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Faith, Reason, and Social Thought in the Young Vladimir Segeevich

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Faith, Reason, and Social Thought in the Young Vladimir Segeevich “A Foggy Youth”: Faith, Reason, and Social Thought in the Young Vladimir Segeevich Solov’ev, 1853-1881 by Sean Michael James Gillen A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) at the UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN-MADISON 2012 Date of final oral examination: 2 May 2012 The dissertation is approved by the following members of the Final Oral Committee: David MacLaren McDonald, Professor of History Francine Hirsch, Professor of History Judith Deutsch Kornblatt, Professor of Slavic Languages and Literatures Rudy Koshar, Professor of History Jennifer Ratner-Rosenhagen, Professor of History © Copyright by Sean Michael James Gillen 2012 All Rights Reserved Table of Contents i Abstract Table of Contents i-ii Acknowledgments iii-iv Abreviations v Introduction: Vladimir Solov’ev in Historiography—The Problem of the “Symbolist Conceit” 1-43 Chapter 1: Solov’ev’s Moscow: Social Science, Civic Culture, and the Problem of Education, 1835-1873 44-83 Chapter 2: The Genesis of Solov’ev’s “Conscious Faith Founded on Reason:” History, Religion, and the Future of Mankind, 1873-1874 84-134 Chapter 3: Practical Philosophy and Solov’ev Abroad: Socialism, Ethics, and Foreign Policy—London and Cairo, 1875-1876 135-167 Chapter 4: The Russo-Turkish War and the Moscow Slavic Benevolent Committee: Statehood, Society, and Religion—June 1876-February 1877 168-214 Chapter 5: Chteniia o bogochelovechestve—Christian Epic in a Theistic Mode: Theism, Morality, and Society, 1877-1878 215-256 Conclusion: 257-266 Bibliography 267-305 ii Acknowledgments iii This dissertation has been supported by both individuals and institutions. Above all, my advisor, David McDonald, provided intellectual guidance while also allowing me the freedom to explore connections that were sometimes tangential. Although Laurence Dickey may not agree with the way that I have set out my argument, he taught me the history and methods of European intellectual history. Fran Hirsch taught me Soviet History and how to discipline my writing and argument. Rudy Koshar taught me European and German social history. Judith Kornblatt’s seminar on Vladimir Solov’ev was the germ, to borrow a metaphor from Herzen’s repertoire, of the argument of this dissertation, even though that may be hard to see and she may not agree with much of my argument. Marina Iur’evna Sorokina introduced me to archival research in Russia and has always supported my work, though she did not always agree with my methods or conclusions. While conducting research in Moscow in 2007-2008, Elena Arkad’evna Takho- Godi—of the Library of the history of Russian Philosophy and Culture, the A.F. Losev House— graciously arranged for me to discuss my dissertation project with N.V. Kotrelev. At an early stage in writing, Laura Engelstein posed some tough questions that helped me sharpen my argument at a colloquium organized and administered by David and Fran. The Intellectual History Group founded and administered by Jennifer Ratner-Rosenhagen also provided a venue to present parts of my dissertation at several points in my writing process. I have tried to follow their examples of scholarship. As always, any mistakes are my own. Friends and family also supported this dissertation in many ways. Patrick Michelson, Martha Michelson, and Peter Michelson provided boundless support, intellectual, moral, and even financial. I am lucky to be able to call them friends. My grandparents provided financial support in my first years as a graduate student in Madison, Wisconsin. They also provided help at latter stages during research and writing. Greg Bond provided diversions from my first daysiv in Madison—sometimes at the right time, sometimes not. Colleen Lucey provided free lodging in Moscow and helped split the rent in Madison. She was and is a good friend. Research for this dissertation was supported by several grants. Research in Russia and France was supported above all by the Alice D. Mortenson-Michael B. Petrovich Research Fellowship. A Vilas Research and Travel Grant and research grants from the Department of History at the University of Wisconsin also supported that research. The Mortenson-Michael B. Petrovich Research Fellowship also supported research at the Bakhmeteff Archives of the Butler Library at Columbia University. While an associate at the Summer Research Laboratory of Russia, Eastern Europe and Eurasia Center at University of Illinois-Urbana-Champaign Illinois- Urbana-Champaign, a grant offered by the center defrayed the costs of room and board while I browsed the Libraries extensive collection of Russian periodicals. I would also like to thank the librarians at that institution for their help in locating items. Finally, the George L. Mosse Exchange Fellowship, directed by John Tortorice, allowed me to begin writing in Jerusalem, Israel and conduct additional research trips to Moscow, Saint Petersburg, and Paris. Abreviations v Archives: Moscow GARF: Gosudarstvennyi Arkhiv Rossiiskoi