ceive copies. All other subscribers receive copies only on request. Indexes are mailed without charge; some are still available for previous volumes. Address: Magazine Index State Historical Society of Wisconsin 816 State Street Madison, Wisconsin 53706

30 THE WISCONSIN NATIONAL GUARD IN THE MILWAUKEE RIOTS OF 1886

By JERRY M. COOPER

TN APRIL of 1886, A.V.H. Carpenter, substantial aid to the volunteer militia and -*- general manager in Milwaukee for the thus give it a basis for a permanent existence. Chicago, Milwaukee, and St. Paul Railroad, While many men joined the Guard because wrote to the Adjutant General of the Wis­ of a genuine interest in military things and consin National Guard, Chandler P. Chap­ a sincere but vague idea of providing the na­ man, on the prevailing labor troubles in the tion with a military reserve, the states provided United States. Carpenter expressed particular money in order to create a force which could concern over the current movement within deal with domestic disorder engendered by organized labor for the eight hour day and industrial and urban expansion. Inevitably, of the workers' apparent willingness to strike businessmen came to expect the aid of such to gain this goal. To the Milwaukee railroad a force during strikes and with their access man, the entire affair was generated by to the loci of power, they more often than foreign-born, socialist agitators. The honest, not had their expectations gratified. It was but ignorant, American workingman was un­ in this vein that Carpenter wrote to Chapman.^ fortunately falling prey to these evil appeals, The development of the Wisconsin National he thought, and it could only be hoped that Guard generally paralleled the national trend. Wisconsin railroad workers would ignore the troublemakers. He concluded his letter by expressing the belief that the labor difficul­ ' There is not nearly enough scholarly work avail­ ties would pass but that nonetheless, "1 am able on the growth and development of the National glad the W.N.G. is in good condition—that Guard. The most extensive work is Jim Dan Hill, fact is of itself a great moral power—as well The Minute Man in Peace and War: A History of the National Guard (Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, 1964), as an inspirator of good order."* passim, which stresses the role of the Guard as a military reserve. William H. Riker, The Soldiers of It was only natural that, as a businessman. the States: The Role of the National Guard in Carpenter would express his worries about American Democracy (Washington, 1957), 44-67, labor difficulties to the adjutant general of takes a much closer look at the constabulary duties of the early National Guard. See also Martha Der- his state, even had the two men not been thick, The National Guard in Politics (Cambridge, personally acquainted. A very close correla­ Massachusetts, 1965), 2-21; Hill, "The National Guard in Civil Disorders," in Robin Higham (ed.), tion between the rise of the modern National Bayonets in the Street: The Use of Troops in Civil Guard in the 1870's and the growing conflicts Disorders (Manhattan, Kansas, 1969), 61-84; Robert between capital and labor clearly did exist. W. Coakley, "Federal Uses of Militia and National Guard in Civil Disturbances," in Ibid., 17-34; Clar­ It was not until the early 1870's that state ence C. Clendenen, "Super Police: The National governments saw fit to render regular and Guard as a Law Enforcement Agency in the Twen­ tieth Century," in Ibid., 85-112. For contemporary comments on the rise of the National Guard, see Francis V. Greene, "The New National Guard," The ^ Carpenter to Chapman, April 5, 1886, box 5, Century Magazine New Series, Vol. XXI, No. 4: 488- Chandler Burnell Chapman Papers, in the Archives- 491 (February, 1892) ; H.M. Boies, "Our National Manuscripts Division, State Historical Society of Guard," Harper's New Monthly Magazine, Vol. LX, Wisconsin. No. 360: 916 (May, 1880).

31 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971

Smith made the statement, he sent 300 Guards­ men to Eau Claire to break a strike of lumber- mill hands.* By the mid-1880's, this appeal and the diligent work of Rusk's adjutant general. Chandler P. Chapman of Madison, had pro­ duced an organized Guard force of about 2,400 officers and men. In 1886, the Guard consisted of thirty-five infantry companies, organized into three regiments and a battalion, with a troop of cavalry and a battery of light artillery, both located in Milwaukee, com­ pleting the organization. Serving with Chap­ man in a variety of posts was Captain Charles King, scion of a prominent Milwaukee family, graduate of West Point and recently retired from active duty with the Fifth United States Society's Iconographic ColitLtions Cavalry. While both men contributed to the improvement of the service during the early Chandler Pease Chapman, adjutant general of Wis­ consin from 1882 to 1889. 1880's, many defects remained. The Guard was essentially an amateur outfit, based upon The antebellum volunteer militia system, prac­ the local company. These companies were as tically destroyed by the war, revived slowly often social-fraternal associations as they were during the late 1860's and early 1870's but military units, governed by civil rules which always remained ephemeral. The state began determined membership, dues, and the elec­ providing financial assistance to militia com­ tion of officers. They were more often oriented panies in 1873, but the evolution of the mod­ to their own localities than to state matters ern Wisconsin National Guard, not officially and were not above using political pressure designated as such until 1879, did not reach in attempting to rescind unpopular military maturity until the early 1880's. For the most decisions made by Chapman and King. Fur­ part, the general populace and most state thermore, the service remained under finan­ legislators took little interest in the organiza­ cial stringencies. Equipped only minimally tion. The impact of nationwide labor strife with materiel cast off by the Regular Army, had not yet been felt in Wisconsin and most Guard units bought their own uniforms and people saw little need to spend money on the provided from their own resources what little militia. Nonetheless, Guard advocates relied field equipment, such as canteens, tents, over­ mainly upon the threat of labor disorders as coats, and field kitchens, that they had.^ the main justification for financial support of the institution. In 1880, for example. Governor William E. Smith made a strong appeal for a well organized state force, noting * For a detailed discussion of the development of that it was always best to be prepared, for the Wisconsin Guard, see Jerry M. Cooper, "The "We cannot hope always to escape disorders Wisconsin Militia 1832-1900," (Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of Wisconsin, 1968), Chapter IV. and tumults similar to those which have arisen See comments in Governor's Message 1880, 195-200; in other states and nations."^ Guard officials Governor's Message and Accompanying Documents serving under Smith, his successor Jeremiah 1878 (Madison, 1879), I: 21-22; comments of Guard officers in Annual Report of the Adjutant General M. Rusk, and other militia advocates all re­ of the State of Wisconsin 1879 (Madison, 1880), lied upon this argument to gain public and 12; Annual Report of the Adjutant General of the State of Wisconsin 1882 (Madison, 1882), 3-5, 7-8. legislative support for the force. A year after On the Eau Claire strike, see Annual Report of the Adjutant General of the State of Wisconsin 1881 (Madison, 1882), 28-29. " For biographical information on King and Chap­ man, see Wisconsin National Guard Association, ^ Governor's Message and Accompanying Docu­ Proceedings of Fourteenth Annual Convention (Madi­ ments 1880 (Madison, 1880), I: 20-21. son, 1898), 128-130; Alice K. Gregory, "Captain

32 COOPER: MILWAUKEE RIOTS OF 1886

.3'tTrr*»w*^saei!Ki»'Wf*t»i8-jiSJa^* small cities and towns. The regiments were organized on a geographical basis, ten com­ panies to a regiment. In 1886 the First Regi­ ment, for example, was composed of units from the southeastern section of the state, with companies at such places as Janesville (2), Racine (2), Whitewater, Delavan, Be­ loit, Monroe, Madison, and Darlington. The other two regiments consisted of companies from towns and cities of similar size in the western and northern portions of the state. In Milwaukee, four infantry companies, the cavalry troop and the light artillery battery made up the local guard forces.'' The composition of these units involved varied social and economic classes. Most of the officers came from white-collar groups, though few really wealthy men could be found in the force. Generally, the officers were small businessmen, independent professionals, and professional politicians. The enlisted men came from many occupational groups, al­ though few unskilled workers served. For ex­ ample, clerks and bookkeepers made up one

(.,11 of the Janesville units but factory workers predominated in the other Janesville com­ Captain Charles King in full military regalia at the Milwaukee Carnival of Authors, 1883. King wrote pany. The Madison unit had many machinists, many novels and short stories. while the Beloit Guardsmen were primarily paper-mill workers or came from the local shoe shops. In Milwaukee, Company A of T^ OLLOWING Chapman's assumption of the the Fourth Battalion counted many iron •*• post of adjutant general. Guard regiments moulders in its ranks, as did Company B. As began to hold five-day summer camps on a a whole, according to Chapman, "The Bat­ yearly basis, but these events more often re­ talion has a great variety of mechanics and sembled county fairs than genuine military many strong, heavy men."* The only units maneuvers, with politicians orating, soldiers in the Guard which had a definite class cast drinking, and civilians parading through the to them were the cavalry troop and the artil­ camp. What drilling was accomplished at these lery battery, partly because the troopers and camps involved intricate battalion and regi­ artillerymen had to provide their own horses mental marching on the order of Civil War or rent them. Adjutant General Chapman ob­ tactics. The weekly company drills at local served that the troop was ". . . composed of armories also concentrated on precision march­ young businessmen (mostly in business for ing with little or no attention to riot drill.^ themselves) and is a fair sample of the best The bulk of the Guard membership through­ blood of Milwaukee," while the battery con­ out the late nineteenth century was located in tained many men who were ". . . exceptionally bright and intelligent young men, clerks, stu-

Charles King, The Army's Novelist," (Unpublished B.A. Thesis, Reed College, Portland, Oregon, 1945), 2-12; W.C. Colbron, The Wisconsin National Guard (Milwaukee, 1895), passim; on their efforts to re­ form the Guard, see Cooper, "The Wisconsin Mili­ tia," 218-222, 280-283 and passim; on the Guard in 1886, see Biennial Report of the Adjutant General ' 1886 Adj. Gen. Report, 40. of the State of Wisconsin 1886 (Madison, 1887), 1-5. " Undated summary of the status of the W.N.G. "Cooper, "The Wisconsin Militia," 279-281. in 1888, in Chapman's hand, box 5, Chapman Papers.

33 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971

Society's Iconographic Collections Members of the Light Horse Squadron, Wisconsin National Guard, in the 1880's. dents, board of trade officemen and book­ ficers and enlisted men, just did not fit the keepers."^ looser, quasi-fraternal nature of the National The efforts of Adjutant General Chapman Guard.*" and his aide Charles King, a colonel and chief At the same time that Chapman and King of inspection by 1885, to give a sense of di­ sought to remake the Guard in the image of rection to the Wisconsin National Guard il­ the Army, and thus by implication make it lustrate the fact that the Guard lacked a cen­ a reserve military force, they also relied upon tral purpose. The two men could never decide the argument that the Guard constituted a whether to concentrate on the military or state constabulary force as the surest means constabulary functions of the service. Chap­ of gaining financial support from the legisla­ man and King attempted to use Regular Army ture and of maintaining a more immediate regulations and standards as the marks with sense of mission in the ranks. Chapman con­ which to measure the Guard. Thus in weekly tinually stressed this function of the Guard drills and annual encampments. Regular Army in his annual reports, sometimes referring drills, tactics and maneuvers dominated the to the strike duty of National Guards in such agenda. They applied the Army standards states as Pennsylvania and New York.** with zeal but in the process created a great Charles King also discussed this aspect of deal of ill-feeling at the local company level, Guard duty. A much more outspoken man as the officers objected to King's continual than Chapman, King indicated his pointed harping on the fine points of officership, while views on riot duty in a stirring lecture to a the enlisted men disliked being subjected to gathering of Wisconsin Guard officers. Os­ Regular Army discipline. Army regulations, tensibly King's remarks on riots were to have especially their stress on the gulf between of­ been merely tactical, but he talked at length

" Ibid.; for a detailed discussion on the social '° Cooper, "The Wisconsin Militia," 220-228. make-up of the officer corps, see Cooper, "The Wis­ ^1882 Adj. Gen. Report, 3-5; 1886 Adj. Gen. consin Militia," 322-330. Report, 25.

34 COOPER: MILWAUKEE RIOTS OF 1886

preparing both the city and the Guard for such an eventuality, noting that "I speak of this only as illustrative of the apathetic condi­ tion of the Milwaukee mind on matters of this character, and while it is to be hoped no rude *• , *"' awakening may come, it is best to be pre­ *#r:l%:.' :^^ pared."*^ Two years later, the rude awaken­ ing came.

TJERHAPS the awakening should not have i'Ig/4 -'- been so rude, for organized labor had made its presence known in Milwaukee throughout the 1880's. In the most important instances, however, business and management had overcome labor's challenges. This was due Society's Iconographic Collections in large part to the fact that the workers in Mil­ Company G, 1st Regiment Wisconsin National waukee were divided: divided by their work Guards, the Racine Garfield Guards, in summer camp skills; divided by ethnic antipathies; divided at Whitewater, ca. 1883. by conflicting ideologies. The nature of Mil­ waukee's industrial base created the need for on the political and social aspects of labor both highly skilled laborers and unskilled day strikes, strongly implying that these were the workers. The breweries, tanneries, and ma­ main sources of riots. The motives of all chine foundries—the core industries of the strikers, regardless of their actions, were ques­ city's economy—all required men of consid­ tioned by King. He saw most strikes as erable skill; but each also used many un­ ". . . outbreaks in which law, order and skilled workers. The skilled workers, of property are arranged on the one hand against course, received the best pay and job security a faction or class, driven to temporary in­ and because of this, labor leaders found it sanity, it may be by fancied wrongs, blind difficult to unite skilled and unskilled to work fanaticism, the specious arguments of design­ for mutual goals. Some of the city's indus­ ing demagogues or uncontrollable passions. tries were very seasonal, particularly the meat­ "12 packing industry. It was always difficult, if His recommendations for dealing with mobs not impossible, to organize seasonal workers were quite simple. A Guard unit should make of limited skill who could be easily replaced a demonstration of force, and if this did not by others willing to work.*'' dispel the group, "Two volleys by battalion, These differences alone were a challenge low, cool, steady, well aimed, will knock the to any labor organizer, but they were further fight out of any ordinary mob. . . ."*^ King complicated by the ethnic makeup of the city. ended his lecture with speculations on the One student of industrialization in Milwaukee possibilities of riot duty for the Wisconsin has pointed out that a clear ethnic pecking Guard. He did not foresee any likelihood of order existed within the city's economic ma­ riots or labor strife of any consequence in trix. At the top, among the owners and man­ the state except in Milwaukee, where. King agers, were native Americans, Scotch and believed, ". . . from whose dregs can be swept English immigrants, and first- and second- up the constituents of a mob [on] whom it generation Germans. Natives, English, and might be a municipal blessing to fire. . . ."** The city was, in his opinion, woefully unpre­ pared to cope with such an occurrence, as was the Guard. He made several suggestions for ^''Ibid., 13. "Larry Gara, A Short History of Wisconsin (Madi­ son, 1962), 155-158; Bayrd Still, Milwaukee: The ^^ In Wisconsin National Guard Association, Pro­ History of a City (Madison, 1965), 329-337; Gerd ceedings 1884 (Madison, 1884), 2-3. Korman, Industrialization, Immigrants and Ameri- ^'Ibid., 10. canizers: The View from Milwaukee, 1866-1921 ^'Ibid., 11 (Madison, 1967), 17-21.

35 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971

Germans possessed an almost exclusive hold on skilled jobs, while at the bottom of the industrial order, newcomers made up the vast majority of unskilled laborers, chief among these being the Polish.*'^ This ethnic ranking could also be found in local politics, although by the 1880's the Germans, largest and most influential ethnic group in Milwaukee, domi­ nated city and county politics, while native Americans held state and national offices, both relying upon the Republican Party as their vehicle to power. The ethnic divisions within the laboring classes very often pre­ vented the erection of a united labor front. The Germans viewed the Poles with scorn, and in the factories conflicts often developed be­ tween the skilled German workers and the unskilled Polish. On the whole, then, the Poles were left out of the best jobs and generally ignored in political affairs except for specific needs in the Polish wards.*^ It was only logical that this fragmentation within labor and the ethnic groups would af­ fect the approaches various groups would take Socitt\ s Uonographii toward bettering their economic conditions. Native Americans and Germans controlled the Paul Grottkau, editor of the Arbeiter Zeitung and leader of the Central Labor Union of Milwaukee. craft unions and while the skilled workers were not always content with their lot and The two factors which appeared in 1886 to used strikes and boycotts on occasion, they unite these diverse elements of Milwaukee la­ were leery of political action and apparently bor into a force to be reckoned with were the unable or unwilling to act in concert with the Knights of Labor, with their eight-hour move­ unskilled workers. As early as 1880, the craft ment, and the growth of Paul Grottkau's Cen­ unions formed a federated trades assembly tral Labor Union. By 1886, the Knights in representing nineteen unions. In 1883, the Milwaukee numbered 16,000 in fifty local assembly played a key role in electing Demo­ assemblies. The Knights of Labor organiza­ crat John M. Stowell as mayor but the unions tion crossed skilled and unskilled lines but failed to consolidate their victory and the generally recruited Germans and native Amer­ Democrats lost the 1884 city elections. Labor icans. Grottkau, a German-born Socialist, then dropped politics and returned to the came to Milwaukee in 1883 to edit the Social­ policy of strikes and boycotts on a piecemeal ist newspaper the Arbeiter Zeitung. Early in basis. There were some radical and militant 1886, he formed the Central Labor Union, the labor leaders in the city, primarily a small first organization in Milwaukee to recruit group of German Socialists, but they had only actively and to organize unskilled workers on a limited influence with workers.*^ a large scale. As a result, most of Grottkau's following came from the Polish workers. The Milwaukee trades assembly refused to back the eight-hour movement openly, but the ap­ " Korman, Industrialization, Immigrants and Ameri- peal of the Knights of Labor and their leader canizers, 16, 34, 41-43. Robert Schilling was strong and many craft ^'Ibid., 15-16, 41^3, 48-50, 68; Still, Milwaukee, unionists joined the cause as individuals. 271-273, 280-283. " Gara, Short History of Wisconsin, 161; Still, Grottkau and his CLU were much more mili­ Milwaukee, 288-292; First Biennial Report of the tant than Schilling's Knights, who were willing Bureau of Labor Statistics of Wisconsin, 1883-1884 to compromise on the eight-hour issue by (Madison, 1884), 121-130, 150-155.

36 COOPER: MILWAUKEE RIOTS OF 1886

Society's Iconographic Collections The Falk Brewery, whose workers at first refused to strike but did so later when ordered to by the District Assembly of brewery workers. taking a pay cut for the shorter hours, while the May deadline, some firms, notably Mil­ Grottkau and his followers wanted eight hours' waukee cigar producers, acceded to the re­ work for ten hours' pay. In the beginning quest. Edward P. Allis, owner of the AUis- this difference did not prevent the two lead­ Reliance Iron Works, also gave in to the de­ ers and their organizations from enthusias­ mand, but just to an extent, granting only his tically declaring a general strike on May 1 if skilled workers the shorter hours. Some Mil­ their demands were not met.^" waukee employers, including the Plankinton Throughout April, organized labor in Mil­ and Company packing firm, instituted a lock waukee intensified its campaign for the short­ out before labor could strike, and some work­ er hours. Local assemblies of the Knights ers left their jobs prior to the deadline.^* of Labor and the Central Labor Union united During the first three days of May the strike to form the Eight Hour League. The League developed sporadically and the course it took exercised enough influence in the city to indicated that labor was not as united and gain passage of an ordinance by the Milwau­ well organized as had been implied in the kee Common Council which fixed the legal pronouncements of the Eight Hour League. working day at eight hours. The Council did At two important plants, the Falk Brewery and not establish machinery for the enforcement the Allis-Reliance Iron Works, skilled workers of the ordinance, however, and few Milwaukee refused to join the unskilled in the walkout. employers took the law seriously. Prior to On Monday morning. May 3, the situation became tense. Strikers appeared at the Falk

^ Still, Milwaukee, 285, 292-295; Korman, Indus­ trialization, Immigrants and Americanizers, 56-57; ^ Henry C. Campbell, Wisconsin in Three Cen­ Dictionary of Wisconsin Biography (Madison, 1960), turies, 1634-1905 (New York, 1906), IV: 87-90; 152 on Grottkau; Bernhard C. Korn, " 'Pick Out Second Biennial Report of the Bureau of Labor and Your Man—and Kill Him'—The Riots of 1886," Industrial Statistics, 1885-1886 [Wisconsin] (Madi­ in Historical Messenger of the Milwaukee County son, 1886), 318-324; Milwaukee Sentinel, April 30, Historical Society, XIX: 3-5 (March, 1963). May 1, 1886.

