JENNIFER B. SPOCK Academic Curriculum Vitae, November 2020
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Revista Inclusiones Issn 0719-4706 Volumen 7 – Número Especial – Octubre/Diciembre 2020
CUERPO DIRECTIVO Mg. Amelia Herrera Lavanchy Universidad de La Serena, Chile Director Dr. Juan Guillermo Mansilla Sepúlveda Mg. Cecilia Jofré Muñoz Universidad Católica de Temuco, Chile Universidad San Sebastián, Chile Editor Mg. Mario Lagomarsino Montoya OBU - CHILE Universidad Adventista de Chile, Chile Editor Científico Dr. Claudio Llanos Reyes Dr. Luiz Alberto David Araujo Pontificia Universidad Católica de Valparaíso, Chile Pontificia Universidade Católica de Sao Paulo, Brasil Dr. Werner Mackenbach Editor Europa del Este Universidad de Potsdam, Alemania Dr. Aleksandar Ivanov Katrandzhiev Universidad de Costa Rica, Costa Rica Universidad Suroeste "Neofit Rilski", Bulgaria Mg. Rocío del Pilar Martínez Marín Cuerpo Asistente Universidad de Santander, Colombia Traductora: Inglés Ph. D. Natalia Milanesio Lic. Pauline Corthorn Escudero Universidad de Houston, Estados Unidos Editorial Cuadernos de Sofía, Chile Dra. Patricia Virginia Moggia Münchmeyer Portada Pontificia Universidad Católica de Valparaíso, Chile Lic. Graciela Pantigoso de Los Santos Editorial Cuadernos de Sofía, Chile Ph. D. Maritza Montero Universidad Central de Venezuela, Venezuela COMITÉ EDITORIAL Dra. Eleonora Pencheva Dra. Carolina Aroca Toloza Universidad Suroeste Neofit Rilski, Bulgaria Universidad de Chile, Chile Dra. Rosa María Regueiro Ferreira Dr. Jaime Bassa Mercado Universidad de La Coruña, España Universidad de Valparaíso, Chile Mg. David Ruete Zúñiga Dra. Heloísa Bellotto Universidad Nacional Andrés Bello, Chile Universidad de Sao Paulo, Brasil Dr. Andrés Saavedra Barahona Dra. Nidia Burgos Universidad San Clemente de Ojrid de Sofía, Bulgaria Universidad Nacional del Sur, Argentina Dr. Efraín Sánchez Cabra Mg. María Eugenia Campos Academia Colombiana de Historia, Colombia Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, México Dra. Mirka Seitz Dr. Francisco José Francisco Carrera Universidad del Salvador, Argentina Universidad de Valladolid, España Ph. -
An Old Believer ―Holy Moscow‖ in Imperial Russia: Community and Identity in the History of the Rogozhskoe Cemetery Old Believers, 1771 - 1917
An Old Believer ―Holy Moscow‖ in Imperial Russia: Community and Identity in the History of the Rogozhskoe Cemetery Old Believers, 1771 - 1917 Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Doctoral Degree of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Peter Thomas De Simone, B.A., M.A Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2012 Dissertation Committee: Nicholas Breyfogle, Advisor David Hoffmann Robin Judd Predrag Matejic Copyright by Peter T. De Simone 2012 Abstract In the mid-seventeenth century Nikon, Patriarch of Moscow, introduced a number of reforms to bring the Russian Orthodox Church into ritualistic and liturgical conformity with the Greek Orthodox Church. However, Nikon‘s reforms met staunch resistance from a number of clergy, led by figures such as the archpriest Avvakum and Bishop Pavel of Kolomna, as well as large portions of the general Russian population. Nikon‘s critics rejected the reforms on two key principles: that conformity with the Greek Church corrupted Russian Orthodoxy‘s spiritual purity and negated Russia‘s historical and Christian destiny as the Third Rome – the final capital of all Christendom before the End Times. Developed in the early sixteenth century, what became the Third Rome Doctrine proclaimed that Muscovite Russia inherited the political and spiritual legacy of the Roman Empire as passed from Constantinople. In the mind of Nikon‘s critics, the Doctrine proclaimed that Constantinople fell in 1453 due to God‘s displeasure with the Greeks. Therefore, to Nikon‘s critics introducing Greek rituals and liturgical reform was to invite the same heresies that led to the Greeks‘ downfall. -
1 Daniel 7 Unlocked: Part 3 – the Beast from the North Paul R. Wild, April 5, 2020 “Inevitable Iran-Turkey-Syria-Russia Alli
Daniel 7 Unlocked: Part 3 – The Beast from the North Paul R. Wild, April 5, 2020 “Inevitable Iran-Turkey-Syria-Russia Alliance” Fars News Agency online, November 5, 2007 Note: The article concluded by saying, “The final effect of the region’s aversion to American policies will be the formation of the “union of four:” Russia, Turkey, Iran, and Syria.” “Turkey Announces ‘Trilateral Summit’ on Syria with Russia and Iran” Jerusalem Post online, July 5, 2019 “Syria conflict: What do the US, Russia, Turkey and Iran want?” DW.com, January 23, 2019 https://www.dw.com/en/syria-conflict-what-do-the-us-russia-turkey-and-iran-want/a- 41211604 “Russia, Turkey, Iran See US Pullout from Syria as Positive Step” Al Jazeera English, February 14, 2019 https://www.bing.com/videos/search?q=russia+syria+iran+turkey&docid=608026991975 269951&mid=EF70B1042E60286DFE52EF70B1042E60286DFE52&view=detail&FORM=VIR E “Trump Handing Northern Syria to Turkey is a ‘gift to Russia, Iran, and ISIS,’ Former US Envoy Says” CNBC online, October 7, 2019 https://www.cnbc.com/2019/10/07/trump-handing-syria-to-turkey-is-gift-to-russia-iran- isis-mcgu.html “Russia, Iran, Turkey Discuss Post-war Scenario in Syria Talks” Al Jazeera English, April 25, 2019 https://www.bing.com/videos/search?q=russia+syria+iran+turkey&docid=608037033685 353936&mid=5C3090BF16D9EBC44A235C3090BF16D9EBC44A23&view=detail&FORM=VI RE Folks, you have just now been introduced to Daniel 7’s Beast from the North (Daniel 7:5). In this introduction, you can also see allusions of passing the baton from the Beast from the West, the United States (US), to the Beast from the North. -
Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S
Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests Jim Nichol, Coordinator Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs November 4, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33407 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests Summary Russia made some uneven progress in democratization during the 1990s, but according to most observers, this limited progress was reversed after Vladimir Putin rose to power in 1999-2000. During this period, the State Duma (lower legislative chamber) came to be dominated by government-approved parties and opposition democratic parties were excluded. Putin also abolished gubernatorial elections and established government ownership or control over major media and industries, including the energy sector. The methods used by the Putin government to suppress insurgency in the North Caucasus demonstrated a low regard for the rule of law and scant regard for human rights, according to critics. Dmitriy Medvedev, Vladimir Putin’s chosen successor and long-time protégé, was elected president in March 2008 and immediately chose Putin as prime minister. President Medvedev has continued policies established during the Putin presidency. In August 2008, the Medvedev-Putin “tandem” directed wide-scale military operations against Georgia and unilaterally recognized the independence of Georgia’s separatist South Ossetia and Abkhazia, actions that were censured by most of the international community but which resulted in few, minor, and only temporary international sanctions against Russia. Russia’s economy began to recover from the Soviet collapse in 1999, led mainly by oil and gas exports, but the sharp decline in oil and gas prices in mid-2008 and other aspects of the global economic downturn put a halt to this growth. -
Examining the Changing Use of the Bear As a Symbol of Russia
UC Santa Barbara UC Santa Barbara Previously Published Works Title The “Forward Russia” Flag: Examining the Changing Use of the Bear as a Symbol of Russia Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5xz8x2zc Journal Raven: A Journal of Vexillology, 19 ISSN 1071-0043 Author Platoff, Anne M. Publication Date 2012 License https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ 4.0 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California The “Forward Russia” Flag 99 The “Forward Russia” Flag: Examining the Changing Use of the Bear as a Symbol of Russia Anne M. Platoff Introduction Viewers of international sporting events have become accustomed to seeing informal sporting flags waved by citizens of various countries. The most famil- iar of these flags, of course, are the “Boxing Kangaroo” flag used to represent Australia and the “Fighting Kiwi” flag used by fans from New Zealand. Both of these flags have become common at the Olympic Games when athletes from those nations compete. Recently a new flag of this type has been displayed at international soccer matches and the 2010 Vancouver Winter Olympics. Unlike the Kangaroo and Kiwi flags, this new flag has been constructed using a defaced national flag, the Russian tricolor flag of white, blue, and red horizontal stripes, readopted as the flag of the Russian Federation after the breakup of the Soviet Union. A number of variations of the flag design have been used, but all of them contain two elements: the Russian text Vperëd Rossiia, which means “Forward Russia”, and a bear which appears to be break- ing its way out of the flag. -
1 Golden Ring Tour – Part 4 Spaso-Preobrazhensky Monastery
Golden Ring Tour – Part 4 Spaso-Preobrazhensky Monastery (Yaroslav Museum-Reserve) The Transfiguration of the Saviour Cathedral was once the monastery's main cathedral. https://rusmania.com/central/yaroslavl-region/yaroslavl/sights/around-bogoyavlenskaya- ploschad/spaso-preobrazhensky-monastery-yaroslavl-museum-reserve 1 Built onto the Transfiguration of the Saviour Cathedral is the Yaroslavl Miracle-Workers Church which is dedicated to Prince Fyodor of Yaroslavl and his sons David and Konstantin. All three have since been canonised and are considered local saints of Yaroslavl. The church was built between 1827 and 1831 in the classical style and its front is decorated with six columns. The monastery’s massive belfry stands at almost 32 metres tall. The lower part of the belfry dates from the mid-16th century. This was added to in the beginning of the 19th century when another tier was built on with a dome. The structure, especially its upper tiers, was heavily damaged during the 1918 Uprising and subsequently restored in the 1920s and 1950s. In addition to the 18 bells which are part of the belfry, the Our Lady of Pechersk Church is also located inside. Tickets can be brought to enjoy great views of the historical part of Yaroslavl from the very top, which can be reached via narrow and occasionally steep staircases inside. 2 3 https://luxeadventuretraveler.com/bear- symbol-yaroslavl-gadvrussia/ As the story goes, Prince Yaroslav was sailing down the Volga River and noticed a tribe had settled on a plateau where the Volga met the Kotorsol River. The Prince immediately recognized the trading potential of the confluence and set out to take the land from the tribe. -