Federatsii RGALI: Rossiiskii Gosudarstvennyi Arkhiv Literatury i Isskustva RGVIA: Rossiiskii Gosudarstvennyi Voenno-Istoricheskii Arkhiv TsIAM: Tsentral’nyi Istoricheskii Arkhiv Moskvy Saint Petersburg OR RNB: Otdel Rukopisei Rossiiskaia Natsional’naia Biblioteka DP RNB: Dom Plekhanova Rossiiskaia Natsional’naia Biblioteka Paris BN: Bibliothèque nationale de France AN: Les Archives nationales de France APP: Archive de la Préfecture de Police de Paris BDIC: Bibliothèque de Documentation Internationale Contemporaine AD: Archive de la Défense au Château de Vincennes MAE: Ministère des Affaires étrangéres United States BAR: Bakhmeteff Archive, Butler Library, Columbia University, New York, NY UIUC: University Archives, University of Illinois-Urbana-Champaign Works: SS: S.M. Solov’ev and E.L. Radlov, eds. Sobranie sochinenii Vladimira Sergeevicha Solov’eva, 2nd ed., vols. 1-10. Saint Petersburg: Prosveshchenie, 1911-1914. Sobranie sochinenii Vladimira Sergeevicha Solov’eva, vols. 11-12. Saint Petersburg: “Prosveshchenie,” n.d. Reprint, Brussels: Zhizn’ s Bogom, 1966-1970. PSS: A.A. Nosov, ed. Polnoe sobranie sochinenii i pisem v dvadtsati tomakh, 3 vols. Moscow: “Nauka,” 2000-2001. Pis’ma: E.L. Radlov and S.M. Solov’ev, ed. Pis’ma Vladimira Sergeevicha Solov’eva, 3 vols. Saint Petersburg: Obshchestvennaia Pol’za, 1908-1911. Pis’ma, vol. 4: E.L. Radlov, ed. Pis’ma i materialy. Petersburg: Izd-vo Z.I. Grzhebina, 1922. 1 INTRODUCTION: Vladimir Solov’ev in Historiography—The Problem of the “Symbolist Conceit” With the exception of Nikolai Chernyshevskii, there is perhaps no more misunderstood thinker in the pantheon of Russian intellectual history than Vladimir Sergeevich Solov’ev (1853- 1900). The standard accounts of Solov’ev’s life and work—a narrative I call the “Symbolist Conceit”—present the thinker as Russia’s first professional philosopher whose entire oeuvre is the product of mystical visions of Sophia, the Divine Wisdom of God. What Solov’ev read, thought, and did disappear behind the shadow of this mystical vision. The source of this misunderstanding lies in the inordinately important role ascribed to a mystical being called Sophia, the Divine Wisdom of God, in explanations of the source and motive of Solov’ev’s entire intellectual endeavor. While it is impossible to deny the fact that Solov’ev had mystical experiences, as he himself reported in private correspondence, the overwhelming importance assigned to this experience alone has diverted scholars’ attention away from the historically specific problems Solov’ev thought he was answering and the equally historically specific resources on which he could draw to develop such answers. Looking back from 1892 on his formative years, Solov’ev acknowledged his own ambivalence about his complex intellectual endeavor when he wrote about “the dawn of his foggy youth.”4 This dissertation aims to recover both the complexity of Solov’ev’s intellectual work and the ambiguity of his heritage. The original authors of what I call the “Symbolist Conceit” constructed a very selective image of Solov’ev legacy as they developed cultural and political critiques of the late-Imperial and early-Soviet orders. As I will argue in the conclusion, scholars should be skeptical of such a Solov’ev, for scholarly and socio-political reasons. For more purely historical reasons, this 4 Vl. Solov’ev, “Na zare tumannoi iunosti … (razskaz),” Russkaia mysl’ 13, no. 5 (1892): 184-198 and Ernst Radlov, ed., Pis’ma Vladimira Sergeevicha Solov’eva, vol. 3 (Saint Petersburg: Obshchestvennaia pol’za, 1911), 283-298. 2 dissertation argues that Solov’ev’s early career was motivated by the attempt to moralize socialism by depicting the development of justice and social equity within a theistic schema of history in which mankind realized these values as freely accepted duties that God called on mankind to realize. The fundamental feature of Solov’ev’s thought in the 1870s and 1880s was the treatment of social and political problems as religious and moral problems. This approach to social and political problems as intrinsically religious in nature places Solov’ev and his contemporaries firmly within European as well as Russian intellectual history. The parameters of the “Symbolist Conceit,” however, have often obscured this aspect of the intersection of Solov’ev’s career with the Russia of his time. THE PROBLEM—THE “SYMBOLIST CONCEIT” For more than a century, the study of Vladimir Solov’ev and his work has drawn on an incomplete source base. In 1902, such prominent friends and acquaintances of Solov’ev’s as A.N. Pypin and Prince S.N. Trubetskoi complained about the omission of humorous poems and incomplete works in the first editions of Solov’ev’s collected works.5 The philosopher’s brother, Mikhail Sergeevich, had prepared this incomplete edition of the collected works shortly after Solov’ev’s death, and Solov’ev’s nephew, Sergei Mikhailovich, reissued the collection almost unchanged in a second edition of 1911.6 Only with the publication of the Russian Academy of Science’s first installment of Solov’ev’s Complete Works and Letters in Twenty Volumes in 2000 has this source problem been addressed.
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