37 WISCONSIN MAG.4ZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971 and Allis plants and attempted to persuade or force the workers to quit. The tactic suc­ ceeded at the brewery, but at the Iron Works, Sheriff George Paschen and his deputies bare­ ly prevented a riot after Allis workers turned fire hoses on the strikers. By late afternoon, almost all factories and shops in the city were closed. Strikers had used coercion to drive some workers from their jobs and Allis closed his factory on the advice of Mayor Emil Wall- ber in order to avoid violence.^^

AT THIS JUNCTURE, many Milwaukee -^^ businessmen began to fear the conse­ quences of another day of labor demonstra­ tions. Many doubted either the ability or the desire of the local civil authorities to con­ trol the crowds of strikers and prevent a work stoppage. Ethnic prejudice dictated this attitude in part, for Mayor Wallber, Sheriff Paschen, and city Police Chief Florian Ries were all Germans. The businessmen not only wanted a more vigorous policy pursued by Society's Iconographic Collections the city and county police but also wanted Governor Jeremiah Rusk: "I seen my duty and I the National Guard called in. Wallber and I done it." Paschen were willing to use their forces to maintain order and prevent violence but ap­ parently were not willing to attempt to break This distrust of local officials led some the strike. Both men knew that to ask for businessmen and Guard officers in Milwaukee the National Guard was a politically dan­ to appeal directly to Governor Rusk for aid. gerous move in a city and county where the As early as April 30, Edward P. Allis wrote labor vote was so important; thus both re­ to Rusk on the troubles and said, "I hope sisted any pressure in that direction. The the emergency may not arise but if it does, businessmen interpreted this concession to trust that the State will act promptly in my political reality as sympathy or fear for the protection."^* Other leading business leaders, strikers, and not a few saw it as mere collu­ including Frank Falk and Roswell Miller, of sion between the foreign elements.^''' the Chicago, Milwaukee, and St. Paul Rail­ road, wrote or phoned Rusk requesting state aid during the strike. Certain Guard officers, particularly Charles King and Major George P. Traeumer of the Fourth Battalion, also "-Milwaukee Sentinel, May 1, 2, 3, 4, 1886; 1886 made contact with Madison and recommended Bureau of Labor Report, 325-327, 329-331. ^ It is difficult to reconstruct this segment of the that the Guard be alerted for active duty. King riot. The only sources on it come from peope antago­ maintained daily contact with Adjutant Gen­ nistic to both labor and immigrants. Nonetheless, it eral Chapman in Madison during the early is clear from these sources that businessmen and Governor Rusk and members of his staff viewed city days of the strike and, in order to judge the and county officials as weak-kneed. It is just as clear temper of the strikers, made daily rides that Mayor Wallber and Sheriff Paschen were at­ tempting to walk a thin line between the strikers, from whence many votes came, and the businessmen, important in the Republican Party. See Henry Casson, "Uncle Jerry," Life ot General Jeremiah M. Rusk (Madison, 1895), 184-188; Charies King, ^ Allis to Rusk, April .30, 1886, Strikes and Riots, "Memories of a Busv Life." in Wisconsin Magazine 1858-1909, file number 1/1/8-9, Executive Depart­ of History, V: 374-377 (June, 1922) ; and Trials of ment, Administration, Archives, State Historical So­ a Staff Officer (Philadelphia, 1891), 113-116. ciety of Wisconsin.

38 COOPER: MILWAUKEE RIOTS OF 1886 through the residential areas where working- the workingman.^^ This tactic really amount­ men lived.^° ed to the political posturing of a shrewd Re­ King, a bombastic and nativistic man with publican politician who received his support an overactive imagination for conspiracy, not from Stalwarts within the party, led by the only distrusted the many immigrants among wealthy lumberman Philetus Sawyer. Rusk the strikers but doubted the loyalties of the had no intention of acting precipitately, as overwhelmingly immigrant Fourth Battalion. would Charles King, but once the Governor The Battalion was a peculiar mixture of poli­ saw the direction being taken by the labor tics, ethnic brotherhoods, and military com­ disorders in Milwaukee, he acted promptly and radeship. Each company in the Fourth rep­ decisively.^* resented an ethnic bloc—the Sheridan Guards The tenor of the demonstrations on May 3 being Irish; the Kosciusko Guards coming brought Governor Rusk, Adjutant General from the Polish wards; and the South Side Chapman, and Colonel Samuel Lewis, of the Turner Rifles and Lincoln Guards represent­ First Regiment, to Milwaukee on the evening ing the Germans in the city. Major George train from Madison. The Governor and his Traeumer, Chief of the Board of Public party went to the Plankinton House to meet Works and ward politician, ostensibly com­ with city and county officials and leading manded the Battalion but often found him­ local businessmen. Again, the businessmen self at odds with the local company com­ accused the local officials of kowtowing to manders and higher officers in the Guard. labor and pressed the Governor to mobilize The crusty King worked assiduously to have the Guard. The Milwaukee officials, however, the ethnic companies disbanded and replaced ". . . strenuously insisted that the forces at by "American" units, but to no avail. King their disposal were then able to maintain or­ did not want to rely upon the Fourth in any der and protect property in the city and labor upheaval but instead wanted outside county."^^ In light of this. Rusk could do units called in. Despite King's reservations little, for he needed an official request from and appeals to Rusk, the onus of restoring either Mayor Wallber or Sheriff Paschen be­ order in Milwaukee in 1886 fell to that unit.^^ fore he could order out the Guard. Nonethe­ Rusk was slow to react to these demands. less, the local companies were notified to re­ Some businessmen may even have doubted if main on the alert and be prepared to answer the Governor could be relied upon to see the standard signal for riot duty, five double their point of view. Early in Rusk's first strokes on the fire bells.^" term, back in 1882, he had refused to use the On Tuesday, May 4, all the diverse elements Guard to dispel a band of angry unemployed involved in the 1886 Milwaukee labor dispute railroad hands at Superior. At that time. Rusk came together. By 7:00 A.M., thousands of had stated, "These men need bread not bul­ eight-hour-day men returned to the streets lets," and thereafter appeared as a patron of demanding that those at work lay down their tools and join the general strike. They forced men to quit work at several shops and factories ""See Rusk to Frank R. Falk, May 2, 1886; Rusk while some 3,000 of them headed for the vil­ to Roswell Miller, May 2, 1886; Rusk to Major lage of Bay View and the North Chicago Rol­ George P. Traeumer, May 2, 1886; Rusk to Mayor Wallber, May 3, 1886, all in General Letter Books, ling Mills there. Upon their arrival at the Vol 54, series 1/1/1-11, Ibid.; Charies King to mills, the crowd discovered that rumors that Chandler P. Chapman, April 30, box 5, Chapman Papers; Major Traeumer to Chapman, May 1, 1886, box 39, General Correspondence, National Guard, 1870-1900, file number 37/1/1, Wisconsin National Guard, Adjutant General, Archives, State Historical "•^ Casson, "Uncle Jerry", 166-173. Society of Wisconsin. Also comments in Casson, "^Ibid., 183-189; William F. Raney, Wisconsin: "Uncle Jerry," 188, 191; King, Trials of a Staff Of­ A Story of Progress, 269-271; Campbell, Wisconsin, ficer, 113-118. IV: 293-294; Gara. Short History of Wisconsin, ™ Martin K. Gordon, "The Milwaukee Infantry 169-170. Militia 1865-1892," in Historical Messenger of the '-'•' 1886 Adj. Gen. Report, 14. Milwaukee County Historical Society, XXIV: 2-15 "Ibid., 1-15; Milwaukee Sentinel, May 5, 1886; (March 1968) ; Cooper, "The Wisconsin Militia," Miwaukee Sunday Telegraph, May 9, 1886; Colbron, 223-227; King, "Memories of a Busy Life," 376-377 Wisconsin National Guard, 80; Casson, "Uncle Jerry", and Trials of a Staff Officer, 114, 119-123. 184-188; King, "Memories of a Busy Life," 374-375.

39 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971

Society's Iconographic Collections The North Chicago Rolling Mills at Bay View where the shootings occurred. skilled workers were on the job at Bay View workers to disperse and avoid violence. Schil­ were true. The strikers, unable to enter the ling's plea did not take effect immediately, plant, began negotiations with plant officials however, and the strikers continued to mill and sent committees into the factory to urge around in front of the plant gate. At this workers to leave their jobs. The reported point, the first elements of the Fourth Bat­ tenor and size of the crowd at Bay View and talion arrived by train. Most of the troops in Milwaukee streets convinced Mayor Wallber had reported for duty at the Light Horse and Sheriff Paschen that their forces could Squadron Armory, on Broadway in the down­ not handle the impending disorders and so town area, and then marched to the uptown they made simultaneous requests to Governor depot to take trains to Bay View. The train, Rusk for the National Guard. At 9:00 A.M., bearing three companies—the Sheridan Guard, riot bells rang in Milwaukee, and members South Side Turner Rifles and the Lincoln of the Fourth Battalion reported to their ar­ Guard—^pulled into Bay View at 11:00 A.M. mories, dressed for duty, and then left for Then, "The crowd yelled at the top of their Bay View. At the same time. Adjutant Gen­ voices as [the] locomotive and two coaches eral Chapman notified units of the First Regi­ pulled up at the station and the uniforms of ment to prepare for active duty.^* the militiamen became visible."^^ At Bay View, company officials continued The presence of any soldiers probably would to negotiate with strike leaders, stalling for have offended the strikers but they found the time, knowing full well that Guard companies troops of Milwaukee's Fourth Battalion par­ were on the way. Robert Schilling, the ticularly offensive. Aroused by the arrival Knights' leader, arrived and pleaded with the of local militiamen, the strikers let loose not

"' Milwaukee Sentinel, May 5, 1886; Milwaukee '•' The Evening Wisconsin, May 4, 1886. See also Evening Wisconsin, May 4, 1886; Milwaukee Jour­ .Milwaukee Sentinel, May 5, 1886; Milwaukee Jour­ nal, May 4, 1886; 1886 Adj. Gen. Report, 14-15; nal, May 4, 1886; 1886 Bureau of Labor Report, 1886 Bureau of Labor Report, 331-335. 331-332.

40 COOPER: MILWAUKEE RIOTS OF 1886 only with epithets but also with stones and bricks. The Guardsmen knew little about riot tactics and experienced great difficulty in detraining and getting into formation. The crowd pushed in against them, and some sol­ diers received blows from elbows and fists. Apparently neither Major Traeumer nor his officers had a clear idea of what to do next and took some time in getting the Battalion in formation. Just as they finally massed the unit in front of the plant gate, another train arrived carrying Company B of the Fourth, the Kosciusko Guards. The arrival of the all- Polish Kosciuskos greatly incensed the mob, composed mostly of Polish workingmen. Traeumer ordered the Battalion into the plant grounds, but, according to the Milwaukee Sen­ tinel: The strikers refused to get out of the path of the soldiers . . . and the latter were compelled to elbow their way through the mob in single file. The Kosciusko guards being the last company to pass through the gate, fared the worst, as a number of the Society's Iconographic Collections Poles ran up to the soldiers and struck them Francis J. Borchardt, captain of the Kosciusko from the rear. A shower of stones was also Guards. sent after the troops. . . .'^'^ from entering the grounds but did little else. Impulsively, five or six of the Kosciuskos While the troops took turns at guard duty, turned and fired on the crowd, but their shots the mob outside occasionally booed them and were high and hit no one. This unauthorized lobbed stones over the fence. Some strikers firing scattered most of the strikers and attempted to scale the fence but none succeed­ seemed to temper their bellicosity.''* ed. The crowd further displayed its distaste By noon, the threat of a clash between the for the Guardsmen when it attacked and beat mob and the Guardsmen seemed to pass. A up two late arriving members of the South quick survey of the forces indicated that Side Turner Rifles. The troops maintained several of the Kosciuskos had suffered contu­ a constant vigil until midnight of May 4, but sions from rocks and bricks, the most serious­ even when they were relieved of duty few could ly injured being Captain Francis Borchardt, sleep as the night was cold, they had few the company commander, who had been hit blankets or overcoats, and most of the men in the head with a brick. With the Guards­ were not yet adjusted to the rigors of domes­ men now inside the plant ground, the crowd tic warfare.'''^ outside re-formed and remained there in vary­ ing numbers for the rest of the afternoon and evening. Major Traeumer had no orders to •WHILE THE EVENTS at Bay View were disperse the crowd but only to protect the addressed plant and its workers. He posted sentinels a large gatherino; of workers at the ilwau- around the plant fence to prevent the strikers kee Gardens, urging them to shut down all the business and industry in the city. Inspired by Grottkau's speech, the group marched on

^"May 5, 1886. *' Ibid.; The Evening Wisconsin, May 4, 1886; '*•'"' Ibid.; The Evening Wisconsin, May 6, 1886; Milwaukee Journal, May 4, 1886; 7886 Bureau of Milwaukee Journal, May 5, 1886; Korn, "The Riots Labor Report, 332. of 1886," 5, 8.

41 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971 the Brand and Company's stove works and dens speech. The Knights attempted to op­ forced a work stoppage there. Other strikers erate through established channels. They continued to march through the city streets visited Governor Rusk and requested a with­ chanting slogans. At this point it seemed drawal of the National Guard, assuring him that labor verged on victory. They had ef­ that once this was done, the disorder would fectively stopped production in Milwaukee abate. At the same time, the Knights of Labor shops and factories, and it was only natural issued a broadside urging all Knights to stay that some labor leaders anticipated conces­ off the streets on Tuesday and to refrain from sions from management. Indeed, some con­ attending any public meetings. The broad­ cessions did come on May 4, as several side also appealed for the maintenance of law breweries gave in to the eight-hour demand. and order and the cessation of union-sponsored Despite the appearance of a near-victory events demonstrations. When Rusk firmly refused to were already turning against the general strike recall the Guard, the Knights of Labor in effect movement.^'' withdrew from the strike.^* Several things began to work against the By Wednesday morning. May 5, Governor laborers. First, when it became apparent to Rusk and his staff appeared to be fully in Governor Rusk that the Fourth Battalion command of the situation. Adjutant General would be unable to break the strike alone, he Chapman had the Second Regiment on stand­ had Adjutant General Chapman mobilize the by alert for duty in the city and Rusk had entire First Regiment. This was done at 11:00 issued stern orders to all Guard officers to A.M. and by 5:30 in the afternoon, the entire shoot if crowds refused to obey orders to dis­ unit was in the city. The Madison Governor's perse. Over the telephone, the Governor ex­ Guard arrived first, bringing a Galling gun, plicitly ordered Major Traeumer to fire on which they set up at the Light Horse Armory. demonstrators at Bay View if they behaved Other companies of the First arrived through­ on Wednesday as they had on the previous out the rest of the afternoon. Chapman then night. Very early on Wednesday, a large strategically distributed the units around the crowd of laborers, mainly Polish, met at the city. He sent two companies to reinforce St. Stanislaus Church and began a march to Major Traeumer at Bay View, kept four com­ Bay View. At the mills. Major Traeumer re­ panies at the Armory as a reserve force, and ceived word of the crowd's progress toward sent the remaining forces to guard the Allis the plant. The Major later stated that he had Iron Works and the West Milwaukee rail­ had it on the best authority that the strikers road carshops. Colonel King, on Chapman's were ". . . determined to clean out the militia orders, commanded the cavalry troop and the and to set fire to mills."^^ Despite the fact artillery battery, using these mounted forces that Traeumer believed this, and despite the to patrol the downtown area and as a mobile orders for stern action, he called Governor force to meet emergencies.^^ Rusk for instructions. The Major was ob­ viously not sure of his authority or of how During the night, while the state solidified to best handle the situation. Rusk replied, its position, fatal cracks began to show in ". . . that should the rioters again attempt to labor's united front. Throughout the day there seek an entrance, 'fight em'."*" had been little co-operation between the Knights of Labor and the Central Labor Traeumer and his command never gave the Union. A fundamental difference in commit­ strikers an opportunity to indicate whether ment and tactics existed between the two they intended to enter the mill, set fire to it, groups; thus while Robert Schilling had been or merely demonstrate in front of it. As urging his followers at Bay View to disperse soon as the marchers crossed from the Mil- and avoid violence, Paul Grottkau was advo­ cating more militancy in his Milwaukee Gar- '^ Milwaukee Sentinel, May 5, 1886; 1886 Bureau of Labor Report, 337; Still, Milwaukee, 293. "•" 1886 Adj. Gen. Report, 18. ^°Ibid.; Milwaukee Journal, May 5, 1886; Mil­ '"'1886 Bureau of Labor Report, 328, 333-335; waukee Sentinel, May 6, 1886; The Evening Wiscon­ Milwaukee Sentinel, May 5, 1886. sin, May 5, 1886; 7886 Bureau of Labor Report, 337; "^1886 Adj. Gen. Report, 15-18. Casson, "Uncle Jerry", pp. 190-192.

42 COOPER: MILWAUKEE RIOTS OF 1886

MAY5,1886.

Societ> s Iconograpilic Collections National Guard members on duty inside the Edward P. Allis Reliance Works. waukee city limits into Bay View, Traeumer, Traeumer quickly marched his men out into from inside the plant grounds, ordered them the street with fixed bayonets to ensure that to stop and disperse. Apparently the strikers the crowd would continue to disperse. The had no single leader and ignored the order. Battalion surgeon, a Catholic priest, county Then, reported the Milwaukee Sentinel, ". . . deputies, and some of the braver strikers Maj. Traeumer again warned the crowd to moved about tending the wounded. In all, stop, but the mob ignored him and pressed the volley killed five people. At least two ahead."** Without further warning, Traeumer were not a part of the mob. One of the vic­ gave the order to fire. The strikers were still tims, sixty-eight-year-old Franz Kunkel, was about 200 yards from the plant and only killed by a stray bullet while feeding chickens two of the six companies, numbering between in his own backyard. The other was a thir­ 35 and 40 men each, fired a full volley. The teen-year-old boy drawn to the area by ado­ soldiers remained within the plant grounds lescent curiosity. The firing ended all de­ and only those standing on high ground could monstrations at the Bay View factory.*^ see to fire at the mob. As a result, less than The killings at Bay View did not immediate­ a score of the crowd of 1,500 to 2,000 was hit. ly end disorder in Milwaukee, however. Twice Nonetheless, the effect of the firing was im­ during the day, large crowds of strikers gath­ mediate and conclusive. Men threw them­ ered at the Milwaukee Gardens for demon­ selves flat on the ground, others dived into strations and speeches. Both times, hard- ditches and those in the rear ranks literally ran for their lives.*^

^^Ibid.; The Evening Wisconsin, May 5, 1886; Milwaukee Journal, May 5, 1886; 7886 Adj. Gen. Report, 18-19. "May 6, 1886. '"Ibid.; 1886 Bureau of Labor Report, 340-341.

43 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971 pressed Milwaukee police called upon the Na­ law and order, although King later rumbled tional Guard reserve at the Light Horse Ar­ about smashing anarchists and rebellious for­ mory for aid in breaking up these protests. eign rabble. Early in the strike, Mayor Wall­ In the morning fray at the Gardens, the Light ber and Sheriff Paschen probably sensed that Horse Squadron rode into the crowd, a tactic a strict application of law and order would which effectively broke up the meeting. be seen by laborers as strikebreaking. The Throughout the rest of the day, the Squadron Mayor and Sheriff, however, evidently fright­ and the other troops at the Armory responded ened by the militancy of the strikers and fear­ to false alarms of disorder and riot. Each ful of losing the support of the solid citizens time the National Guardsmen appeared in the in the Republican party, acquiesced to pres­ street, the crowds jeered and occasionally sure and asked for the National Guard. From threw stones, but there was never any need that point. Rusk took over and applied mili­ to use force beyond the bayonet, the rifle tary force quickly and harshly to bring the butt, or the flat of the sword. By the evening disorders to an end. The political and eco­ of May 5, it was quite evident that Governor nomic Zeitgeist dictated such a policy to any Rusk and the National Guard were in control regular politician. Later, in a public speech. of the city and that the strike was broken.** Rusk stated the assumptions under which he On Thursday, crowds no longer roamed the had acted, principles undoubtedly accepted by streets and city police did not have to call Chapman, King, Wallber, most Guardsmen, upon Guardsmen at the Armory for aid in and probably many strikers: ". . . it should maintaining peace. The men of the Fourth be the duty of every citizen that every laborer Battalion at Bay View were exhausted, accord­ who desires to work shall be permitted to do ing to the Milwaukee Journal, having been so unmolested by those who do not choose on duty since Tuesday morning, with little to work themselves. And every citizen should or no sleep.*^ On Friday, May 7, Adjutant be protected in the management of his busi­ General Chapman relieved the Fourth with ness against the interference of all comers. three companies of the First Regiment and This is the only way in which capital and in the afternoon Governor Rusk feted the That these Battalion, some two hundred men, with a labc be h armonious. . assumptions wholly favored capital over labor banquet at the Plankinton House. For the and denied the latter the use of such tactics Fourth Battalion, the war was over. Units as strikes, boycotts, closed shops, and a union of the Regiment, however, remained in the voice in factory matters never occurred to city until the thirteenth of May, guarding the Rusk. In light of this fundamental philosophi­ plant at Bay View, the Allis works and other cal fact, Rusk's use of the National Guard large factories. When the last companies left is understandable.*** Milwaukee, they went with the knowledge that they had broken labor's most serious chal­ It is not completely fair to judge nineteenth- lenge to management in the city's history.*^ century actions in terms of twentieth-century thought. The historian may find it relatively easy to see the causes of disorder after the T T IS highly unlikely that the individual fact and to see that the system as a whole -*- Guardsman in the ranks thought of him­ worked against organized labor. However, self as a strikebreaker. It is just as unlikely this was not the case for those who lived in that Governor Rusk, Adjutant General Chap­ man, or Colonel King saw themselves in this role. To most of these men, the issue had " Undated draft of speech, box 1, Jeremiah Mc- been, from the beginning, a simple one of Calin Rusk Papers, Archives-Manuscripts Division, State Historical Society of Wisconsin. "* For a discussion of the assumptions which gov­ erned relations between labor and capital in the late " Milwaukee Sentinel, May 6, 1886; Milwaukee nineteenth century, see J. Bernard Hogg, "Pubic Journal, May 5, 1886; The Evening Wisconsin, May Reaction to Pinkertonism and the Labor Question," 5, 1886; 7886 Adj. Gen. Report, 19-20. in Pennsylvania History, II: 185-199 (July 1944), '•''May 7, 1886. and John A. Garraty, The New Commonwealth, "' Ibid.: Milwaukee Sentinel, May 7 and 8, 1886; 1877-1890 (New York, 1968), 143-151. For King's 7886 Bureau of Labor Report, 340-341; 7886 Adj. remarks on the riots, see Trials of a Staff Officer, Gen. Report, 23-26. 114-117.

44 COOPER: MILWAUKEE RIOTS OF 1886 the system and strived to better their economic lot under it. The Guard played a central role in breaking the strike, regardless of how that action was justified, and, with good cause, laborers saw the militia as a strikebreaking force. From the very begining of the Mil­ waukee general strike, the workers expressed a strong distrust of and distaste for the Guard. The riot bells which called members of the Fourth Battalion to active duty also brought thousands of civilians into the streets. On the first day of mobilization, May 4, a large crowd gathered downtown near the Light Horse Armory and when the troops left for Bay View, according to The Evening Wiscon­ sin, ". . . they were greeted with marks of approbation by the immense crowd which had gathered in the street."*^ However, other crowds often greeted troops with jeers, boos and occasional stones. One reporter observed ". . . that the militia are thoroughly hated by the laborers. . . ."^^ The Bay View Knights

of Labor, maintaining that the presence of Society's Iconographic Collections the Guard was provocative, offered to guard Alderman Theodore Rudzinski, whose father, August, and protect property if the militia were re­ was the first Polish settler in Milwaukee and the called. Their offer fell on deaf ears."* organizer of the Kosciusko Guards. Not surprisingly, the shooting at Bay View ful crowd which had a perfect right to demon­ on May 5 brought forth the most serious criti­ strate in front of the Bay View plant.^* cism of the National Guard. Robert Schilling The Milwaukee Sunday Telegraph, along wrote in his Milwaukee Volksblatt, "The fir­ with most of the English-language papers in ing was unjustified and cruel, and to say it in the city, deplored the fact that, ". . . dema­ plain German, it was cowardly, premeditated gogues who hope to gain a little political pref­ murder."^^ The Central Labor Union issued erence will make sneering remarks about the a public statement which accused the police National Guard. . . ." But, the paper pointed and militia of unnecessary and harsh action out, the shooting at Bay View ". . . had a throughout the strike and called the killing most wonderfully purifying effect."'^ Praise ". . . over-zealous, unjustifiable and dam­ for the Guard and Governor Rusk's stand dur­ nable."^' Indignation and outrage were par­ ing the riots came from these Milwaukee ticularly acute in the Polish wards, again not papers, most papers around the state and surprisingly, because except for Franz Kunkel, much of the national press. The Governor re­ all those killed or wounded at Bay View had ceived memorials from several business groups been Polish. Alderman Theodore Rudzinski in Milwaukee lauding his recent actions, one was caustically critical of the National Guard, of which assured him that: ". . . it comes charging that it precipitately fired on a peace- from the hearts of that class which has the best interests of the State and country at heart, and who are interested to so great an "May 4, 1886. °° Milwaukee Journal, May 5, 1886. '^Ibid. Also see Ibid., May 4, 1886; Milwaukee Sentinel, May 5, 1886; 1886 Bureau of Labor Report. Mxi, 337. '•'Milwaukee Sentinel, May 6, 7, 9, 10, 1886; Mil­ '"'•' 1886 Bureau of Labor Report, 367. waukee Sunday Telegraph, May 9, 1886; The Evening '^ Milwaukee Sentinel, May 10, 1886. See also Wisconsin, May 5, 1886; 7886 Bureau of Labor Re­ Milwaukee Journal, May 10, 1886, and 7886 Bureau port, 340-341, 362, 365-366. of Labor Report, 362. "May 9, 1886.

45 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971 extent in the commercial welfare and mercan­ their armory—the parish school of St. Stanis­ tile interests of the country. . . ."^^ laus Church—while boys and old woinen open­ ly insulted the Guardsmen in the streets. CUCH MATTERS did not concern the strik- Leaders in the larger community soon came ^ ers with their lost cause, however. Unable to the aid of the Kosciusko Guards. The from the start to gain a hearing for their griev­ city's English-language newspapers began a ances, the strikers were just as powerless to campaign to end the boycott. Governor Rusk gain redress for the actions of the Guard. The summoned Alderman Rudzinski and demand­ frustrated workers, particularly the Poles, took ed that he drop leadership of the campaign. out their wrath on the only element of the Rudzinski persisted, however, and later Rusk establishment which they could touch, the revoked his commission as a notary public. Kosciusko Guards. Under the leadership of A committee of leading Milwaukee manufac­ Alderman Rudzinski, the Polish community turers met and decided that as long as the imposed a social and economic boycott on boycott lasted, they would not hire any Poles the Guards from the afternoon of May 4, who did not have a written recommendation after some Kosciuskos had impulsively fired from the Kosciuskos. The committee also upon the strikers at Bay View. The shooting promised, according to the Sentinel, that and killing on May 5 intensified bitter feel­ ". . . members of the Kosciusko guards will ings in the Polish wards. Open threats of be taken care of in case they do not find violence led Adjutant General Chapman to employment. ... by giving them positions at place Guardsmen at the homes of Major the works or shops represented by the com­ Traeumer and Captain Francis Borchardt, mittee."''^ Because of this economic support commander of the Kosciusko Guards. The of the company by the local business com­ boycott sapped the strength of the Polish munity, the boycott eventually dissipated. company. On May 4, fifty officers and men The reaction of the city's leading news­ of the company were on duty at Bay View. papers to the boycott accentuated a theme Two days later, eight enlisted men were ab­ prevalent throughout the disorders. The Mil­ sent from duty and on May 7, when the com­ waukee Sentinel, which had been outspokenly pany was relieved, fourteen men were absent. anti-Polish during the strike, editorialized: Other companies of the Battalion maintained "The Poles of the city are under the greatest or added to their strength during the same obligation to the members of the Kosciusko time.^'' Guards who alone have prevented the entire Since the great majorit)' of the Polish race from falling under the public ban."^^ Guardsmen lived in the Polish wards, the Most of the city's newspapers and many of boycott became very effective. Most mem­ the state officials had made much of the bers of the Kosciuskos were small business­ ethnicity of the strikers, as though to explain men; grocers, bakers, tavernkeepers, and the away the troubles by blaming foreigners and like; a few were professionals. By May 10, outsiders. The Sentinel, in particular, contin­ company members felt the full effect of the ually referred to "Polack" strikers as the real ban. Captain Borchardt's law practice dis­ troublemakers. This paper, other segments of integrated and the grocers and tavernkeepers in the company lost almost all of their busi­ ness. The Kosciuskos were ordered out of '^May 12, 1886. The boycott and its effects may be traced by reading daily issues, May 5 through May 20, of The Evening Wisconsin, Milwaukee Journal and the Sentinel. For particular discussions of the boycott, see Milwaukee Sentinel, May 11, 14, ^ "Memorial to His Excellency the Governor of 18, 1886; The Evening Wisconsin, May 14, 1886; the State of Wisconsin, from the Traveling Men of Milwaukee Sunday Telegraph, May 23, 1886. On Milwaukee," undated memorial box 1, Rusk Papers. the revocation of Rudzinski's notary public license, See also Milwaukee Sentinel, May 6, 7, 10, 1886; see Henry Casson, private secretary to Rusk, to Milwaukee Sunday Telegraph, May 16. 1886; The Rudzinski, June 2, 1886, General Letter Books, Vol. Evening Wisconsin, May 5, 1886. 54, series 1/1/1-11, Executive Department, Adminis­ ^^ Milwaukee Sentinel, May 5, 7, 1886; Milwaukee tration, Archives-Manuscripts Division, State Histori­ Journal, May 8, 11, 1886; The Evening Wisconsin, cal Society of Wisconsin. May 5, 1886; Milwaukee Sunday Telegraph, May 9, "" May 12, 1886. See similar remarks in The 1886; 7886 Adj. Gen. Report, 23, 40. Evening Wisconsin, May 14, 1886.

46 COOPER: MILWAUKEE RIOTS OF 1886

the press, and state officials could not resist upon ultimate force to cover his indecision. pointing out that the two leaders of the strike, A comment in the Milwaukee Journal partially Robert Schilling and Paul Grottkau, were bears out this conclusion, as it noted: "The German-born and Socialists to boot. As noted general opinion of the people of Bay View is earlier, many state officials and businessmen that the action of the militia was hasty, and believed the troubles arose because Germans that bloodshed could have been prevented dominated local politics and were spineless by drawing the militia in line outside the and untrustworthy. Charles King, almost ob­ works and menacing the crowd without shoot- sessed with nativism, later condemned all for­ ing."62 eigners in the affair, regardless of the role Poor training, lack of discipline, and in­ they played. He attacked city and county of­ competent leadership, then, were as much a ficials, contemptuously referred to Traeumer cause of the killing as the resolute stand of as that "German major," criticized the disci­ the state officials. It is clear that the men pline of the Kosciusko Guards, "mainly Po- of the Fourth were poorly trained for riot landers, but of a better class," and asserted duty. Many served throughout the strike in that the only decent Guard troops in the fray their dress-parade uniforms and went with­ were the cavalry troop and the battery, "all out blankets, overcoats, or hot food for two dashing young Americans."^" Undoubtedly days when the nights were damp and chilly. this antiforeign attitude explains in great part On the night following the killing at Bay the harsh policy laid down by Governor Rusk View the troops remained very jumpy. Twice and pursued by General Chapman and Colonel during the night of May 5-6, nervous sentries King." awoke other Guardsmen at Bay View by fir­ Paradoxically, the immigrant companies of ing at imaginary skulkers in the shadows. the Fourth Battalion carried out the Gover­ Finally, at least some of the Guardsmen, al­ nor's policy, but the severity of their actions ready in an overexcited state, were told by came from poor preparation not antiforeign their officers to be ready to kill. Prior to bias. The Fourth Battalion consistently re­ leaving the Armory for Bay View, the captain ceived the lowest efficiency ratings of all of the Sheridan Guards gave a short speech units in the Guard and their performance at to his men, stating in part: "I don't want Bay View indicates the outfit was poorly any of you to show the white feather. . . . trained. The Guard as a whole lacked riot Above all things, keep cool. Don't lose your training and the Fourth, often torn by politi­ head, but wait for the order to fire before you cal and social conflicts, frequently performed pull a trigger. And when you do fire, take poorly even at dress parades. Their first day's an aim; pick out your man and kill him."^' action at Bay View, when they displayed a No one in authority bothered to consider these total lack of knowledge concerning crowd factors, and on May 7 a coroner's jury ab­ control, indicated their poor preparation. Fur­ solved the militia of any responsibility for thermore, although Traeumer was under or­ the killings at Bay View.^* ders to fire if the strikers attempted to enter the plant grounds, he made no effort to de­ TN THE AFTERMATH of the strike, the termine fully the intentions of the crowd be­ ••- authorities sought to punish the most radi­ fore firing into it. Traeumer displayed inde­ cal strike leaders. In all, they arrested and cision throughout the disorders and relied convicted thirty-seven men for fomenting riots. Paul Grottkau was the most notable of these; he received a year's sentence in the county jail, but served only six weeks of the term. ™ In Trials of a Staff Officer, 114-117. "^ A reading of the newspapers used in this paper for the days of the strike will indicate a continual reference to the foreign makeup of the strikers. For Governor Rusk's views, see undated manuscript of "" May 4, 1886, p. 1. See Traeumer's report of the a speech in box 1, Rusk Papers and comments of his Bay View firing in 7886 Adj. Gen. Report, 18-19. private secretary Henry Casson, in "Uncle Jerry", "^Milwaukee Sentinel, May 4, 1886. See also 185-188; comments of Commissioner of Labor Frank Milwaukee Journal, May 4, 5, 7, 1886; The Evening A. Flower in 7886 Bureau of Labor Report, 321, Wisconsin, May 17, 1886. 330-332. ''' Milwaukee Journal, May 8, 1886.

47 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971

In the fall elections of 1886, labor took its there were many strikes in the city in the vengeance on county officials who had co­ ensuing years, the National Guard did not operated with state authorities in breaking serve on active duty again in Milwaukee dur­ the strike by replacing all of them with labor ing the rest of the nineteenth century. candidates, thus vindicating the fears of Mayor In retelling the story of the Milwaukee Wallber and Sheriff Paschen. The failure riots of 1886, one tends to gain a feeling of of the strike—there were no reductions in deja vu, to say to himself that he too has ex­ hours or raises in wages—impelled organized perienced this upheaval. On the surface, the labor to turn to politics. In the 1888 mayoral affair seems relatively simple. In one light, election, the Union Labor Party candidate the strike seems to fit the classic confronta­ lost the election by less than 1,000 votes, due tion between struggling labor and grasping in part to the fact that local Democrats and capitalism, with the latter winning through Republicans presented a fusion ticket to head the crass use of the power of the state. Or it off a labor victory, but mainly because Paul may appear to some, as it did to many con­ Grottkau and his Socialist followers refused temporaries, a simple question of law and to back the Union Party candidate and ran order. The ends pursued by labor are not the one of their own.^° Their failure to win in issue, for the means adopted to gain them 1888 insured Milwaukee workers that labor appear patently unfit for use in a democracy. would remain without a power base from Scratch the surface, however, and one finds which to influence state policy, including the a complexity which no pat generalizations will use of the National Guard, as labor had little explain. A detailed examination of the affair strength in the rest of the state. brings many facts to light. The state's chief The intransigence of Grottkau in 1888 instrument for maintaining order, the Na­ points out the real reason why labor lost so tional Guard, is found to be poorly organized much in the 1886 general strike. In great and disciplined, led in part by officers wholly part, labor allowed itself to be divided on out of touch with the realities of industrial grounds dictated by management. Manage­ life. At another level, the facts disclose a ment fostered the split between the unskilled sharp division between state and local offi­ and skilled workers by granting some conces­ cials, all wanting to take different approaches sions to the latter and ignoring the former. in dealing with the disorders, yet all severely Many workingmen in the Knights of Labor, pressed by the demands of property owners. composed primarily of native Americans and At yet another point, it is found that the Germans, attempted to separate themselves strikers themselves are divided, that their from the more militant Central Labor Union leaders often work at cross-purposes and are and its Polish followers once these elements unsure of tactics. When blatant ethnic preju­ came under the fire of the city's newspapers. dice and the scare tactics of the press are Grottkau continued to speak militantly and thrown in, the mixture becomes complete, but to urge street action after it became clear perhaps still not wholly intelligible. The af­ that Rusk would use the National Guard to fair is in many ways surprisingly a reflec­ smash all disorder. At the same time, Robert tion of our own times. It is indicative of the Schilling attempted, almost shamelessly, to difficulty our nation has continually faced disassociate himself and his union from any in solving the deep-rooted problems of a plu­ of the violence attending the strike. A united ralistic society. It is somewhat disheartening, labor front could have forestalled the use of too, for clearly we have failed to advance very the Guard; with no fighting between skilled far in our means of dealing with such prob­ and unskilled workers there would have been lems. All too often today, each new rude no justification for a military show of power. awakening is heralded by five double strokes Apparently labor learned its lesson, for while on the fire bell.

"^ Still, Milwaukee, 283-287; Korman, Industrializa­ tion, Immigrants and Americanizers, 57-58; 7886 Bureau of Labor Report, 345.

48 THE TRUMAN PRESIDENCY: TRIAL AND ERROR

By ATHAN THEOHARIS

\ DMITTEDLY, a postwar President en- President he sought to promote peace and en­ -^*- counters war-related problems that dis­ sure equal opportunity, although he perceived tinguish his administration from that of a the President's proper role as an advocate for peacetime President. Harry S. Truman con­ needed reforms, in actuality Truman's achieve­ fronted decisions concerning the federal gov­ ments were minimal. This failure as a national ernment's role in expediting reconversion from leader stemmed from the nature of Truman's a planned, wartime economy to peacetime, de­ rhetoric and decisions. His anti-communist centralized production; the rate and desirabil­ political pronouncements helped to create an ity of demobilization; and the desirability of anti-reformist climate; his elitist conception U.S. participation in an international collective of the Presidency and his alarmist and parti­ security organization. He also confronted a san statements served to undermine his long- Congress eager to reassert its former political term public credibility. Ultimately, this cre­ authority; a conservative congressional coali­ ated a political vacuum which legitimated the tion seeking to check or discredit reformist essentially debunking criticisms of the ad­ programs and principles; a public eager to ministration's conservative opponents. In its secure release from governmental controls; domestic consequences, the Cold War stifled and a heightened intolerance resulting from the innovation and imagination essential for a the passions of war-involvement. politics of reform. Truman was a reformist President and, at the same time, his own postwar leadership and \ CCEDING to the Presidency on April 12, decisions contributed to his administration's ^*- 1945, Harry S. Truman had to make far- political difficulties. It is my thesis that Tru­ reaching policy decisions concerning domestic man was a distinct failure as a presidential and international affairs: whether to continue leader. An activist, Truman nonetheless lacked Roosevelt's New Deal policies at home and the leadership qualities necessary for captur­ internationalist commitments abroad. In both ing popular support to ensure congressional realms, Truman would apparently win defen­ enactment of reform measures. Although as sive battles over conservatives in Congress. He successfully stemmed their efforts to dis­ credit the New Deal; at the same time he es­ AUTHOR'S NOTE: I wish to express my apprecia­ tablished internationalism and effectively un­ tion to Wayne State University and to the Truman dercut "isolationism." Yet, Truman's domestic Institute for National and International Affairs for reformism and internationalism were distinct­ their support of my research on the Truman Admin­ istration. In slightly different form, this paper was ly limited in scope. Significantly, his admin­ originally presented at the Pacific Coast Branch meet­ istration failed to confront, and in some cases ings of the American Historical Association, Stan­ exacerbated, contemporary problems in the ford, California, August 28, 1967.

49 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971

area of civil rights, urban housing, civil liber­ tended to subvert those indirect criticisms ties, education, economic consolidation, and raised by conservative opponents of New Deal federal corruption. reforms and international involvement that Thus, although Truman expressed sympa­ had centered on the waste, inefficiency, and thy with his predecessor's reform approach, incompetence of the Roosevelt bureaucracy. his reformist commitment was more political The establishment of the First Hoover Com­ than philosophical. A pragmatist more than mission in 1947 to investigate administrative a theorist or planner, even Truman's coinage, procedure did focus the subsequent national in 1949, of the term "Fair Deal" represented political debate on the validity of the New less a distinctive approach than a rhetorical Deal approach, not on bureaucratic excesses. attempt to convey his personal stamp. Not that One by-product of this political action was to Truman proposed no new programs: civil preserve the essence of New Deal principles— rights, public housing, the Full Employment to ensure an efficient bureaucracy with re­ Act, the Brannan Plan, and medical care in­ sponsibility for formulating and executing re­ surance do reflect his legislative efforts. None form proposals.* of these programs, however, represented a In another sense, the First Hoover Commis­ bold, new initiative; rather they were the sion confirmed what became Truman's main legislative extension or espousal of measures organizational tactic of dealing with potential that had not been central to Roosevelt's New criticism or controversy: the appointment of Deal. a nonpartisan, expert commission. The resort Similarly, Truman's major foreign policy to presidentially appointed expert commissions measures were less internationalist than na­ was not original to Truman. Nonetheless, he, tionalistic. Admittedly, the Truman Admin­ more than his predecessors, relied on the presi­ istration extended the scope of the United dential commission as a tactic for legitimating States international commitments, with poli­ potentially controversial recommendations. At cies as varied as U.S. participation in the various times after 1946 he appointed special United Nations, the British loan, the Truman commissions to investigate the questions of Doctrine, Point IV, NATO, and the undeclared civil rights, civil liberties, internal security, war in Korea. The rationale for these policies immigration, unification of the armed ser­ fortified the popular conception of American vices, and peacetime conscription. Truman al­ omnipotence and contributed to the militariza­ so appointed presidential commissions to ad­ tion of U.S. and international politics. Initial­ vise him on strictly administrative matters ly responsive to public pressure for immediate involving atomic energy, national security, demobilization, Truman successfully sustained foreign intelligence, and aviation.^ an overseas U.S. military presence and se­ The use of expert commissions pointedly re­ cured the enactment of peacetime conscrip­ flects Truman's administrative orientation and tion. In addition, Truman initiated a loyalty- elitist conception of a functioning democracy. security program intended to remove subver­ Composed of representatives of those major sives from the administration and restrict pos­ organizations with an interest in the particular sible Communist intelligence or subversive issue, these commissions' political leverage re­ efforts. sulted from their interest-expertise. By his ap­ pointments, Truman ensured a balanced, mod­ rriRUMAN'S CONCEPTION of the office of erate report and revealed his political con­ -*- the Presidency and his relations with the servatism. Respecting power and seeking to Congress and the public served to alter the framework of American politics, thereby in­ directly affecting the prospects for reform. An active, dynamic President, Truman's responses ' See, Public Papers of the Presidents of the United were essentially administrative rather than in­ States: Harry S. Truman, 1945, pp. 69-72, 259-261, 263-309, 546-561, 562-563; 7947, pp. 222-229, 257- novative. By consolidating the executive of­ 260, 338; 7949, pp. 102-103, 199-200, 354-355, 943- fice, Truman made the White House an ef­ 944; 7950, pp. 102-104, 160-161, 163-166, 382-385, fective instrument for domestic and interna­ 405-406, 423-425. 'Ibid., 1946, pp. 344-345, 509-510; 1947, pp. 9, 12, tional change. Initially, this reorganization 63, 338; 7957, pp. 119-121, 220-221.

50 THEOHARIS: TRUMAN PRESIDENCY

accommodate not confront the corporate sec­ ences over administration policy priorities and tor, Truman indirectly sanctioned the biased objectives. To achieve this, Truman strength­ expertise of powerful special interest groups ened the White House staff, establishing an in­ and certain national personalities. In addi­ dependent research and review group loyal to tion, this deference to prominent business or himself that briefed him on important policy military personalities dramatized Truman's matters. As this evolved, Truman's White concept of popular democracy: that because House staff consisted of individuals having the public lacked experience and expert knowl­ well-defined, specialized legislative responsi­ edge, it should accede to the recommendations bilities co-ordinated by the President's legisla­ of those having the requisite inside experience tive counsel.* and knowledge. Consistent with this orienta­ In a related move, Truman established the tion, Truman presented the decisions of these Bureau of the Budget as the clearing house for commissions less as recommendations than as departmental policy proposals. Each depart­ legislative fiats. In his model of American ment was required to submit its legislative and democracy, the public's and the Congress' role appropriation recommendations to the Budget in comparison with that of the executive Bureau for review and approval. The Bureau branch was that of a Greek chorus or a Socra- then assessed the proposed measure in terms tic dialogue; the partners were distinctly un­ of executive policy priorities as delineated in equal. the President's State of the Union address. Si­ Truman's response to congressional criti­ multaneously, the Bureau submitted the meas­ cisms of his foreign policy or internal security ure for consideration to those other executive proposals further illustrates this elitism. Con­ departments having related legislative inter­ gressional criticisms, admittedly often partisan ests. Through the Bureau of the Budget's leg­ and irresponsible, did represent a democratic islative clearance function, the White House demand for a critical assessment of executive promoted interdepartmental harmony and at proposals. Rather than confining his discus­ the same time remained informed about devel­ sion to the merit of these criticisms, Truman opments and differences within the executive often adopted a querulous posture of demand­ branch.^ ing uncritical support. His main tactical re­ sponse to criticisms was to defend his policy on national security grounds and to equate dis­ sent with a form of disloyalty. Thus, he re­ ' The status of the White House staff dramatized fused congressional committees access to priv­ one of Truman's administrative problems. Only after ileged information, whether FBI loyalty re­ 1948 did Truman acquire a solid, well-balanced, and loyal staff. In the early years of his Presidency, he ports on federal personnel or classified execu­ relied primarily on the advice of members of his tive agreements and policy papers, implying Cabinet. See, Papers of Charles Murphy, Stephen Spingarn, Clark Clifford, David Lloyd, Donald Daw­ that the executive was the best judge of the son, David Bell, George Elsey, Richard Neustadt, national interest.^ Philleo Nash, all in the Truman Library. For a de­ tailed study of the White House and the Budget Truman's efforts to expedite the formulation staffs' roles on a specific legislative issue, see Elmer and implementation of executive policy fur­ Cornwell, Presidential Leadership of Public Opinion ther confirms his elitist administrative orienta­ (Bloomington, Indiana, 1965), 237-241. Franklin Mitchell, of the University of Southern California, is tion. Confronted by a divisive Cabinet and presently studying Truman's White House staff. the administrative chaos of the Roosevelt ° Under Roosevelt's Budget Director, Harold Smith, Presidency, Truman sought to streamline the this form of co-ordination and organization was in­ troduced. These procedures were perfected during executive branch. A central purpose of this Truman's Presidency. See, Bureau of the Budget reorganization was to provide the means for legislative files, deposited in the National Archives mediating Cabinet and departmental differ- and the Truman Library. See also, John Ramsey, "Role of the Bureau of the Budget in Policy Forma­ tion in the Truman Administration" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. University of Missouri) ; Richard Neustadt, "Presidential Clearance of Legislation" (un­ published Ph.D. dissertation. Harvard University) ; 'Ibid., 1948, pp. 181-182; 7949, pp. 280-282, 292- "Presidency and Legislation: The Growth of Cen­ 296; 1950, pp. 120, 159-163, 177-185, 228-238, 240- tral Clearance," in American Political Science Re­ 241, 250-256, 267-272, 284-288, 418-423, 645-653, view, and "Presidency and Legislation: Planning 679-682, 697-703. the President's Program," in ibid. (December, 1955),

51 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971

This procedure, marking as it did a change role. This failure helped contribute to Tru­ in the institution of the Presidency, had the man's subsequent failure as a reformist Presi­ attendant effect of reducing executive depen­ dent and national leader.'' dence on the Congress. On the one hand, when the President acquired information and as­ T^HE NATURE AND STYLE of Truman's sistance independent of Congressmen, he lost -*- leadership was also a fundamental factor his former rapport with the Congress. On the in the postwar resurgence of congressional au­ other hand, the administration's political lever­ thority and the evolution of an anti-reformist age with the Congress receded because impor­ climate. Confronted by a congressional sys­ tant Congressmen had neither fully partici­ tem dominated by conservatives and unsym­ pated nor been fully consulted during the pathetic to reform, Truman, as had Roosevelt, formulation of policy measures. Coinciding sought to pressure the Congress to enact his chronologically with congressional efforts to legislative program through direct appeals to reassert power and to reverse presidential au­ the public. Unlike Roosevelt, however, Tru­ thority, this administrative reform indirectly man lacked personal charisma and was not an served both to alienate important leaders of effective exponent of reform. Indeed, during Congress from the executive branch and to his Presidency, Truman's political influence provide congressional critics with the means derived less from his own leadership than to criticize executive power and procedures. from the continued positive image of Roose­ The elitism inherent in this strengthening of velt's New Deal. Significantly, Truman's great­ the office of the Presidency enabled conserva­ est political victory, his election in 1948, was tive Congressmen to concentrate on executive made possible by the effective exploitation of procedures; they challenged executive secrecy the anti-New Deal record and actions of the and unilateralism, affirming that a greater Eightieth Congress. In contrast, Truman's congressional role would ensure a more re­ greatest political defeat, in the 1946 congres­ sponsive government. In this vein. Senator sional elections, and his inability after 1949 to Joseph McCarthy later attacked Truman's se­ secure serious congressional consideration of cretive conduct of foreign policy and internal his policy proposals occurred when his oppo­ security, and other conservatives advocated nents centered directly on his leadership. the need either for restrictions on executive foreign policy authority (the Bricker Amend­ A review of the Truman Administration's ment) or the publication of secret executive political record documents the negative as­ foreign policy agreements (Yalta). pects of Truman's leadership. Initially over­ whelmed by the responsibility of succeeding a At first Truman attempted to resolve this popular Roosevelt who had monopolized na­ problem by periodically consulting with the tional politics since 1932, and lacking self- congressional leadership on an informal basis. confidence in his own abilities to respond to After 1949 Truman adopted the more formal the complex domestic and international prob­ procedure of holding regular weekly meetings lems then confronting the United States, Tru­ with the Democratic congressional leader­ man from 1945 to 1947 was an indecisive, ship: the speaker of the House, the House inept President. He vacillated, hesitating to majority leader, the Senate majority leader, act, and often when he did act he subsequently and the Vice President. Truman, however, reversed himself. In addition, at various times never satisfactorily resolved this executive-leg­ during 1945-1946, Truman did not control islative liaison problem, nor did he win public his own administration. His dependence on acceptance of this more independent executive and good faith in his advisers lent itself to abuse and contradictions. At various times im­ portant advisers and Cabinet members at­ tempted to manipulate Truman either by not 980-1021. For an insightful discussion of the in­ stitutionalization of the Presidency, see Elmer Corn- well, "The Truman Presidency," in Richard Kirken- dall, ed.. The Truman Period as a Research Field (Columbia, Missouri, 1967) ; and Barton Bernstein, "The Presidency Under Truman," Yale Political Re­ " See, Murphy Files, Big Four Meetings, Truman view (Fall, 1964). Library.

52 THEOHARIS: TRUMAN PRESIDENCY

informing him of their actions (Byrnes at the was able to restrain congressional efforts to London Foreign Ministers Conference) or by emasculate the New Deal: under the circum­ misinforming him (Clark's editing of a Roose­ stances no President could have done more. velt directive and Wallace's securing of Tru­ The Eightieth Congress subsequently became man's assent to his Madison Square Garden Truman's most effective political issue in his address) in order to further their program­ 1948 re-election campaign. Stressing the need matic objectives or priorities.^ for a reformist administration, one oriented The President's vacillation contributed to toward the interests of all Americans, not the Republicans' 1946 congressional election one dominated by or responsive to "special victory. Truman's leadership had had two ef­ interests," Truman successfully capitalized on fects: first, it fractionalized the progressive popular support for the New Deal and fears coalition that Roosevelt had developed and, of depression. In his campaign, Truman did second, it tended to support the Republican not delineate what he would do if elected. His campaign appeal of "Had Enough? Vote Re­ appeal was negative—that of an underdog, a publican." By failing to provide the leader­ scrappy fighter, but not a presidential leader.* ship necessary either to inform the public of The 1948 election seemingly constituted a options or to pressure the conflicting interest resounding political success for Harry Tru­ groups to act responsibly, Truman had created man. Not only had a more moderate Congress a political context wherein a protest appeal been elected, but the nature of Truman's vic­ could be effective. In 1946 the public voted tory, despite deep divisions within the Demo­ "no" to the Truman Administration. cratic party, the partisan opposition, and bi­ The resultant Eightieth Congress, heavily ased predictions of the press, should have Republican and with committees chaired by maximized his political leverage. Truman's intransigent opponents of the New Deal, pre­ victory attested to the New Deal's political sented an insurmountable barrier to any re­ appeal, a factor the congressional leadership formist President. During 1947-1948, Truman seemingly could no longer ignore. Truman's post-1948 legislative reform record, however, was not very fruitful. Increasingly after 1950, Truman lost control of the Congress, his pub­ ' Allen Matusow, Farm Politics and Policies of the lic support waned, and a new conservatism Truman Years (Cambridge, 1967) ; Barton Bern­ dominated national politics. stein, "The Truman Administration and the Steel Strike of 1946," Journal of American History (March, 1966) ; "Clash of Interests: The Postwar Battle be­ tween OPA and Agriculture," Agricultural History W/^ERE TRUMAN'S FAILURES after 1949 (January, 1967) ; "The Removal of War Production ' ' simply the product of an irrational pub­ Controls on Business, 1944-1946," Business History lic disaffection? Were his problems simply Review (Summer, 1965) ; "America in War and Peace: The Test of Liberalism," in Barton Bern­ those caused by a public that, because incapa­ stein, ed., Towards a New Past (New York, 1967) ; ble of understanding and thus accepting the John Gimbel, The American Occupation of Germany: complex, frustrating responsibilities of the Politics and the Military, 1945-1949 (Palo Alto, Cali­ fornia, 1968) ; Thomas G. Patterson, "The Abortive Cold War, naively responded to the McCar- Russian Loan," Journal of American History (Spring, thyites' simplistic appeals? Historians of the 1969) ; Athan Theoharis, "James F. Byrnes: Un­ Cold War period have generally represented witting Yalta Myth-Maker," Political Science Quar­ terly (December, 1966) ; "Attorney General Clark, Truman as a helpless victim of an irrational, Internal Security, and the Truman Administration," emotional public. Popular frustration and New University Thought (Spring, 1968). Also con­ trast Roosevelt's wiretapping directive of 1940 with discontent were pinpointed as contributing to Attorney General Tom Clark's altered version of that the conservative congressional leadership's suc­ directive. Memorandum, President Roosevelt to At­ cess in assuming the offensive. torney General Jackson, May 21, 1940; and Letter, Attorney General Tom Clark to President Truman, July 17, 1946; Spingarn Papers, National Defense, Truman Library. Another example is the 1946 con­ flict between Byrnes and Wallace over administration foreign policy that resulted in Wallace's forced resig­ nation. For Truman's role in that dispute, see Pub­ ^Ibid., 1948, pp. 296-307, 323-330, 332-341, 347- lic Papers of the Presidents: Harry S. Truman, 1949, 379, 406-410, 416-424, 431-435, 449-451, 462-482, pp. 426-429 (questions 5 and 13 and footnote on p. 491-492; Truman Papers, 1948 Campaign, Truman 427), 431. Library.

53 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971

The reality was more complex. Indeed, Tru­ TN the national security realm—military de- man, unwittingly and admittedly unintention­ -*- fense, foreign relations, foreign intelli­ ally, had contributed to the development of gence, internal security—a modern President this intolerant, hysteric climate. In fact, pub­ has considerably greater political leverage vis­ lic responses, if apparently irrational, reflected a-vis the Congress than he does in strictly do­ the level of the postwar foreign policy-internal mestic matters. Executive powers which en­ security debate. able a President to focus discussions on par­ The nature of Truman's rhetoric and his ad­ ticular issues or to define priorities maximize ministration's various foreign policy-internal presidential influence. The Congress could security decisions during the 1945-1949 peri­ repudiate or support a particular policy course, od had served to shift the focus of the na­ but the manner of its restraint would be re­ tional debate to national security questions sponsive not initiatory. When dealing with and to legitimate a conservative anti-commu­ executive national security decisions, more­ nism. From an earlier concern over economic over, the Congress confronted actions justi­ security and domestic issues, by 1950 the po­ fied as essential to the national interest. The litical debate centered on international devel­ Cold War, owing to the more sophisticated opments and national security arguments; an techniques of subversion and the unprece­ appeal to anti-communism, without clearly de­ dented power of nuclear weapons, added a fining what this denoted, had become the new dimension to this relationship. Intelli­ norm in post-1950 politics. gence and time acquired new significance; The necessity to secure popular support for speed, flexibility, and secrecy became impera­ the adoption of foreign-internal security poli­ tive and further served to increase the power cies that marked a shift away from Roose­ of the executive branch. velt's emphases had led Truman, particularly A new situation had been created during during 1947-1949, to resort to a distinctly the postwar years which subverted traditional alarmist rhetoric. Truman helped restructure checks-and-balances types of restrictions. The the postwar political debate by defining an in­ real restraint on presidential authority came terventionist, power-oriented foreign policy as to rest on the administration's credibility. necessary, defensive, and internationalist and Able leadership of public opinion, thus, ac­ claiming that the surveillance of the political quired especial importance. Because Presi­ associations and beliefs of federal employees dent Truman had the opportunity to make was essential to internal security while protec­ unilateral decisions, by so doing he made tive of individual liberties. Further, his em­ possible partisan, even if irresponsible, at­ phasis on United States omnipotence and tacks on his policies. The opposition could altruism helped create a climate of overbear­ simply debunk and suggest the need for re­ ing innocence. In addition, when responding straints on the executive, emphasizing its lack to the McCarthyites' criticisms, Truman did of identification with, and the unilateral char­ not substantively refute their arguments but acter of, these presidential decisions. This sit­ dismissed them either as partisan, without uation, moreover, precluded the necessity of justification, or unpatriotic. Truman's overt simultaneously proposing viable alternatives. partisanship, combined with his oversimplifi­ Moreover, many Americans, because nation­ cation of international and national security al security matters were not a direct or con­ issues, in the long run contributed to the un­ scious experience, responded more uncritically dermining of his administration's credibility.'' to foreign policy appeals than they would to domestic ones. The ability of a President to "Public Papers of the Presidents: Harry S. Tru­ define policy responses in patriotic terms or to man, 1946, pp. 233-235, 346-347; 7947, pp. 255-257, justify policy as responsive to alleged threats 176-180, 211-216, 238-241, 254-255, 515-529; 7948, pp. 182-190, 200-203, 231-235, 287-290, 336-340, to the national interest enabled him to shape 482^85, 815-818, 140-141, 144-146; 7949, pp. 1-7, popular understanding and acquiescence. How 44-97, 112-116, 196-198, 206-207, 230-232, 241-244, a President defined the national interest could 277-279, 286-291, 395-400, 438, 455-459, 501-505, 517-525, 582-583; 1950, pp. 120, 228-229, 138, 149- structure significantly the political debate. 153, 159-163, 177-180, 2-11, 44-106, 181-182, 238- For this reason, Truman's anti-communist 240, 423-425, 445^52, 473-477, 250-256, 284-288, 333-338, 342-344, 374-377. rhetoric, by delimiting the debate and the

54 THEOHARIS: TRUMAN PRESIDENCY public climate, ultimately legitimated attacks carried new commitments, served to redefine from the right. the international situation, and accordingly re­ In 1950 Truman faced a different public duced Truman's subsequent alternatives. Tru­ than he had in 1945. This popular suspicion man's November, 1950, request of Congress of the executive had not been foreordained; for economic aid to Yugoslavia indicates this indeed, in 1945 Truman had commanded un­ domino theory, alarmist emphasis. Truman critical popular support for executive foreign then observed: policy initiatives, partly because of popular The drought, the consequent crop failure, antipathy toward Congress and the Republican and the imminence of famine in Yugoslavia leadership. In 1945 the public's prevalent fear is [sic] a development which seriously af­ had been that the Congress might, for either fects the security of the North Atlantic area. partisan or isolationist reasons (as it had in These events dangerously weaken the ability 1919), frustrate a negotiated settlement or of Yugoslavia to defend itself against ag­ preclude an active United States international­ gression, for, among other circumstances, it ist role. In addition, in 1945 Roosevelt's for­ [sic] imperils the combat effectiveness of eign policy leadership enhanced popular sym­ the Yugoslav armed forces. pathy and support for executive authority. Yugoslavia, moreover, is a nation whose strategic location makes it of direct impor­ After 1945 Truman lost this support and tance to the defense of the North Atlantic confronted a public concerned over success in area. . . . the Cold War. In part, this change derived As a result of these factors, an immediate from Truman's decisions and leadership. After increase in Yugoslavia's ability to defend 1945 Truman had adopted a less conciliatory itself over that which would exist if no as­ approach toward the Soviet Union than Roose­ sistance were supplied will contribute to the peace and security of the North Atlantic velt followed, relying on military strength, not area [and] is vital to the security of the the development of mutual trust or a policy United States.** based on accommodation. This shift away from Roosevelt's emphasis and procedures was In addition, the administration's foreign gradual, though steady, and thereby tended to policy decisions were increasingly unilateral. blur the distinctiveness. Morevoer, although Thus, Truman either bypassed the United Na­ Truman's rhetorical emphasis centered on the tions or relied upon that organization as a United Nations, his actions represented a na­ forum for acquiescence to U.S. policy. A na­ tionalistic and militaristic course. Beginning tionalist, if in a different sense from Robert with the Truman Doctrine and extending to Taft, Truman suggested that the United States economic aid to South Korea or Yugoslavia, could impose its values on the postwar world Truman evolved a domino-theory analysis of and presented United States intervention in international developments and also described noble, altruistic terms. Rejecting preventive his policy proposals in emotional, crisis- war and overt liberation, Truman's state­ oriented terms. Even this shift from Roose­ ments, nonetheless, exuded confidence. Tru­ velt's policies was marked by major differ­ man did not aver that international problems ences in policy objectives. Initially, Truman of change or disruption, or the attainment of attributed international problems to economic stability, were impossible of solution; nor did chaos and underdevelopment, and his propos- sals centered on economic aid. Gradually, his policy statements stressed military aid; he presented policy in confrontation and subver­ sive terms and in the context of a bipolar in­ " In an essay, "The Rhetoric of Politics: Foreign Policy, Internal Security and Domestic Politics in ternational model. After 1949 the orientation the Truman Years, 1945-1950," in Barton Bernstein, was power-political and the administration's ed.. The Politics and Policies of the Truman Admin­ main commitment was to order and stability.**' istration, (Chicago, 1970), I discuss in detail Tru­ man's foreign policy statements and the nature of their rhetorical development. The sources cited in This analysis provided an essentially con­ footnote 9 provide a sketchy review of some of Tru­ servative anti-communist direction to the ad­ man's major foreign policy statements. ^^ Public Papers of the Presidents: Harry S. Tru­ ministration's foreign policy. Each decision man, 1950, pp. 718-719.

55 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971 he counsel the public that the United States expectations that intervention was both altru­ might fail to create a postwar world in its istic and, owing to American technological image. In this same vein, he represented revo­ and material superiority, inevitably success­ lutionary developments as evidence of Soviet ful. By this confident, crisis-oriented present­ subversion. Presumably cognizant of the re­ ment of policy, that the United States must, alities of power, Truman never publicly de­ and, should it so will, could avert disruptive fined the limits to American power posed by change, Truman misled the public. Options the conflicting objectives between the United were not that clear-cut and the containment States and an equally powerful and nationalis­ of Soviet revolutionary influence neither easy tic Soviet Union. Instead, the President iden­ nor attainable. tified international conflicts and threats to the peace in moralistic terms verging almost T^RUMAN'S responses to loyalty-security on a crusade; in addition, his rhetorical ref­ -*- matters reflected a similar confident, mor­ erences to the Soviet Union depicted it as the alistic tone. Initially, when establishing the Antichrist. Because American ideals were Federal Employee Loyalty Program, Truman laudable and the Soviet Union's aggressive presumably intended to prevent Soviet espio­ and sustained through terror, Truman affirmed nage or intelligence. As this program subse­ that U.S. policy would in the long run prove quently evolved, it exceeded these legitimate, successful. limited bounds. Thus, in 1951, the standard This conspiratorial depiction of revolution for dismissal of an employee on "loyalty" as manufactured by a small cabal in Moscow grounds changed from overt actions confirm­ was reflected in Truman's characterization of ing disloyalty to implications about the in­ Chinese Communist intervention in the Kore­ dividual's loyalty.*^ an War. In a November 30, 1950, press con­ The program's success inevitably lent it­ ference, Truman asserted: self to a statistical assessment of the number of employees dismissed. By suggesting that the Recent developments in Korea confront the employment of "even one person of doubtful world with a serious crisis. ... If the United Nations yields to the forces of ag­ loyalty" constituted a "serious threat" to the gression, no nation will be safe or secure. If national security and by failing to establish aggression is successful in Korea, we can the subjective nature, indeed inaccuracy, of expect it to spread throughout Asia and much of the information contained in the Europe to this hemisphere. We are fighting FBI loyalty reports, Truman had created the in Korea for our own national security and unrealistic standards by which his loyalty pro­ survival. . . . We hope that the Chinese gram was subsequently judged.** people will not continue to be forced or de­ ceived into serving the ends of Russian co­ The establishment of the loyalty program lonial policy in Asia. also had legitimated investigations into the I am certain that, if the Chinese people now under the control of the Communists were free to speak for themselves, they would de­ nounce this aggression against the United '^ In another essay, "The Escalation of the Loyalty Program," also in The Politics and Policies of the Nations.*^ Truman Administration, I analyze the development and domestic impact of Truman's loyalty program. This implied that revolutions, because Sovi­ The revision of the standard of dismissal is best seen et-inspired aggression, must be resisted lest by contrasting the 1947 provision with that instituted inaction, i.e., appeasement, lead to further ag­ in April, 1951. Originally, the standard for dismissal had been "reasonable grounds exist for the belief gression and to a future world war. This that the person involved is disloyal to the Govern­ analysis further implied that revolutionary ment of the United States." The revised standard movements, because alien and not indigenous, read "reasonable doubt as to the loyalty of the in­ dividual involved to the Government of the United could be defeated or averted by the appropri­ States." Contrast, Executive Order 9835, March 22, ate use of power. It tended to fortify popular 1947, OF252-K, Truman Library, with Executive Or­ der 10241, April 28, 1951, RG220, Truman Library. " See, Report and Proceedings of the President's Temporary Commission on Employee Loyalty, Mur­ phy Papers, Truman Library; Executive Order 9835, ''Ibid., 721^^725. March 22, 1947, OF252-K, Truman Library.

56 THEOHARIS: TRUMAN PRESIDENCY political associations and beliefs of individual best; Truman's conservative critics had far citizens, and the Attorney General's list became better anti-communist credentials. Moreover, a litmus test for judging personal loyalty. seeking to undercut the impact of the McCar­ Moreover, the assumption underlying the loy­ thyites, Truman often eventually changed his alty program was that a real threat, formerly position to conform more closely with their ignored, existed. Truman's post-1947 denial demands. The timing of Truman's more im­ that this program needed improvement and portant loyalty-security decisions reflected this his refusal to co-operate with congressional political submission. Thus, he established the committees were seemingly contradicted by his Temporary Commission on Employee Loyalty own subsequent revisions of the program's in November, 1946, after the Republican con­ procedures and the uncovering of the Alger gressional victory and not when the institu­ Hiss, Judith Coplon, and Julius and Ethel tion of a loyalty program had been first pro­ Rosenberg "spy" cases. posed in July, 1946. He established the Presi­ Lastly, Truman's reaction to criticism and dent's Commission on Internal Security and his attempts to discredit McCarthyite attacks Individual Rights in January, 1951, after the by implying that they undermined the national 1950 congressional elections confirmed the security reduced his own credibility. Rather political impact of McCarthyism and not in than substantively confronting the McCarthy­ June, 1950, when the idea of the commission ites' criticisms of his loyalty program or for­ had been proposed by members of the White eign policies, he questioned their motives, im­ House staff. In 1947 he sought to prevent plying that they sought partisan advantage or abuses of individual employee's rights when harmed the national interest, and he sought to establishing the Loyalty Program, but in 1951 appear "more anti-Communist than thou.' when confronted by McCarthyite attacks he Thus, in the 1948 campaign, Truman sought changed the procedures and standards of that to link Wallace with the Communists and con­ Program. He vacillated, first wholly opposing, tended that his Republican opponents were then allowing the Tydings Committee limited playing into the (Soviet) Communists' hands access to State Department loyalty records by encouraging the Wallace candidacy. In when it became obvious that the Committee 1950 Truman described Senator McCarthy as could not successfully rebut McCarthy's "Com- "the best asset the Kremlin has," termed the munists-in-Government" charges. These re­ McCarran Internal Security Act a measure versals indirectly credited Truman's critics; that aided the Communists, and identified con­ they implied that the President's original gressional defeat of the South Korean Aid Act stance had been inadequate, that further sur­ as benefiting the Soviet Union.*^ veillance had been needed.*^ This approach, highlighting Truman's par­ Truman's resort to censorship in internal tisanship, made it easier for conservative Re­ security-defense-foreign policy matters further publicans to accuse Truman of seeking to "cov­ er up" for political reasons. The anti-com­ '" Letter, Congressman Jennings Randolph, Chair­ munist nature of the postwar debate also en­ man, House Civil Service Committee, to President sured that Truman would come off second- Truman, July 25, 1946; letter, James 'Webb, Director, Bureau of the Budget, to Attorney General Tom Clark, November 20, 1946; Executive Order 9806 Es­ tablishing the President's Temporary Commission on '° Memorandum, William Batt, Jr., Director, Re­ Employee Loyalty, November 25, 1946, all in OF252-I, search Division, Democratic National Committee, to Truman Library; memorandum, Charles Murphy and Charles Murphy, September 13, 1948, Spingarn Pa­ Stephen Spingarn to President Truman, May 24, pers, White House Assignment, Truman Library; ad­ 1950; Draft Executive Order Establishing President's dress, President Truman, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, Commission on Internal Security and Individual September 28, 1948, PPF200, Truman Library; press Rights, June 1, 1950; memorandum, Stephen Spingarn release. Democratic National Committee, March 11, to Charles Murphy, June 19, 1950; memorandum, 1948; Files of the Facts, Democratic National Com­ Stephen Spingarn for the Files, June 23, 1950; mittee; McGrath Papers, Democratic National Com­ memorandum to Adrian Fisher, Legal Adviser, State mittee File, Truman Library; Public Papers of the Department, March 9, 1950; memorandum, Charles Presidents: Harry S. Truman, 1948, pp. 186-190, Murphy to George Elsey, March 27, 1950, all in 555, 801-806, 844-845, 882-886; 7950, pp. 560-564, Murphy Files, Loyalty, Truman Library; Draft Ex­ 571-576, 619-622, 645-653, 679-682, 697-703, 120, ecutive Order Establishing President's Commission 228-229, 2-11, 44-106, 131-132, 238-240, 423^25, on Internal Security and Individual Rights, July 25, 445-449, 473-477. 1950, Murphy Files, Internal Security, Truman Li-

57 contributed to undermining his credibility. His restriction on the release of the Wede- meyer Report, his initial failure to publish the Yalta Far Eastern agreements or to in­ form the Congress and the public about the administration's China policy, and the March, 1948, Executive Order preventing congression­ al access to FBI loyalty reports caused deep public doubts about administration priorities. These restrictions, justified on national secur­ ity grounds, appeared to be efforts to cover up mistakes either in policy or loyalty. More­ over, the administration's contention that the FBI's effectiveness required preserving the Society's Iconographic Collections confidentiality of the loyalty reports was dis­ Governor Oscar Rennebohm, Mrs. Truman, Mrs. counted by the fact that much of the informa­ Rennebohm, and Truman wave to the crowd at the tion presented by Senator McCarthy and the old North Western depot in Madison during a 1948 McCarthyites had been derived from these re­ campaign stop. While in the city the Trumans, to­ gether with their daughter, attended services at Grace ports. After 1948 the House Committee on Episcopal Church. Un-American Activities could also effectively point out that the Truman Administration, de­ rationale, by narrowly restricting the domestic spite its unlimited access to these reports, had political debate to national security and anti- not dismissed disloyal employees—Alger Hiss, communist themes, helped to legitimate con­ William Remington, John Stewart Service— servatism and to undermine reform. In one until the committee had publicly exposed their sense, Truman became a victim of his rhetoric, disloyalty. elitism, and partisanship and not simply of war-created hysteria or a frustrated public A N ASSESSMENT of the postwar Presiden- seeking scapegoats and easy solutions. -^*- cy of Harry S. Truman highlights Tru­ Truman's comments at an April 17, 1952, man's failure as a presidential leader. Even press conference best summarize the Truman conceding the overwhelming problems con­ Presidency: fronting a post-World War II executive, Tru­ I have tried my best to give the Nation ev­ man failed to deal effectively or imaginative­ erything I had in me. There are a great ly with them. These problems transcended many people—I expect a million in the Truman's limited vision and abilities. At a country —who could have done the job bet­ critical time in American history when a ter than I did it. But, I had the job, and I great President possessing sensitivity and un­ had to do it. . . . When he [a person] gives derstanding was needed, a man of moderate everything that is in him to the job that he abilities exercised power. has before him, that's all you can ask of him. And that's what I have tried to do.*'^ The nature of Truman's foreign policy-in­ ternal security decisions and their underlying Contrary to Truman's rejoinder, trying was not enough. Unfortunately for the nation, at a critical juncture in history an average man brary; memorandum, Stephen Spingarn to Donald held the office of the Presidency. While his Dawson, September 30, 1950; memorandum, Stephen intentions were noble, his vision was narrow Spingarn, May 22, 1950, Spingarn Papers, National and parochial. In the absence of effective Defense, Truman Library; letter. President Truman to Herbert Hoover, November 25, 1950, OF2750-A, presidential leadership, a reactionary Congress Truman Library; Public Papers of the Presidents: regained the initiative. More importantly, the Harry S. Truman, 1950, pp. 140-141, 177-185, 229- 232, 267-272; letter, Seth Richardson, Chairman, resolution of basic problems and consideration Loyalty Review Board, to Donald Dawson, June 26, of other options were thereby precluded. 1950, OF419-K, Truman Library; memorandum, Don­ ald Hansen, January 3, 1952, Spingarn Papers, Loy­ alty, Truman Library; Washington Post, March 17, "Public Papers of the Presidents: Harry S. Tru­ 1950, May 5, 1950. man, 1952, p. 270.

58 REVIEWS

Jane Addams and the Liberal Tradition. By son's Great Society, and in that sense she is DANIEL LEVINE. (State Historical Society of within "the liberal tradition." But because her Wisconsin, Madison, 1971. Pp. xviii, 277. Il­ approach to urban and industrial society was lustrations, notes, bibliography, index. $8.50.) in advance of her time, Levine views her as an authentic radical. As an admitted exceptional- A strong case can be made for viewing Jane ist, Levine repudiates the application of Euro­ Addams as sui generis, for no other American pean categories to the American experience; woman has played as important a role in instead, he argues that by "asking for an ab­ domestic and international affairs for as long solute and all-embracing change in the ideolo­ a time as she did. For that reason alone a new gy of the United States," Jane Addams was an study of her is more than justified, especially, authentic—if peculiarly American—"radical." too, since the only full biography of her was Mr. Levine does not pursue this question very written over thirty-five years ago by her neph­ deeply; it is more a framework for the re­ ew, James Linn. mainder of the book rather than a thesis that Daniel Levine's book is not a biography, he seeks to explicate or support. Rather he though there are biographical sections in the presents Addams' ideas and public activities book. It is primarily a study of the thought topic by topic (poverty, labor, women's suf­ and outlook of Jane Addams, principally down frage, pacifism, and so forth), taking up each to the First World War. Levine deals only in the order in which Addams directed her perfunctorily with her activities and ideas dur­ primary attention to them in the course of her ing the 1920's, largely it seems, because with long life. the onset of the First World War she increas­ Since it is part of Mr. Levine's thesis that ingly concentrated upon pacifism. For reasons Jane Addams was preparing the ground for that will be discussed in a moment, Mr. Levine later reform movements like the New Deal's is uninterested if not unfriendly to that aspect social security measures and the Great So­ of Addams' thought and career. This book, ciety's war on poverty and repeal of the na­ therefore, has a quite different emphasis from tional origins basis of immigration restriction, John C. Farrell's Beloved Lady, which ap­ he is not much interested in those aspects of peared in 1967. her thought and activity that are outside the There are really two themes in the book. mainstream of modern liberalism. Apparently The introduction and concluding chapter ad­ this is why he plays down her pacifism, which vance a thesis, but the chapters in between he considers still a "back eddy" in American are not directed toward the thesis. As the sub­ liberalism. title suggests, Mr. Levine sees Addams as a It is possible, of course, that he also plays precursor to the New Deal and Lyndon John­ down pacifism because Jane Addams does not

59 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971 appear as prescient or realistic in that cause woodcuts that decorate the part openings. Yet as she does in others. Although Levine is not we still wait for a thorough study that will do uncritical of Addams, he obviously wishes to justice to the mystery of Addams' influence, emphasize the positive. As a consequence, her the grandeur of her work, and the integrity of significant role in bringing about the dubious her life. Kellogg-Briand Pact is treated in only half a paragraph and her firm belief in Prohibition CARL N. DEGLER is skimmed over with a few humorous asides. Stanford University On the other hand, he is quite willing to hazard the surmise that the relationship between Ad­ dams and Mary Rozet Smith may well have Stilwell and the American Experience in been homosexual. He recognizes, too, the China, 1911-45. By BARBARA TUCHMAN. (The middle-class limits on her full understanding Macmillan Company, New York, 1971. Pp. of immigrant culture, even while he rightly xv, 621. Illustrations, notes, bibliography, praises her for being substantially in advance maps, index. $10.00.) of most of her contemporaries in this regard. In short, the book offers a critical though This fascinating book deals with the compli­ basically sympathetic interpretation of the cations resulting from policy which is made on main lines of Addams' ideas and activities the basis of illusions. Such policy condemns without offering any startlingly new ones. men to act unrealistically in situations which Some readers may be disappointed, as I worsen as the actors become trapped between was, by the dearth of analysis of Addams as a fantasy and reality. Sooner or later, reality feminist. The organization of the book and exacts a heavy cost from those who make such some of the author's passing comments make mistakes. A recent case in point is the Ameri­ it clear that Levine is not especially interested can involvement in Vietnam—as revealed in in this aspect of Addams. He cannot bring the "Pentagon Papers" documentary study. himself to refer to her by her last name, for Earlier, the American experience in China also example, though men are so denominated and demonstrated the dangers of a failure to recog­ he himself points out that Addams so referred nize realities. to her women companions. Also the bibliogra­ Barbara Tuchman skillfully delineates the phy does not contain the important study on many illusions undergirding American-Chinese feminists by William O'Neill, even though Ad­ relations. For years, the general American dams is clearly what O'Neill calls a social view of great masses of Chinese eager for feminist. That category would have been use­ guidance into modernity, Christianity, and ful for Levine to explore in connection with democracy, together with the vision of millions his subject. Neither the writings nor the name of potential consumers of American goods, of Charlotte Perkins Gilman figure in the book shaped American policy. Then, in World War even though Gilman wrote on children as well II, the belief that Chiang Kai Shek was a gifted as women, two subjects in which Addams had military and political leader who could help a strong interest. defeat Japan, build a republic, and serve as a Mr. Levine's thesis that there is a strong vehicle for the American dream of helping similarity between Addams' principles and China into modernity, Christianity, and de­ some of the legislation of the New Deal and mocracy kept Americans from understanding the Great Society is worth making. But the either Chiang or the Chinese situation. Frank­ author and his readers have to wonder what lin D. Roosevelt was as imbued as any Ameri­ that similarity really ineans when we also learn can with those fantasies and, in his desire for that Addams herself seems to have missed the a strong Chinese republic to serve as a power­ similarity; she voted for Herbert Hoover in ful post-war ally, he extended the flights of 1928 and in 1932. Was it only death that fancy. In turn, Chiang had his own illusions. kept her from voting for Landon in 1936? Although well aware of the American illusions This is an informative, if unexciting, book and anxious to take fullest advantage of them, about Jane Addams; the publisher and Susan he cut himself off from the realities of the Levine are to be congratulated for the original Chinese military and political situation. By

60 BOOK REVIEWS the summer of 1944, he was simply unaware ple in China. Although a relatively large num­ of how badly conditions had deteriorated. ber of the better officers in the American Claire Chennault, the "Flying Tiger" chieftain, Army had spent a tour of duty in the 15th In­ contributed to the confusion in the form of fantry in Tientsin, Stilwell's fascination with his belief that American airpower could uni­ the country had brought him back time and laterally defeat the Japanese. General George again. American illusions, Chiang's intransig­ C. Marshall said that Chennault's views were ence, and Stilwell's acerbic personality com­ "just nonsense; not bad strategy, just non­ pounded to prevent "Vinegar Joe" from ac­ sense"; yet Chennault enjoyed Chiang's favor complishing his wartime mission. More than and the enthusiastic support of Joe Alsop and that, as Mrs. Tuchman so clearly portrays, the other Americans. illusions set the disastrous course for the mid- Joseph W. Stilwell, the crusty "Vinegar century debacle in American-Chinese relations. Joe", who carried the double burden of com­ Hopefully, politicians, diplomats, and soldiers manding the China-Burma-India theatre and will read this book and learn its lessons. acting as chief of staff to Generalissimo Chiang Kai Shek, was keenly aware of all of those EDWARD M. COFFMAN illusions. He firmly believed that "the phony University of Wisconsin propaganda about China was his worst enemy" in securing understanding and proper support from his countrymen. Nevertheless, Stilwell Beneath the Footnote: A Guide to the Use and also had an illusion. He believed that he could Preservation of American Historical Sources. make his way successfully through the labyr­ By 0. LAWRENCE BURNETTE, JR. (The State inth of myth and misunderstanding, deal with Historical Society of Wisconsin, Madison, the difficult problems of the real situation, 1969. Pp. 450. $10.00.) and build a Chinese army capable of driving out the Japanese. He enjoyed minor successes, In this work a former member of the staff and there were a few occasions when the pos­ of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, sibilities for ultimate success seemed very now professor of history at Birmingham- likely. But, each time, like Sisyphus, he saw Southern College, offers "a contribution to his work and hopes repeatedly dashed until the care and use of the primary sources for finally, in October 1944, he was recalled—a American history, as a guide for neophyte, sacrifice to the illusion that a more amenable fledgling, and amateur historians to the ex­ officer might be able to work better with tensive world beneath the footnote." The first Chiang and achieve the American goals. four chapters deal with archives: the Nation­ In this large book, Mrs. Tuchman has at­ al Archives, state and local, quasi-public, and tempted to mesh a biography of Stilwell with business. There follow four chapters on manu­ a political history of China from 1911 to 1945. script collections: national, state and local, The task boggles the mind but she carries it quasi-public, and private. The book concludes off. The detailed, thoroughly documented with chapters on newspapers as historical evi­ volumes about the Stilwell mission in the of­ dence, records of the mass culture, aural and ficial Army World War II series and Stilwell's graphical documentation, preservation and dis­ diaries and personal papers provided her with semination of historical evidence. The book a solid foundation for Stilwell's role. She assembles a vast amount of useful information, added to this with research in other personal and the author has made a real effort to carry papers, records, and published sources in ad­ the reader along with him through this maze. dition to interviews with many of the promi­ The organization of the book, which draws nent participants. a sharp differentiation between archives and An intelligent, courageous, and cantanker­ manuscript collections and treats each in a ous man, Stilwell lost the prize American as­ descending progression from the federal gov­ signment of commanding the North African ernment, seems at times to be a bed of Pro­ invasion force because of his great knowledge crustes. Dr. Burnette seemingly could not al­ of China. Since 1911, he had spent years ways decide where he wished to discuss a sub­ learning the language and observing the peo­ ject, and so sometimes did it repetitiously in

61 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971 several places. We first meet presidential li­ institutions on subscription, and a long-range braries on pp. 30-32 in his account of the Na­ policy of publication of the papers, on several tional Archives. They appear again on pp. 97- interest levels, is going forward." The Adams 100 in a discussion of quasi-public archives, Papers reappear in chapter V, "Manuscript and still again on pp. 155-162 in the chapter Collections at the National Level"; there, on on "Manuscript Collections at the National the basis of 1950 and 1962 articles in Ameri­ Level". Some of the duplication could have can Archivist, he thus describes the publica­ been avoided by editorial changes as the book tion plan. "First, a microfilm edition of the was going to press. bulk of the papers is being issued for research Chapter III, "Quasi-Public Archives" con­ libraries which wish to hold a duplicate of the tains a useful account of the documentation of collection. A selection of the famous diaries, various religious bodies. The genealogical ac­ family letters, and correspondence is being tivity of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- published in over eighty volumes by the Har­ Day Saints, which springs from the principle vard University Press, and Life magazine is of vicarious work for the dead, is described on serially publishing essentially the same infor­ pp. 83-84, but it reappears on pp. 196-197 mation." For a scholarly work completed in under "Quasi-Public Manuscript Collections". the fall of 1968 this is deceptively inadequate Unfortunately the two accounts are not thor­ reporting, for the 608-reel microfilm edition oughly reconciled, for in chapter III Dr. Bur­ of the Adams Papers, begun by the Massachu­ nette observes that this continuing microfilm­ setts Historical Society in 1954, was completed ing project, begun in 1938, "has made over in 1959 and distributed to more than forty 200,000 rolls of microfilm, corresponding to subscribing libraries. Also by 1968 the Bel­ more than 200,000,000 pages of original un­ knap Press of Harvard University Press had published records. At an average of 300 pages published five volumes of the diary and three per volume this material equalled that con­ of the legal papers of John Adams, two vol­ tained in more than 700,000 bound volumes." umes of Adams family correspondence, four Chapter VII, however, quoting from an earlier volumes of the diary of Charles Francis and different source, states "that by 1952, Adams, and a volume on the portraits of John 77,861 rolls, or 4,422 miles of microfilm had and Abigail Adams. It is downright silly to been used. This is the rough equivalent of say that in a few admirably illustrated arti­ 112,000,000 pages or 372,139 bound volumes." cles "Life magazine is serially publishing es­ When I visited the Genealogical Society in sentially the same information." Salt Lake City in the spring of 1962, its secre­ After completing the microfilm edition of tary and librarian gave me figures (which I the Adams Papers, the Massachusetts Histori­ published in 1962 in Independent Historical cal Society then published in similar form the Societies, pp. 425^26) of 246,838 rolls, in­ Henry Knox Papers and the Harbottle Dorr cluding an estimated 361,999,200 pages. As Collection of Annotated Massachusetts News­ that was the official figure as of 1 January papers. Dr. Burnette devotes several para­ 1960, one suspects that even the higher of Dr. graphs (pp. 176-178) to the history of the Burnette's figures was obsolete when his book legislation that in 1964 empowered the Na­ went to press in 1968. tional Historical Publications Commission to Another instance of repetition, combined recommend grants for the publication of his­ with out-of-date information derived from con­ torical documents both by printing and micro­ sulting secondary sources, occurs in reference filming, but mentions the grants made only in to the Adams Papers at the Massachusetts His­ a later chapter on page 355. It might be re­ torical Society. In chapter III, "Quasi-Public membered that the first fruit of these grants Archives", in connection with presidential pa­ was the 1965 microfilm edition of the Win­ pers. Dr. Burnette rightly states: "The Adams throp Sargent Papers, published by the Mas­ Family Papers are unique; no other American sachusetts Historical Society under the spon­ family archives has been preserved with such sorship of the National Historical Publications fidelity over a long period." Citing references Commission. Thereafter, but before the date of 1950 and 1958, he reports: "The material Dr. Burnette completed his book, the Massa­ is now being microfilmed and sold to other chusetts Historical Society published similar

62 BOOK REVIEWS editions on microfilm of the papers of Timothy tury—the American Historical Association Pickering, Benjamin Lincoln, and Artemas was only founded in 1884—I see no need of Ward. referring to the early nineteenth-century soci­ I confess to being startled when I read on eties in so patronizing a manner, nor to say page 112 in the chapter on "Business Archives (on p. 45) that Americans "took up the fad and Records" that the records of the Stevens of publishing archives." Mill in North Andover, Massachusetts, were Dr. Burnette seems more at home with his in the Baker Library at the Harvard Business material when he leaves the description of in­ School, for they came directly from the mill— stitutions and gets down to more recent times. where they had been vandalized by marauders To me at least the most attractive chapters are •—to the Merrimack Valley Textile Museum, those where he deals with newspapers and the one mile away in North Andover. There they relation of records management to historical have been ever since, as the article in Ameri­ documentation. can Archivist cited by Dr. Burnette states. This institution, founded in 1960 by members WALTER MUIR WHITEHILL of the Stevens family, might well have been Boston Athenaeum mentioned in this chapter. I am surprised that it was not, for it was included in my Indepen­ dent Historical Societies, which Dr. Burnette Privilege and Creative Destruction: The used with courteous acknowledgment in de­ Charles River Bridge Case. By STANLEY I. scribing many other institutions. Some men­ KUTLER. (J.B. Lippincott Co., Philadelphia, tion of the business records of the du Pont 1971. Pp. viii, 191. $5.95.) company and family in the Eleutherian Mills- Hagley Foundation, Inc. at Greenville, Dela­ In completing this new study of the Charles ware, might more appropriately have been River Bridge case Stanley Kutler has produced made in this chapter than on pp. 207-208 with more than a tightly constructed analysis of "Quasi-Public Manuscript Collections". the legal, political, and economic issues in­ In a work on the technique of history, it is volved. He has written an essay that serves as unfortunate to find small errors of easily an excellent introduction to American legal verifiable fact. For example, the Boston Pub­ history. Drawing liberally (and literally) up­ lic Library, which first opened its doors to on the works of Willard Hurst, Kutler notes readers in 1854, was not established in 1822, that the Bridge case reflected "a pervasive as stated on page 174, while the Essex Institute value of the age . . . which regarded private in Salem goes back in its origins not "to the property as a dynamic and not a static insti­ 1620's" (p. 187), but to the 1820's. tution. An entrepreneurial rather than a I regret the condescending tone that Dr. rentier spirit was favored, and Taney's opinion Burnette adopts when he looks back at the un­ was the quintessence of this preference." enlightened past that knew not Doctors of Kutler begins by discussing the original Philosophy. On page 168 he observes: "The Charles River Bridge and the special privileges general complexion of the historical societies granted by the Massachusetts Legislature to in America is radically different from that of its proprietors. He traces the growing eco­ the early nineteenth-century organizations, nomic pressures for another bridge across the which generally restricted membership to the Charles River, and the ways in which these wealthy, the socially elite, the locally patriotic, pressures were reflected in legislative efforts the culturally pretentious, and the genealogi­ to charter an additional bridge franchise. Is­ cally preoccupied. Professional historians sues of monopoly and excess profits were also have penetrated the older societies and con­ involved, and Kutler well delineates the cul­ verted them to their own purposes, and they mination of these various forces in the estab­ helped in the creation of new societies with lishment of the Warren Bridge. The next democratic and scholarly outlooks more in third of the book deals with the course of liti­ harmony with their own." As there were no gation through the Massachusetts State Courts, "professional" historians in the present sense concluding with the United States Supreme before the last quarter of the nineteenth cen­ Court decision in 1837. The last portion of

63 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971 the study attempts to place the significance Neither Black nor White: Slavery and Race of Taney's decision in historical perspective. Relations in Brazil and the United States. By Here Kutler explores the course of what he CARL N. DEGLER. (Macmillan, New York, calls "creative destruction," referring to "a 1971. Pp. xvi, 302. Notes, index. $6.95.) continuous process whereby new inventions and enterprises create new goods and services, More scholars talk about comparative his­ and to destroy existing old ones, all under the tory than attempt to write it. Carl Degler has often empty banner of progress, improvement, shown how it can be done. His comparative and need." Thus this case dealt with much analysis of race relations in Brazil and the U.S. more than "the relatively limited conflict over is an impressive accomplishment. Degler has bridges in the Boston area." Rather it was "a always refused to restrict himself to any nar­ landmark involving the interrelationship of rowly defined speciality; now he has cast his public policy, technological change, capital de­ net even wider than American history. Having velopments, competition, and law." In a fas­ diligently mastered most of the literature in cinating final note, Kutler analyses John Mar­ Portuguese, he has produced a wide-ranging shall's attitude towards the case. He demon­ essay that retains its commitment to the com­ strates (I believe correctly) that there is ab­ parative method throughout, although the solutely no proof that Marshall favored the framework of comparison often remains un­ Charles River Bridge proprietors, and consid­ stated (perhaps in part because of his attempt erable evidence that he might well have sup­ to remain accessible to the general reader). ported Massachusetts' action in chartering an­ Degler first sketches the contrasting race other bridge. relations in Brazil and the U.S. The Tannen- Although Kutler's generalizations are im­ baum thesis, which sought the explanation for pressive, occasionally their impact is lessened the contrast in the supposedly differing nature by his failure to amplify or explain them. In of the respective slave systems, is then exam­ this respect his chapter on the free bridge ined. Degler effectively dispatches Tannen- controversy in Massachusetts is easily the baum by showing that what mattered was the weakest in his study. What, for example, was connection between color attitudes and slavery, the vote by which the Massachusetts Legisla­ not the supposed differences in the administra­ ture chartered the new Warren Bridge? What tion of legal servitude. There follows a de­ local and regional interests did it reflect? Why tailed description of the differences in con­ was the second legislative vote on the new temporary race relations—race prejudice in bridge (after Governor Lincoln had success­ the U.S., color prejudice in Brazil. The latter fully vetoed the first bill) so close, 133-127 has allowed a "mulatto escape hatch" to devel­ in the House, and 19-17 in the Senate? op in Brazil, whereas the rigid definition by The most serious shortcoming of Kutler's ancestry in the U.S. has relegated all men of book is his omission of footnotes. In a work color to a single racial category. This picture which is full of quotations, some unacknowl­ (chapters III and IV) should come as a revela­ edged, and which draws heavily upon existing tion to Americans, who have too often been scholarship such an omission is inexplicable told that Brazilians lack any consciousness of if not inexcusable. Nor is the reader greatly color. Nowhere else can one find such a care­ assisted by a sketchy bibliographical essay fully documented comparative analysis of race that covers barely four pages. Kutler's work relations in the two countries. on the Charles River Bridge represents a major Having established a contrast, not of polar contribution to the literature of American legal opposites but of a biracial vs. a multiracial so­ history, and will in all probability become a ciety, Degler offers his own explanation for standard assignment in many legal and consti­ "the roots of difference" in Chapter V. Here tutional history courses. It is thus all the more the book makes its most original contribu­ unfortunate that he has seen fit to weaken its tion. The primary question to be answered is value in this manner. why the "mulatto escape hatch" developed in Brazil and not in the U.S. Degler finds the JONATHAN LURIE explanation in a combination of demography Rutgers—The State University of New Jersey and cultural heritage. The relative scarcity of

64 BOOK REVIEWS

European women in colonial Brazil led to ex­ custom, while a paternalistic and hierarchical tensive miscegenation, whereas settlement by political system muted such sentiments in Bra­ families became the pattern in the U.S. None­ zil. theless, there was considerable miscegenation Many other factors are discussed in this in America, as must be obvious to the most book, such as political ideologies, regional casual observer. Why did the mixed-blood off­ variations, attitudes toward work, and the per­ spring in the U.S. fail to attain any recog­ sistence of national myths about race. Degler nized status in law or society, unlike his fre­ ends by speculating that, as Brazil develops quently upwardly mobile counterpart in Bra­ economically, her race relations may approxi­ zil? Degler finds three principal reasons. mate those of the U.S. (rising tension but First, the American white wife was able to probably not violence), a prediction sure to help prevent the legitimizing of her husband's be dismissed by most Brazilians. mulatto children. She had such power be­ cause she enjoyed a relatively high status, re­ Degler has shown courage in venturing into flecting the higher position of women in Eng­ a difficult field. Undoubtedly his interpreta­ land as compared to their seclusion and sup­ tion will be contested at many points. Yet he pression in Iberia. (Here Degler has sug­ has had the industry to investigate thoroughly gested an intriguing factor that opens up an the Latin American counterpart used for com­ entirely new line of inquiry for comparative parison—a feature notably lacking in earlier research.) The second reason was the eco­ writers such as Elkins. By judiciously syn­ nomic competition of a rapidly developing thesizing previous interpretations while add­ capitalist economy in the U.S., where insecure ing an original dimension. Neither Black nor whites could use race as an excuse for elimina­ White should contribute to opening a new tion of a rival labor source, thus reinforcing phase in the historical study of comparative the rigid definition of "Negro." Brazil, on the race relations. No historian who seeks to un­ other hand, remained largely precapitalist, derstand one of the central themes of Ameri­ lacking any economic incentive to racial dis­ can history can afford to ignore it. crimination. Finally, democracy made its per­ verse contribution in the U.S. by transmitting THOMAS E. SKIDMORE popular racial anxieties into law and fixed University of Wisconsin

BOOK REVIEWS:

Burnette, Beneath the Footnote: A Guide to the Use and Preservation of American Historical Sources, reviewed by Walter Muir Whitehill 61 Degler, Neither Black nor White: Slavery and Race Relations in Brazil and the United States, reviewed by Thomas E. Skidmore 64 Kutler, Privilege and Creative Destruction: The Charles River Bridge Case, reviewed by Jonathan Lurie 63 Levine, Jane Addams and the Liberal Tradition, reviewed by Carl N. Degler 59 Tuchman, Stilwell and the American Experience in China, 1911^5, reviewed by Edward M. Coffman 60

65 Proceedings of the One Hundred and Twenty-fifth Annual Business Meeting of The State Historical Society of Wisconsin

Director's Report 1970-1971

rpEACHING OLD DOGS new tricks is re- the state and nation that makes the Society ••• putedly a very tough act. I can attest to such a fascinating organization to one who the validity of that old saw, for my first year has spent twenty-five years in the classroom at the Society has been an extended learning or at an editor's desk. period. But I have had good teachers—the The work of the Society—the task of pre­ Board of Curators, the staff members of the serving the history and heritage of Wisconsin, Society, the membership at large, and the the Midwest, and the nation—turns upon elected representatives of the people who sup­ three "axes": acquisition, accessioning, and port the Society's programs with appropria­ accessibility. The Society is charged with the tions. One of the first things I learned was responsibility of acquiring materials of his­ the difficulties of administering an aggres­ torical importance, such as personal papers, sively expanding program—long the hallmark state archival records, books and photographs, of the Society—under an austerity budget. films and tape recordings, and other kinds of Caught in the grip of a bare-bones budget for materials including historic houses, furniture, the past four years and faced with the pros­ and the decorative arts. Then it must acces­ pect of another for the next two years, the sion and process these items so they become members of the staff have been stretched thin available for use and study by researchers, trying to spread diminishing dollars over an students, and the interested public. For the extensive series of programs. After working key to any historical collection, especially a with my colleagues for one year, I want to publicly supported one, is accessibility and start my first report by paying tribute to their usability. Historical and humanistic research professional skills and their remarkably high is possible only to the extent that materials level of performance under rather trying cir­ are readily available. cumstances. During the past year, portions of the Soci­ The truth of the matter is, as I have learned, ety building became not only accessible but that the varied programs of the Society make also usable as the final details of remodeling it a state version of the Library of Congress, and expansion were completed. On Founders the National Archives, and the Smithsonian In­ Day, February 2, 1971, the Board of Curators stitution, all rolled into one. There are seven and the staff held an open house which fea­ basic divisions at the Society, and together tured tours of the building and a reception for they constitute a remarkable educational, his­ the elected representatives of the state. torical, and cultural resource of this state; The division most affected by the remodel­ together they have done a remarkable job in ing was the museum. During the year it serving 1,600,000 patrons during the past bi­ opened four major exhibits, two in the gal­ ennium. Indeed, it is this variety of historical leries in the Society, one in the new Farm programs and this broad outreach of service to Museum at Stonefield, and one in the new

66 Justin M. Schmiedeke Madison Mayor William Dyke, John Bethel, Governor Patrick Lucey, Director James Morton Smith, and Curtis Gear officiating at the opening of the Museum's Black Community exhibit.

Historymobile. In January, Governor Patrick bly of the "Life in the Nineteenth Century" J. Lucey cut the ribbon at the opening of a exhibits in the Southwest Gallery. After near­ handsomely mounted exhibit entitled "The ly sixty years in the Museum, the popular phar­ Black Community: Its Culture and Heritage." macy display has been moved to Stonefield for Developed in co-operation with a committee of activation there. An exhibit on the Plains In­ citizens from the black community headed by dians will be installed in the Southwest Gal­ Curtis Gear of Madison, the gallery is the re­ lery, serving as a counterpart to the gallery on sult of a year's research, planning, and con­ the Woodland Indian culture of Wisconsin. struction. Community involvement was also a Together the Indian exhibits will serve as an key to the exhibits installed by the museum interesting teaching approach to comparative staff at the Farm Museum at Stonefield Vil­ history, particularly for school groups. lage, which were planned in co-operation with One of the chief strengths of the Society has a committee of farm and dairy leaders under always been its magnificent library in Ameri­ the chairmanship of Milo K. Swanton. A dif­ can history. Several years ago a team of dis­ ferent sort of community involvement made tinguished librarians surveyed the library col­ it possible for the Society to obtain a movable lections and recommended a substantially in­ gallery in the form of a new Historymobile, a creased budget to fill the gaps, strengthen the gift from the Rotary Clubs of Wisconsin. A weak spots, and recatalog the whole collec­ newly designed exhibit on "People and Pollu­ tion according to the Library of Congress tion" went on the road in January. The fourth classification system. Funding for this pro­ exhibit was installed in a newly remodeled gram has never been available, nor will it gallery area in the Society and featured nine­ be under another austerity budget. But even teenth-century chairs. Arranged in roughly so, Mr. Charles Shetler's staff, operating with chronological order, the exhibit showed the the least amount of student help since 1966- evolution and eclecticism of furniture styles. 1967, has shouldered more than its share of It included several examples of Wisconsin the overload, adding 39,214 items to the li­ craftsmanship. brary collection and circulating 106,904 items to 79,051 patrons. Most of the serial publica­ The installation of the exhibition of the nine­ tions have been reclassified, but reclassifica­ teenth-century chair gallery in the Northeast tion of the general collection is a dead issue Gallery compensated in part for the disassem­

67 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971 until the project can be funded. For the fore­ tion. Governor Warren P. Knowles also de­ seeable future, therefore, library materials will posited the most complete file of governor's be segregated in two locations, the new and records that the Society has ever received, a expanding Library of Congress classification unique source for the recent political history collection and the outmoded Cutter classifica­ of the state. In addition, there was an upsurge tion system collection. To protect these ma­ in the volume of county and local records as terials from theft, I instituted a security check­ an increasing number of county and municipal point system in December to make sure that officials requested assistance in inventorying books taken from our open stacks are duly their noncurrent records. checked out. That necessitated a rearrange­ There was a similar increase in the volume ment of the circulation desk area which now of accessions in the Manuscripts Section, up funnels all users past "Checkpoint Charlie." sharply from 2,907 cubic feet for the last During the year Greenwood Publishing Cor­ biennium to 4,523 for this one. The volumi­ poration issued the library's subject card cata­ nous collection of Senator Alexander Wiley's log in twenty-three volumes. It will never be papers (936,000 items) was organized during a best seller at $2,186, but it does make avail­ the year, along with that of the Wisconsin able to the scholarly world the tremendous League of Women Voters, and the papers of resources of the Society's library. The author- educational reformer Alexander Meiklejohn title card catalog will be published in the fall and philosopher Max Otto. Several collections of 1971. It will include twenty-two volumes relating to Wisconsin politics were organized, and sell for $2,464, or $4,650 for the forty-five including the papers of Thomas E. Coleman. volumes. Republican National Committeeman in the 1940's and 1950's, as well as the papers of Another project of major importance is the Wisconsin organizations and individuals ac­ proposed Knowledge Network of Wisconsin tive in education, social work, health care, and (KNOW), with the Society library furnishing mass culture. During the year the Society's one of the key resource collections. The li­ agreement with the American Institute of the brary also co-operated with a project at Upper History of Pharmacy, located on the Univer­ Iowa College to gather data on the existence of sity of Wisconsin—Madison campus, went in­ indexes to newspapers in the United States. to effect. The greatest bulk of accessions, The library co-ordinated the collection of in­ however, came in the Mass Communications formation by surveying newspaper offices, li­ and Wisconsin Center for Theatre Research braries, and local historical societies through­ collections, which are discussed below in the out Wisconsin. section on Field Services. One of the unique programs of the Society TN ADDITION to the Library, the Division in recent years is the establishment of Area •*• of Archives and Manuscripts is a signifi­ Research Centers, a network of regional his­ cant research center for Wisconsin, Midwest, torical resource archives at ten state universi­ and American history. The State Archives now ties and Northland College, the first private has over three and one-half miles of records institution to affiliate with the network. Re­ on the shelves, and the volume of accessions search collections from the Society's Division reached a record high this year of 2,981 cu­ of Archives and Manuscripts are deposited at bic feet. The largest single accession was the each of the centers for research purposes, corporation income tax returns from 1911 to with a free interchange between each center 1965, which constitute the most important, and the Society and among the various cen­ comprehensive, and valuable economic docu­ ters. In short, this program of taking history ments collected by the state. Other major ac­ to the people in the state is the scholarly cessions include annual reports of public util­ counterpart at the college level of the History- ities, 1931-1966, the registration files from mobile at the elementary and secondary level. the Department of Securities, 1940-1965, and The only division that covers as much ter­ the papers of Paul A. Raushenbush, the first ritory as the Historymobile is Field Services. director of the State Industrial Commission's Last year Mrs. Barbara Kaiser and her fellow pioneer division of unemployment compensa­ staff members traveled 49,767 miles visiting

68 PROCEEDINGS: 1970-1971

272 localities in quest of historical materials, Corporation. Individual contributors to the accessioning 1,710 gifts of manuscripts, books, WCTR included: songwriter Irving Caesar; and artifacts. Because of the austerity budget, screen writer I. A. L. Diamond; actor and most of the travel was in Wisconsin, with only producer Kirk Douglas; radio and TV writer a few out-of-state trips. Manuscript materials Nat Hiken; TV director Clark Jones; and film­ comprised the largest number of donations and maker Emile de Antonio. there were significant additions to several of In the areas of social security and national the collecting areas in which the Society is health insurance, the Society received new interested. Among the new materials in Wis­ collections from Elizabeth Wickenden and consin history, the Society received the papers Robert Myers and a large addition from Wil­ of William T. Evjue, editor and publisher of bur Cohen covering his Washington career at The Capital Times, and two nationally known the Department of Health, Education and professors of the University of Wisconsin Eco­ Welfare. The labor history resources were nomics Department, Harold M. Groves and enlarged by a major addition from the Brick­ Martin Glaeser. New collections were estab­ layers, Masons and Plasterers International lished for three Wisconsin judges, one former Union and a collection of John L. Lewis' per­ Congressman, and ten former and/or present sonal papers. The Guy-Harold Smith Collec­ legislators. The Society became the depository tion was a substantial addition to the Society's for the archives of the Wisconsin Federation map resources. of Cooperatives which includes the files of Artifacts acquired with aid from Field Ser­ both the Wisconsin Council of Agriculture and vices staff were primarily for use at Stonefield the Wisconsin Association of Cooperatives Village. These included historical pharma­ prior to the merger of the two organizations. ceutical items; equipment for the printing The Wisconsin Farm Bureau Federation also shop and for the railroad depot; household donated some of their files to the Society. Ma­ furniture and artifacts; a wide range of terials from the Milwaukee Grain Exchange miscellaneous artifacts; an uncommon har- and the records of the Busch-Sulzer Diesel nessmaker's bench; and an extraordinary land- Company were among the new materials in based capstan device. Museum gifts, totaling Wisconsin business history as well as a sub­ 189, were accessioned by Field Services, al­ stantial addition from the Appleton Mills. The though most of these were pursued or received resources in Wisconsin conservation were directly by the Museum staff. strengthened by a donation from Russell Lynch Field Services also added a total of 351 ac­ of his 1957-1959 correspondence as Chairman cessions to the Library in the biennium. These of the Natural Resources Board. consisted primarily of genealogies and gifts New materials added to the Contemporary of individual volumes or a relatively small Social Action Collection included the High­ quantity of books. The Library was also given lander archives, the records of the National the opportunity to select desired volumes from Student Association, and the National Peace the personal libraries of William T. Evjue and Action Coalition. The Mass Communications John M. Gaus. History Center added the following names to The long-range achievement of the Field its list of new donors: broadcasters Chet Services division over the past two years has Huntley and David Schoenbrun; communica­ been the lead-file weeding and letter-writing tions professor Erik Barnouw; journalists project. This exacting task took one and one- Richard Critchfield, Rowland Evans, Jr., Rob­ half years to complete, and only those staff ert D. Novak, Roger Tatarian, Walter Trohan; members who have had some acquaintance and photo-journalist Howard Sochurek. The with the tremendous accumulation of dead- Center also became the depository for the wood in the file can appreciate the necessity archives of the Associated Press Managing of the job and the enormity of its accomplish­ Editors Association and the Association for ment. Education in Journalism. The Wisconsin Center for Theatre Research A NOTHER PROJECT that should eventuate received a voluminous collection of films as -^*- in a grand accomplishment is the six- well as the corporate records of United Artists volume history of Wisconsin, a long-term

69 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971 undertaking by the Society's Research Divi­ of State Planning but implementation awaits sion. It will be the first comprehensive history clarification of the Army Corps of Engineers' of Wisconsin and will be a major contribution program of flood control for the island on of the Society to the state's program for com­ which Villa Louis is built. memorating the American Revolution Bicen­ In addition to these two sites the Society tennial. The first volume, written by Alice E. owns or operates three others: Old Wade Smith, former Director of the Research Divi­ House, where the Wesley W. Jung Carriage sion, is now in the Editorial Division, and we Museum is also located; Circus World Mu­ hope that the other five volumes will be pub­ seum; and Madeline Island Historical Mu­ lished over a five-year period so that the entire seum. On April 26, 1971, the Society, in con­ set will be available by 1976. junction with the Wisconsin History Founda­ The Research Division's History of Wiscon­ tion, acquired the Pendarvis complex of sin will be published by the Society Press, a Cornish miners' homes in Mineral Point. Sub­ section of the Editorial Division. During the sequently, the Society also acquired a forty- past year the Press issued three books and acre tract across from Pendarvis on Shake Rag two research guides to microfilm editions of Street. This property contains the old Merry collections in the Division of Archives and Christmas mine and other lead mine remains, Manuscripts. The books included: including an old stone building that was the office of the New Jersey Zinc Company. Dur­ Byrne, Frank and Weaver, Andrew (eds.), ing the 1971 season, the Society operated the Haskell of Gettysburg: His Life and Pendarvis site under a lease arrangement with Civil War Papers; the Wisconsin History Foundation. Caine, Stanley P., The Myth of a Progress­ The acquisition of Pendarvis was based ive Reform: Railroad Regulation in Wis­ upon recommendations made in the Long- consin, 1903-1910; Range Sites Planning Report adopted by the Levine, Daniel, Jane Addams and the Lib­ Board at its annual meeting in 1970. An­ eral Tradition. other report, the Old World Wisconsin study of 1968, was also implemented in 1971 when The two guides, edited by F. Gerald Ham, a site and a substantial gift of money made were The Morris Hillquit Papers and The action possible on the creation of an outdoor Papers of Henry Demurest Lloyd. ethnic village complex. The site, a magnifi­ The other major activity of the Editorial cent 500-acre expanse in the Kettle Moraine Division is the Wisconsin Magazine of History, State Park near Eagle, was acquired through which has been documenting and disseminat­ an agreement between the Department of Na­ ing the history of the state for fifty-five years, tural Resources and the Society. The arrange­ attaining in the process an enviable reputation ment is similar to the co-operative agreements as one of the country's leading state historical between DNR and the Society at Old Wade journals. Because of the financial squeeze in House State Park and Nelson Dewey State the past two years, the size of the magazine Park, where Stonefield is located. An anony­ has shrunk, but fortunately the high level of mous gift of $100,000 has made it possible to quality has been maintained. hire a staff and begin moving the Society's Quality is also the hallmark of the Historic five disassembled buildings to the Eagle site Sites Division. The new Farm Museum at for reconstruction in ethnic clusters in ac­ Stonefield is a handsome blending of the stone cordance with plans worked out under the foundation of the original cow barn on Gov­ direction of Professor William H. Tishler of ernor Nelson Dewey's farm and a modern the University of Wisconsin Department of museum building designed by Steinmann Ar­ Landscape Architecture, in conjunction with the staff of the Society. The concept is the chitects, of Monticello, Wisconsin. The first outgrowth of a proposal made by Richard W. phase of the exhibits, which will portray the E. Perrin, architectural historian, at the 1964 history of Wisconsin agriculture from 1830 annual meeting of the Society. We hope that to 1932, opened in June 1971. At Villa Louis Old World Wisconsin can become another of a master plan for St. Feriole Island has been the Society's major contributions to Wiscon- developed by Algirdas Caplenas of the Bureau

70 PROCEEDINGS: 1970-1971

sin's program for the American Revolution Bicentennial, for it was land and liberty, equality, and religious freedom which attract­ ed so many immigrants from the Old World to Wisconsin. The purchase of Pendarvis and the future development of Old World Wisconsin are the result in part of two new sources of funding for historic preservation. Under Wisconsin's Outdoor Recreation Act Program, state funds became available for the first time during the past biennium for acquisition and develop­ ment of historic sites and parks. Under the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966, federal funds were authorized for preservation but the program was not funded until 1971. Thus state and federal funding for preserva­ tion comes at a particularly critical time, ex­ plaining why the Society, in the middle of an austerity crunch, can add two significant sites to its overall educational, historical, and cul­ Justin M. Schmiedeke tural program. State Archivist Gerald Ham, Manuscripts Curator Josephine Harper, Director Smith, and a bank offi­ The federal Preservation Act has also made cial examining the Society's complete set of the sig­ it possible for the Society to launch a statewide natures of signers of the Declaration of Independence, preparatory to moving them from the vault of the survey and inventory of historic and archeo­ First Wisconsin National Bank to the Society's new logical sites for incorporation in the National underground, air-conditioned storage area. Register of Historic Places. In 1971 twelve sites were added to the Register, bringing need repair, yet there is little or no money for Wisconsin's total to twenty-seven, with thir­ conservation and preservation of paintings, teen nominations pending. nor has there ever been (which probably ex­ plains why half of them are in bad shape). NY YEAR has its pleasures and disap­ But I don't want to end on a note of dis­ A pointments, and my first year at the So­ appointment, because essentially the year has ciety was no exception. Although the pleasures been one of accomplishment. Looking back vastly outweighed the disappointments, I want over the past twelve months, it becomes clear to mention a few of the latter, just to balance that it was a very good year. It is a tribute the record. The state's austerity program to the grass-roots membership, the Board of made it impossible to implement an adequate Curators, the Women's Auxiliary, the staff, book purchasing system. Nor has it been pos­ and the people of Wisconsin who support the sible to complete reclassifying the library's Society, that the program of preserving the holdings from the outmoded Cutter system to history of Wisconsin, the Middle West, and the Library of Congress system now used by the nation has been done so well. For I am modern academic and research libraries. The old-fashioned enough, even in this mod—and Field Services staff and the archives staff occasionally mad—age, to believe with Lord need additional manpower to acquire and ac­ Macaulay that "a people that takes no pride cession records relating to the state, and we in the accomplishments of their remote an­ need museum personnel to assist local histor­ cestors will probably produce nothing worthy ical societies throughout the state. And the of recollection by their remote descendants." Society must have one of the few major his­ torical museums without a full-time registrar Respectfully submitted, to keep an accurate and up-to-date set of rec­ ords on its burgeoning collections. Finally, JAMES MORTON SMITH fully 50 per cent of the Society's paintings Director

71 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971

Statistical Appendix

LIBRARY

Acquisitions 1964-65 1965-66 1966-67 1967-68 1968-69 1969-70 1970-71 Bound Volumes 5.976 5,001 5,641 6,820 6,904 5,165 5,744 Pamphlets 1,806 2,346 1,469 4,002 4,636 2,952 1,699 Government Documents (items) 8,704* 11,280 2,175 11,385 Reels of Microfilm 3,837 4,172 5,421 7,772 7,055 5,841 5,536 Sheet Microformats 14,451 16,398 18,257 16,856 17,409 14,341 14,850 Total acquisitions 39,214 *Counted previously under "Bound Volumes" and "Pamphlets."

Persons Served Stack and carrel admissions .. 37,265 38,583 41,442 40,396 36,676 34,358 39,027 Reading room service 15,674 13,736 15,285 10,948 8,056 8,925 10,239 Microforms reading room 9,147* 11,168 11,389 9,856 Borrowed for home use 19,790 20,053 18,452 19,649 21,649 17,256 18,033 Correspondence 1,522 1,670 1,699 1,770 1,791 1,848 1,896 Total 74,251 74,042 76,878 81,910 79,340 73,776 79,051 *Counted previously under "Reading Room."

Circulation Statistics—Books and Reels of Microfilm Reading room use 39,554 35,840 37,779 55,974 68,176 63,905 65,159 Home use 37,147 38,986 36,191 42,034 43,273 37,905 41,745 Total 76,701 74,826 73,970 98,008 111,449 101,810 106,904

Total Library Holdings Bound volumes 151,000 Government Documents (items) 258,000 Pamphlets 370,000 Reels of Microfilm 82,000 Sheet Microformats 239,000 Total 1,100,000

ARCHIVES AND MANUSCRIPTS Total Manuscript Collections—Processed 1968-69 1969-70 1970-71 Unbound pieces 11,476,200 13,449,550 15,279,450 Volumes 14,587 14,834 14,948

Patronage: Annual Registration by Locality Wisconsin 1,008 985 1,199 Other States 284 265 287 Foreign 9 11 17 Total 1,301 1,261 1,503

Patronage: Persons Served Manuscripts 3,192 3,207 3,325 Maps 427 568 572 Archives 552 455 569 Correspondence (Manuscripts) 1,130 1,185 1,196

72 PROCEEDINGS: 1970-1971

Archives—Reference Requests By Types 1967-68 1968-69 1969-70 1970-71 Administrative 346 316 364 512 Scholarly Research 342 367 382 338 Legal Research 69 33 69 50 Genealogy 170 172 193 249 Miscellaneous 15 19 20 17 Total 942 907 1,028 1,166

MUSEUM

Historymobile 1968-69 1969-70 1970-71 Cities visited 94 86 76 No. operating days 200 205 192 No. hours open 1,742 1,703 1,316 Mileage traveled 2,531 2,268 2,136 Attendance: Adults 30,698 30,936 8,326 Children 77,201 97,325 55,263

HISTORIC SITES

Attendance 1968 1969 1970 Stonefield 38,397 41,625 41,323 Old Wade House 45,798^^ 36,567 35,453 Villa Louis 50,115 49,139 50,112 Madeline Island 12,331 13,807 Circus World Museum 170,227 168,741 186,669 'Carriage Museum opened to public on July 5, 1968.

Alice E. Smith Award Announced

Miss Anne M. Boylan, a graduate student at the University of Wisconsin, who is writing a doctoral dissertation under the direction of Professor Paul K. Conkin, has been awarded the Alice E. Smith Fellowship for 1971-1972. Miss Boylan is writing her dissertation on the development of American Sunday Schools in the mid-nineteenth century. The award of $100 is given annually by the Society to a woman doing research in American history. The deadline for applications each year is July 15. Letters should be addressed to the Director of Research, State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 816 State Street, Madison, Wisconsin 53706.

73 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971

Digest of Board Action

At Madison, October 23, 1970 and Local History Awards of merit for out­ standing service to their local historical so­ • Accepted gifts and grants totaling cieties to Henry Hansen, Marinette County, $48,515.89 for the period January 1-June James Helland, Barron County, and Mrs. 30, 1970; O.J. Allison, Sauk County. • Authorized staff to work out a schedule of charges for use of the mailing list; At Madison, February 3, 1971 • Adopted resolution of appreciation to Rota­ ry Clubs of Wisconsin for contributions to • Accepted bequest of $6,000 from the Wini­ purchase new Historymobile; fred C. Knapp estate; • Approved transfer of the Burlington Route • Adopted policy statement on use of the So­ locomotive to the Mid-Continent Railway ciety's building; Historical Society under the terms of the • Approved Official Markers for First Coun­ original gift agreement with the Society; ty Normal School, Wausau, and Lowell Da­ • Approved application to National Endow­ mon House, Wauwatosa; ment for the Humanities for grant for proj­ • Adopted resolution of appreciation to Wis­ ect to collect electoral and other data from consin Professional Photographers Associa­ 1789 to 1824 to complete the computerized tion for their assistance at Stonefield; election results in custody of Inter-Univer­ • Adopted policy of granting memberships sity Consortium for Political Research at at a special discount of $2.50 per individual the University of Michigan; and $3.00 per family membership for seni­ • Approved priority list for capital construc­ or citizens (sixty-five years of age or old­ tion and equipment for 1971-1973 bienni­ er), effective January 1, 1972; um; • Accepted bequest of antique furniture from • Approved lease-management agreement for Adelaide Werner estate. 1971 between the Society and the Historic Sites Foundation for operation of the Cir­ cus World Museum; At La Crosse, June 17 18, 1971 • Approved name plaque for Jung Carriage • Accepted $1,000 bequest from the Vivienne Museum at Wade House; Barkalow Hornbeck estate; • Authorized the Wisconsin History Founda­ • Adopted resolution to permit full-time em­ tion to explore steps necessary to acquire ployees of the Society to purchase tax-shel­ land or create historical zoning to protect tered annuities from an insurance company the Pendarvis complex in Mineral Point; or other appropriate fiduciary agent; • Accepted the resignation from the Board • Approved in principle the Society's opera­ of Curators of Wayne J. Hood, La Crosse; tion of Pendarvis for the 1971 season and • Approved the application for accreditation authorized staff to work out an arrangement of the Circus World Museum by the Amer­ with the Wisconsin History Foundation for ican Association of Museums, as submitted operation; by the Historic Sites Foundation Board of Directors; • Designated the Farmers Savings Bank of Mineral Point as the official depository for • Adopted the report of the Awards Commit­ Pendarvis receipts; tee for the following awards to be presented at the Annual Institute for Local History, • Adopted a resolution of appreciation to October 9-10: The Reuben Gold Thwaites Mr. Raymond S. Sivesind for his excellent Trophy to the Dunn County Historical So­ work in helping to acquire the Mineral ciety; Certificates of Commendation to the Point (Pendarvis) and Madeline Island Kenosha County Historical Society and the properties; Wisconsin State Genealogical Society; Local • Authorized staff to make application for History Award of Merit to a professional accreditation of the museum in accordance historian, to Dr. Edward Noyes, Wisconsin with the procedures established by the State University-Oshkosh; Local History American Association of Museums; Awards of Merit for research and publica­ • Commended the Old World Wisconsin Com­ tion to Conan Bryant Eaton, Washington mittee for the progress it has made on the Island, and Evan Gagnon, Beaver Dam; Old World Wisconsin project and encour-

74 PROCEEDINGS: 1970-1971

aged it to move forward to implement the Approved the following Awards of Merit plans made thus far; recommended by the Awards Committee to • Approved revisions of the Society's Long- be presented at the annual meeting: to Range Sites Plan recommended by the His­ Lawrence University for its Dard Hunter toric Sites Policy Committee; Paper Museum, the world's largest collec­ • Approved Honorary Life Memberships for tion on the history of paper; to Ethelyn M. the following retired staff members: Miss Parkinson, Green Bay, for Higgins of the Ruth H. Davis, Mrs. Esther Nelson, Mrs. Railroad Museum, a book for young readers Margaret Hafstad, Miss Monica Staedtler, which gives insight into the operation of Paul Vanderbilt, and Edward D. Carpenter; the National Railroad Museum in Green • Adopted resolutions of appreciation to Ed­ Bay; to Jim Scribbins, Milwaukee, for The ward D. Carpenter, retired, for his dedi­ Hiawatha Story, a history of the Milwaukee cated work as curator at Stonefield from Road's Hiawatha trains; and to Mrs. Philip March 1951 to August 1970, and to Robert La Follette and editor Donald Young for A. Uihlein, Jr., for his support of the Cir­ bringing to publication the late Philip La cus World Museum and sponsorship of the Follette's memoirs. Adventure in Politics. Milwaukee Days Circus Parade annually on July 4;

Minutes of the Annual Meeting

HE annual business meeting was held at Mrs. William H.L. Smythe, Milwaukee T the Holiday Inn, La Crosse, June 19, William F. Stark, Pewaukee 1971, President E. David Cronon presiding. Milo K. Swanton, Madison About ninety-five members and guests were Cedric A. Vig, Rhinelander present. Clark Wilkinson, Baraboo Mr. Homstad presented the treasurer's re­ port, which was accepted and ordered filed. For election for a term ending in 1974: Director James Morton Smith stated that al­ Thomas M. Cheeks, Milwaukee though his complete annual report would ap­ Paul E. Hassett, Madison pear in the autumn issue of the Wisconsin William Huffman, Wisconsin Rapids Magazine of History he would like to make a few observations on the Society's problems For election for a term ending in 1972 (To fill and progress during his first year as director. the unexpired term of Wayne J. Hood) : He then summarized briefly some of the major activities of the past year and outlined pro­ Robert H. Irrmann, Beloit grams which the Society hoped to complete There being no further nominations from within the near future. the floor, Mr. Cutlip moved and Mrs. Jones Mr. Cronon said, following the director's re­ seconded that the requirements for a written marks, that he considered the most important ballot be waived and that the secretary be in­ event of the year to be Mr. Smith's assump­ structed to cast a unanimous ballot for the tion of the directorship. The Society, he con­ slate presented. The motion was accepted and tinued, has developed a new sense of purpose the slate declared elected. and has entered into a new era of exciting Mr. Cutlip then introduced two of the new growth and development which will enable it Curators, Mr. William Huffman, publisher of to continue to maintain and to extend its pre­ the Wisconsin Rapids Tribune, and Mr. Robert eminent position among American historical H. Irrmann, professor of history, Beloit Col­ societies. lege. It was voted that appropriate resolutions Mr. Cutlip, chairman of the Nominating of appreciation for their service to the Board Committee, presented the following slate of be prepared and sent to the three retiring nominees for the Board of Curators: members, Mrs. Henry Baldwin, Kenneth W. Haagensen, and Mowry Smith. For re-election for a term ending in 1974: Mr. Cronon commented on the unusually Roger Axtell, Janesville interesting program, the high attendance, and H. M. Benstead, Racine expressed appreciation to the local members Robert B.L. Murphy, Madison and members of the Society's staff who had Frederic E. Risser, Madison been involved in planning the program. He

75 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1971 also expressed his thanks to Mrs. Swart and Awards Committee, presided over the presen­ the Womens' Auxiliary for the excellence of tation of the Awards of Merit. the program and luncheon they had arranged Respectfully submitted, for the meeting. Following adjournment of the meeting at JAMES MORTON SMITH 2:10 P.M., Mrs. Hartzell, chairman of the Director

Highlights of Annual Meeting Program ESIDES the usual activities involved in hour ride aboard the La Crosse Queen, a pad­ B registration and in the convocations of dle-wheel riverboat, with Captain Royal Frank committees and of the full Board of Curators, acting as tour guide. the 1971 annual meeting in La Crosse featured At the evening banquet, John Toland, the several well-received addresses and other noted World War II historian and a native events. of La Crosse, spoke on "The Research Adven­ At the Friday morning meeting, July 18, tures of a War Historian," in which he de­ George Gilkey, professor of history at La scribed the intensive interviewing and re­ Crosse State University, presided over a pro­ search that has gone into each of his six gram which included two addresses: "The books, the latest of which. The Rising Sun, Clamming and Pearling Industry in La won a Pulitzer Prize and was also cited by Crosse," by Eric F. Temte, first vice-president the Overseas Press Club as the best book on of the Crawford County Historical Society; foreign affairs published in 1970. and "The Agricultural History of Western The program for Saturday morning gave Wisconsin in the Nineteenth Century," by members the choice of seeing the film. The Charles B. Elston, a doctoral candidate at the Adventures of Mark Twain starring another University of Wisconsin. This was followed by the Women's Auxiliary luncheon, at which native Wisconsinite, Fredric March, or of Jack Martin, retired radio and television an­ taking a geological tour conducted by Edward nouncer, spoke on "Show Biz as Was." At the Weinzierl of the department of geology of La afternoon meeting, Robert Funke, president Crosse State University, or a historic tour led of the La Crosse County Historical Society, by George Gilkey. The remainder of the day discussed "The Early Heritage of La Crosse," was devoted to the annual meeting and the after which members were taken on a two- presentation of Awards of Merit.

Justin M. Schmiedeke The chartered DC-9 which made two trips to Madison from the underground, high-security storage vault at Iron Mountain, New York, bearing 2,225 irre­ placeable negatives and a similar amount of prints of filmed TV episodes from the Ziv Television Library to be added to the United Artists films donated to the Society-University sponsored Theatre Research Center.

76 The Staff*

Office of the Director

JAMES MORTON SMITH, Director Ricn^HD A. ERNEY, Associate Director WILLIAM H. APPLECATE, Assistant Director BEKNADETTE WILHELM, Administrative Assistant

Division of Administrative Services

M. JAMES SEVERA, Administrative Services JUSTIN M. SCHMIEDEKE, Public Information Officer

Business Office Maintenance LEONARD W. BEIINKE, Comptroller ANTHONY W. SCHAEFFER, Supervisor DONNA J. BURCETTE, Accountant WILLIAM M. BAILEY LOIS I. ELSENER, Assistant to Comptrolle DWIGHT W. BAUMCARTNER RUTH E. HAYES, Purchasing Agent MARVIN W. CLARK VERA E. FRIEND FLORENCE J. COLLETTI THOMAS A. CRIMMINS" JAMES A. CULVER Clerical Section GEORGE DOCKERY MARY C. MCCANN, Sales Supervisor ELMER DUFF KATHLEEN A. BOTHUM K. SCOTT FREY MARGIE A. BEAN GREGORY A. GMEINDER ELDEEN J. MAYNE LuiE J. HAULER MARY E. PALTZ STEPHEN H. KEMPEN ROBERT F. SYVRUD LESLIE H. SARBACHER B. JAMES TsciiuDy LOREN J. STUCKEY loNE J. VAN SCHOYCK MILO J. SWENSON WILLIE JO WALKER Secretaries Receptionists DELORES C. PROSSER, Supervisor RITA ANN DENEEN SUSAN K. NAAS ALICE J. DURNFORD SANDRA L. O'BRIEN" DONNA L. KALLAS KATHLEEN A. STODDARD JANE E. ROTH"^ GRACE B. TODHUNTER*

Division of Archives and Manuscripts F. GERALD HAM, State Archivist

Archives Section Manuscripts Section JACK K. JALUNGS, Assistant State Archivist E. DENNIS ROWLEY, Manuscripts Curator KAREN J. BAUMANN CHERI B. CARBON JOANNE E. S. HOHLEK JERRY V. CASWELL^ ELEANOR M. NERMANN FRANCIS A. DELOUGHERY PATRICK M. QUINN

Archives-Manuscripts Search Room Iconographic Collections JOSEPHINE L. HARPER, Manuscripts Curator PAUL VANDERBILT, Curator'^' KATHERINE S. THOMPSON ELISE W. HALL" MARSHA S. PETERS ' As of June 30, 1971. This listing includes only full-time, permanent staff members and does not • Resigned January 29, 1971. include research assistants, part-time student assist­ ' Resigned January 14, 1971. ants, guides, etc. ° Resigned September 4, 1970. ' Resigned September 18, 1970. "Resigned August 31, 1970. 'Resigned November 24, 1970. * Emeritus

77 Research Division WILLIAM FLETCHER THOMPSON, JR., Director ALICE E. SMITH'

Museum Division THURMAN 0. Fox, Director KAREN S. BREMER, Receptionist

Exhibits and Research Education D-AviD W. MCNAMARA, Supervisor DORIS H. PLATT, Supervisor ROBERT W. DEWITT HOWARD W. KANETZKE RICHARD A. HORN LANCE M. NECKAR CHARLES H. KNOX JUDITH A. PATENAUDE RONALD D. LOFMAN WALTER W. WHITNEY Office of Local History Anthropology WILLIAM J. SCHERECK, Supervisor JOAN E. FREEMAN, Curator JOHN R. HALSEY Historymobile PATRICIA M. BRODHAGEN* General Collections ROBERT J. BRODHAGEN' JAMES S. WATSON, Curator ANN F. K. ALLEN JOAN L. SEVERA, Curator, Decorative Arts FRANK W. ALLEN

Library Division

CHARLES W. SHETLER, Libra

Acquisitions Section Circulation Section GERALD R. EGCLESTON, Acquisitions Librarian ELLEN BURKE, Service Librarian NANCY M. ANDERSON KARREN W. AKEY CAROL S. GILLESPIE GWEN S. ARGERSINGER^'' ROSALIND C. PARKINSON Catalog Section CONSTANCE M. SPRING HERBERT J. TEPPER, Catalog Librarian MARY L. HESS" LINDA M. PRESTO Reference Section PHYLLIS L. YOUNG MARGARET GLEASON, Reference Librarian Photoduplication Section W. ROBERT AUSTIN, Supervisor Documents Serials Section DONALD A. BROWN JOHN A. PETERS, Documents-Serials Librarian DWIGHT E. KELSEY ALICE M. ALDERMAN EDWIN L. MORGAN" JUDITH A. FABER PAUL RUNKLE JUNE E. JOHNSON L-AWRENCE S. SCHELN BlAGINO M. MARONE ABEL VILLARREAL, JR. JEANNETTE R. REDDICK JAMES N. WYSOCKP GERTRUDE V. WAGENER

Division of Field Services

BARBARA J. KAISER, Director

DIANNE M. AGRESTA Mass Communications History Center JANICE L. O'CONNELL BARBARA J. KAISER, Director JOHN W. WINN JANICE L. O'CONNELL

' Emeritus. " Resigned August 22, 1970. "Resigned March 20, 1971. " Resigned August 22, 1970. " Resigned September 11, 1970. '" Resigned January 15, 1971. '' Resigned July 6, 1970.

78 Editorial Division

WILLIAM C. HAYGOOD, Director GRACE ARCALL, Administrative Assistant

Society Press Wisconsin Magazine of History

PAUL H. HASS, Editor WILLIAM C. HAYGOOD, Editor WILLIAM C. MARTEN, Assistant Editor WILLIAM C. MARTEN, Associate Editor

Publications Office

JUDITH M. KLEINMAIER, Supervisor VICTORIA L. F. RETTENMUND, Graphic Artist

Division of Sites and Markers

RAYMOND S. SIVESIND, Director DONALD N. ANDERSON

Villa Louis Stonefield Wade House

DONALD L. MUNSON, Curator EDWARD D. CARPENTER," Curator FAY S. DOOLEY, Curator GEORGE H. ADNEY, Custodian MELVIN L. HOUGHTON HERMAN C. THOMAS, Custodian HARRY E. HAMANN LYLE C. KIENITZ, Custodian EDITH I. WEBB'' HOPE A. LOVELAND MARY G. GARY

" Retired May 25, 1971. 'Resigned July 25, 1970.

The staff, 1971-1972, assembled in the library reading room.

79 PRIVATE FUNDS (20.245—132 & 141. Trust Funds) Special Projects — July 1, 1970 to June 30, 1971

Balance Balance FUNDS 7-1-70 Inco Expenditures 6-30-71 Athenaean Fund 354.13 27.80 $ 326.33 Howard K. Beale Mem. Fund 659.84 64.31 595.53 Bibliographic Project 1,000.00 1,000.00 Black History Exhibit 165.00 60.88 104.12 Chas. E. Brown Mem. Fund 245.60 245.60 Building Addition Fund 10.00 10.00 Bush Award 8.87 8.87 Carriage Museum—Wade House Park 7,393.81 7,393.81 Circus Museum 171.66 4,500.00 4,500.00 171.66 Columbia Power Plant Survey 555.84 327.23 228.61 Cut-Over Country Fund 83.64 83.64 Director's Fund 9,791.92 1,200.00 3,884.12 7,107.80 Equipment & Furnishings 5.00 5.00 Martin A. Fladoes Mem. Fund 67.08 17.96 49.12 GAR Exhibit 2,192.11 (-2,192.11) Guide to Historic Wisconsin 245.00 1,249.71 (-1,004.71) George I. Haight Fund 428.73 94.60 334.13 C. L. Harrington Mem. Fund 768.50 768.50 Haskell of Gettysburg 3,180.47 3,180.47 Highway Salvage (-7,958.97) 4,072.09 (-3,067.64) (-819.24) Historic Sites Survey 3,240.74 (-3,240.74) History of Wisconsin (-20,551.18) 37,320.56 30,190.03 (-13,420.65) Historymobile Fund (School App.) 2,670.00 2,410.00 5,080.00 Iconographic Fund 960.00 277.40 682.60 Jackson Bequest 246.06 246.06 Kaltenborn Fund 4,113.01 4,113.01 LaFarge Reservoir Excavation (-1,320.56) 5,250.00 5,679.44 (-1,750.00) LaFollette Papers 27,285.00 9,956.43 17,328.57 Local History Fund 5.00 5.00 Map Fund 33.80 33.80 Mass Communications History Ctr. 19.84 19.84 McCormick Collection (-2,416.10) 3,544.33 1,148.33 (-20.10) McCormick Fund—Books 928.70 44.09 884.61 McCormick Fund—Research 4,250.00 5,208.64 (-958.64) Microfilming Project 550.57 550.57 Miscellaneous Unrestricted Funds .. 5,077.42 1,515.43 3,590.83 3,002.02 Arthur H. Muenk Bequest 2,276.79 2,276.79 Museum Funds 6,276.01 336.37 4,050.55 2,561.83 National Endow, for Humanities .... (-6,678.79) 9,872.88 3,194.09 National Science Fdn. Grant 518.01 161.16 356.85 ORAP 200 Fund 42.00 42.00 Painting Restoration 5.96 5.96 Christina B. Phelps Fund 120.00 60.50 59.50 Doris H. Platt Educ. Fund 1,032.44 134.09 1,166.53 Rare Books 255.75 11.00 266.75 RE - K (- 390.34) 5,264.88 4,874.54 Research Fund 10.00 10.00 Waldo E. Rosebush Mem. Fund ... 100.00 100.00 School Services 121.71 15.00 136.71 School Services Awards Fund 18.95 18.95 Schwarztrauber Biography Fund ... 3,500.00 3,500.00 Stonefield Development Fund 665.87 120.00 368.20 417.67 Bank 241.52 241.52 Blacksmith Shop 35.00 35.00 Cheese Factory 25.00 25.00 Creamery 6,223.58 472.52 5,751.06 Dewey House 183.63 200.00 74.98 308.65 Honey House 438.90 438.90 Jewelry Shop 5.00 5.00 Railroad Depot 22.27 22.27 Saloon 500.00 500.00 Uhrig Fund 3,360.39 1,407.28 486.08 4.281.59 Villa Louis 25.00 5.00 30.00 Wade House 45.00 45.00 Wis. Soc. for Jewish Learning 365.15 365.15 126,427.48 $109,123.91 $81,308.40 $54,242.99

80 PRIVATE FUNDS (20.24.'5—132. Trust Funds) Endowment Funds—July 1, 1970 to June 30, 1971

CAPITAL PRINCIPAL GAINS INCOME Balance Balance FUNDS 7-1-70 Income Expenditures 6-30-71 Mary Adams Art Fund $ 14,000.00 $ 708.75 $ 7,012.36 $ 713.89 $ 819.96 $ 6,906.29 374,784.83 18,692.99 8,608.08 20,826.54 19,237.42 10,197.20 18,745.00 948 96 ( 11,618.62) 10,248.44 3,349.82 (-4,720.00) Mary Stuart Foster Fund .. 128,883.39 6,525.71 9,188.27 6,572.02 8,118.86 7,641.43 Miscellaneous Funds 119,846.34 6,068.20 8,232.79 6,111.19 7,962.13 6,381.85 Hollister Pharm. Lib. Fund 54,793.06 2,663.03 28,900.08 1,375.30 14.08 30,261.30 Emily House Bequest 1,200.00 60.75 1,363.36 61.21 .32 1,424.25 Maud L. Hurson Bequest .. 23,594.69 1,194.47 3,023.44 1,203.08 2,102.59 2,123.93 Besse D. Keen Bequest 31,194.95 1,579.54 1,643.30 1,590.75 594.46 2,639.59 The John Thomas Lee 20,000.00 1,012.49 1,212.46 1,019.81 603.66 1,628.61 Madeline Island Hist. 35,904.19 1,748.79 1,496.25 1,827.49 (-1,040.81) 4,364.55 Mills Editorial Fund 29,428.00 1,489.79 1,797.11 1,500.65 1,507.88 1,789.88 E. B. Rowles Bequest 800.00 40.50 118.05 40.80 111.20 47.65 Anna R. Sheldon Mem. 2,700.00 136.70 683.15 137.72 57.99 762.88 55,650.00 2,818.27 2,876.99 2,837.68 3,307.83 2,406.84 R. G. Thwaites Bequest .... 15,100.00 764.44 2,465.06 769.98 1,181.91 2,053.13 $926,624.45 $46,453.38 $67,002.13 $56,836.55 $47,929.30 $75,909.38

REVOLVING FUNDS (20.245—131. Non-Trust) July 1, 1970 to June 30, 1971

Balance Balance FUNDS 7-1-70 Income Expenditures 6-30-71 $ 4,486.12 $ — $ — $ 4,486.12 League of Women Voters 848.98 650.00 400.97 1,098.01 5,338.00 5,338.00 42,856.32 131,941.50 113,485.71 61,312.11 4,975.31 1,800.00 623.86 6,151.45 61,795.42 113,156.42 110,045.55 64,906.29 556.58 24.29 532.29 3,303.79 3,303.79 (-58,272.28) 194,813.83 189,863.67 (-53,322.12) $65,888.24 $442,361.75 $414,444.05 $93,805.94

REVOLVING FUNDS (20.245—131. Non-Trust) July 1, 1970 to June 30, 1971 Historic Sites Fund (Detail)

Balance Balance FUNDS 7-1-70 Income Expenditures 6-30-71 Circus Museum—Reserve (2%%) $ 5,957.30 $ 6,766.92 $ 12,724.22 f — 35,569.31 14,513.21 1,271.19 48,811.33 (-37,159.77) 62,152.96 64,372.74 (-39,379.55) (-19,240.94) 57,822.23 52,935.28 (-14,353.99) (^3,302.64) 47,560.71 52,011.24 (-47,753.17) (- 95.54) 4,831.92 3,541.14 1,195.24 1,165.88 3,007.86 (- 1,841.98) ($-58,272.28) $194,813.83 $189,863.67 ($-53,322.12)

81 PUBLIC FUNDS STATEMENT—July 1, 1970 to June 30, 1971

Statute Legislative Balance APPROPRIATION Number Appropriation Expenditures 6-30-71 General Program 20.245—101 $1,288,804.39" $1,261,680.76 $27,123.63-° Fringe Benefits 20.245—101 175,424.71 175,424.71 Printing Archeological Society Quarterly 20.245—102 800.00 800.00 Heat (Sum-Sufficient) 20.245—103 10,492.31 10,492.31 Historic Sites (ORAP) 20.245—104 40,000.00 89.60 39,910.40" $1,515,521.41 $1,448,487.38 $67,034.03

' Prior Year Continuing Balances $ 6,529.10 " Lapsed to State Gen. Fund $21,866.59 Pay Plan & Cost of Living Adjustments $70,600.00 Continuing Balance $ 5,257.04 Cash in Lieu of Vacation $ 200.00 •' Lapsed to State Gen. Fund $ 421.50 Length of Service Pay $ 5,500.00 Continuing Balance $39,488.90

Donors to the Society, 1970-1971

Map showing the geographic distribution of the 802 donors to the Society in 1970-1971. Thirty-six states, the District of Columbia, and five foreign coun­ tries are represented—Japan, Mexico, Canada, Belgium, and Jamaica. Un- circled numbers indicate donors to the Mass Communications History Center.

82 Sustaining Members 1970—1971

AUis-Chalmers Manufacturing Company, Dr. and Mrs. William Kiekhofer, Madison Milwaukee Mr. and Mrs. Raymond J. Koltes, Madison Ambrosia Chocolate Company, Milwaukee Mary Lester of Southeastern Wisconsin, American Can Company, Neenah Incorporated, Milwaukee American Exchange Bank, Madison The Leyhe Foundation, Incorporated, Oshkosh American Family Mutual Insurance Mr. and Mrs. Charles McCallum, Hubertus Company, Madison The Marine Foundation, Incorporated, Appleton Coated Paper Company, Appleton Milwaukee Appleton Mills Foundation, Appleton Oscar Mayer & Company, Madison Appleton Wire Works, Appleton Miller Brewing Company, Milwaukee Applied Power Industries, Milwaukee Milwaukee Journal, Milwaukee Mr. H. M. Benstead, Racine Modine Manufacturing Company, Racine Bergstrom Paper Company, Neenah Nasco Industries, Incorporated, Fort Atkinson Brotz Family Foundation, Sheboygan National Historical Fire Foundation, Chicago Bucyrus-Erie Foundation, Incorporated, Nelson Muffler Corporation, Stoughton South Milwaukee Nordberg Manufacturing Company, Mr. and Mrs. Walter R. Buell, Sturgeon Bay Milwaukee Capital Times, Madison Parker Pen Company, Janesville Connor Foundation, Wausait Mrs. Robert Pierce, Menomonie Consolidated's Civic Foundation, Rahr Foundation, Manitowoc Incorporated, Wisconsin Rapids Red Arrow Sales Corporation, Madison Mr. and Mrs. E. David Cronon, Madison Mr. and Mrs. Frederic E. Risser, Madison Carl and Elisabeth Eberbach Foundation, Inc., Roddis (Hamilton) Foundation, Milwaukee Incorporated, Marshfield Employer Insurance of Wausau, Wausau Saint Regis Paper Company, Rhinelander Evinrude Motors, Milwaukee Schlitz Foundation, Incorporated, Milwaukee The Falk Corporation, Milwaukee Sentry Insurance Company, Stevens Point First National Bank of Appleton, Appleton Mr. and Mrs. S. F. Shattuck, Neenah First Wisconsin Foundation, Incorporated, Mr. and Mrs. Donald C. Slichter, Milwaukee Milwaukee Mr. Mowry Smith, Menasha Corporation First Wisconsin Trust Company, Milwaukee Foundation, Neenah Mrs. Robert E. Friend, Hartland Mrs. William H. L. Smythe, Milwaukee Fromm Brothers, Incorporated, Hamburg Sta-Rite Products, Incorporated, Delavan Gateway Transporation Company, La Crosse Howard B. Stark Company, Pewaukee Mr. and Mrs. John C. Geilfuss, Milwaukee Thilmany Pulp and Paper Company, General Telephone Company of Wisconsin, Kaukauna Madison Twin Disc, Incorporated, Racine Gilbert Paper Company, Menasha Voigt Charitable Foundation, Racine Gisholt John A. Johnson Foundation, The Vollrath Company, Sheboygan Madison Wausau Paper Mills Company, Brokaw Mr. John T. Harrington, Milwaukee Webcrafters Foundation, Incorporated, The Heil Company, Milwaukee Madison Highsmith Company, Incorporated, West Bend Company, West Bend Fort Atkinson Western Publishing Company, Incorporated, Mrs. Frank P. Hixon, Lake Forest, III. Racine Mr. and Mrs. W. D. Hoard, Jr., Wisconsin Electric Power Company, Fort Atkinson Milwaukee Mr. Wayne J. Hood, La Crosse The Wisconsin Life Insurance Company, International Harvester Company, Chicago Madison Jackson County Bank, Black River Falls Wisconsin Power and Light Company, Mr. and Mrs. Edward Cole Jones, Madison Fort Atkinson Wisconsin State Journal, Madison Jones of Fort Atkinson Foundation, Wisconsin Telephone Company, Milwaukee Incorporated, Fort Atkinson Mr. Robert S. Zigman, Milwaukee Kearney & Trecker Corporation, Milwaukee Zigman Joseph Associates, Milwaukee

83 Contributors RONALD A. SMITH, assistant professor of physical educa­ tion at Pennsylvania State ATHAN THEOHARIS is a na­ University, was born on a tive of Milwaukee, where he farm near Delavan in 1936 attended Lincoln high school. and attended Delavan's public An early entrant at the Uni­ schools before enrolling in versity of Chicago, he ob­ Northwestern University. From 1958 to 1965 tained all of his four degrees he taught history in Fort Atkinson. In 1966 from that institution—two he received an M.S. in history from the Uni­ A.B.'s (1956 and 1957), an M.A. (1959), and versity of Wisconsin and in 1969 a Ph.D. in his Ph.D. in 1965. He has taught at Staten physical education, with emphasis on the his­ Island Community College, Wayne State Uni­ tory of sports. His article in this issue is versity, Texas A&M University, and currently drawn from his doctoral dissertation, "From is associate professor of history at Marquette Normal School to State University: A History University. A twentieth-century political his­ of the Wisconsin State University Conference." torian, his special field of research is the At present Mr. Smith is editor of the Pennsyl­ Truman period concerning which he has writ­ vania Journal of Health, Physical Education ten extensively. He is the co-author of Anat­ and Recreation. He is also editing a book of omy of Anti-Communism (1969), author of readings on the history of sport and physical The Yalta Myths: An Issue in U.S. Politics, education and is writing a history of sport 1945-1955 (1970), and of Seeds of Repres­ in America. sion: Harry S. Truman and the Origins of McCarthyism (1971). He has also contributed RAPHAEL N. HAMILTON, a na­ essays to Politics and Policies of the Truman tive of Omaha, taught Amer­ Administrations (1970), Public Opinion and ican colonial history at Mar­ Historians (1970), and Cold War Critics quette University until 1961 (1971). In addition, he has contributed arti­ when he retired with the rank cles to Political Science Quarterly, Wayne of professor emeritus. Shortly Law Review, New University Thought, and thereafter he was appointed Brooklyn Law Review. Mr. Theoharis is mar­ University Archivist. A graduate of Creighton ried and is the father of a baby girl. University (A.B.) and Saint Louis University (M.A. and Ph.D.), he taught at Campion Col­ •'^" JERRY M. COOPER was born lege in Prairie du Chien and at Saint Louis ^*\ and reared in small towns in University before coming to Marquette where southwestern Michigan. Fol- he was appointed chairman of the history ^ lowing his service as an enlist- department in 1932. He was dean of the ^jtf^^^M ed man in the Navy from 1957 graduate school from 1939 to 1943, and secre­ ^^^JH to 1960, he earned an under­ tary of the Board of Trustees, 1940-1948. graduate degree in secondary Besides contributing numerous articles to his­ education from Western Michigan University torical journals. Father Hamilton is also the at Kalamazoo. After teaching social studies author of The Story of Marquette University for a year at the Custer Job Corps Center in (1953), "Father Marquette," in the Great Battle Creek, he entered the University of Men of Michigan series (1970), and Mar­ Wisconsin in the fall of 1966, earning a mas­ quette's Explorations: The Narratives Re­ ter's degree in 1968 and a doctorate in 1971. examined (1970). As a member of the Col­ During that time he also served as a teaching lege and University Committee of the Society assistant in American history. Mr. Cooper's of American Archivists, Father Hamilton was research has focused on aspects of American co-editor in the compilation of the directory. military history. His master's thesis was a College and University Archives in the United study of the Wisconsin militia in the nine­ States and Canada (1966). Governor Warren teenth century and his dissertation examined Knowles appointed him to the State Commis­ the use of federal troops in labor disturbances sion for the Celebration of the Tercentenary in the latter part of that century. At present of Father Marquette, and the mayor of Mil­ he is teaching American history at the Uni­ waukee made him a member of the City versity of Missouri-St. Louis. Landmarks Commission.

84 A Crawford County couple and their cows are 'Homeward Bound" in tliis photo in the 1972 WISCONSIN CALENDAR The calendar includes 16 color photos, •m 40 black-and-white photos, and weekly appointment calendars.

At $1.50, it makes an ideal stocking stuffer.

t.^t. To promote a wider appreciation of the American heritage The Purpose with particular emphasis on the collection, advancement, of this and dissemination of knowledge of the history of Wisconsin Society shall be and of the Middle West.

State Historical Society of Wisconsin 816 State Street Second-class postage paid at Madison, Wisconsin 53706 Madison, Wisconsin, and at Return Requested additional mailing offices.