Attributing the Zvenigorodsky Chin
DISCOVERIES Attributing the Zvenigorodsky Chin Levon Nersesyan talks with Oxana Golovko Translated by Vera Winn Artistic Technique were moving backward and forward. Note: On June 26, In the latter case, the final image 2017, the State Levon, tell us how you discovered rarely corresponds with the prepara- Tretyakov Gallery in Moscow held a that the Zvenigorodsky Chin was tory drawings, and there are quite a press conference on not painted by Andrei Rublev. few corrections even in the prepara- the authorship of the tory drawing itself. It is obvious that Zvenigorodskiy Chin, a A difference in painting technique the first master was accustomed to famous depiction of the Deisis (suppli- between the Zvenigorodsky Chin and working out all the details clearly and cation) featuring the the Holy Trinity is clearly visible with- neatly from the very beginning, while Archangel Michael, out the use of any scientific devices, the second created a rough sketch Christ, and St. Paul. but before we drew any conclusions, and then modified the form of the im- This triptych was long attributed to the it was necessary to analyze the tech- age in the process of painting. 14th–15th century niques used as accurately and ob- iconographer Andrei jectively as possible, and only then Careful microscopic examination and Rublev, but scientists to compare the objects visually. We microphotography of the paintings and restorers now be- lieve the icons were followed a universal, internation- enabled us to clarify the number and painted by a different ally recognized method of extensive sequence of paint layers. These tech- hand, or possibly by analysis. -
Faith, Reason, and Social Thought in the Young Vladimir Segeevich
“A Foggy Youth”: Faith, Reason, and Social Thought in the Young Vladimir Segeevich Solov’ev, 1853-1881 by Sean Michael James Gillen A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) at the UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN-MADISON 2012 Date of final oral examination: 2 May 2012 The dissertation is approved by the following members of the Final Oral Committee: David MacLaren McDonald, Professor of History Francine Hirsch, Professor of History Judith Deutsch Kornblatt, Professor of Slavic Languages and Literatures Rudy Koshar, Professor of History Jennifer Ratner-Rosenhagen, Professor of History © Copyright by Sean Michael James Gillen 2012 All Rights Reserved Table of Contents i Abstract Table of Contents i-ii Acknowledgments iii-iv Abreviations v Introduction: Vladimir Solov’ev in Historiography—The Problem of the “Symbolist Conceit” 1-43 Chapter 1: Solov’ev’s Moscow: Social Science, Civic Culture, and the Problem of Education, 1835-1873 44-83 Chapter 2: The Genesis of Solov’ev’s “Conscious Faith Founded on Reason:” History, Religion, and the Future of Mankind, 1873-1874 84-134 Chapter 3: Practical Philosophy and Solov’ev Abroad: Socialism, Ethics, and Foreign Policy—London and Cairo, 1875-1876 135-167 Chapter 4: The Russo-Turkish War and the Moscow Slavic Benevolent Committee: Statehood, Society, and Religion—June 1876-February 1877 168-214 Chapter 5: Chteniia o bogochelovechestve—Christian Epic in a Theistic Mode: Theism, Morality, and Society, 1877-1878 215-256 Conclusion: 257-266 Bibliography 267-305 ii Acknowledgments iii This dissertation has been supported by both individuals and institutions. -
“The Bear and the Maiden Fair”: Why Does Armenia Side with Russia?
“The Bear and the Maiden Fair”: Why does Armenia side with Russia? Árni Þór Sigurðsson & Alyson J.K. Bailes Stjórnmálafræðideild Ritstjóri: Stefanía Óskarsdóttir Rannsóknir í félagsvísindum XVI. Erindi flutt á ráðstefnu í október 2015 Reykjavík: Félagsvísindastofnun Háskóla Íslands ISBN: 978-9935-424-19-8 0 “The Bear and the Maiden Fair”: Why does Armenia side with Russia? Árni Þór Sigurðsson Alyson J.K. Bailes When the Soviet Union broke up in 1991, it created a ring of newly independent states around Russia, of which the four smallest – Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia and Moldova – lay to the South-west. The first three, Armenia being the smallest with a population of around three million, form the historically turbulent region of the South Caucasus. Since independence they have all experienced major strains and conflicts, with Russia and/or with each other, including the struggle between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the latter’s province of Nagorno-Karabakh. While sharing broadly similar challenges of economic development and internal governance, the three nations have chosen markedly different courses in foreign and security policy. Azerbaijan and Georgia have sought to strengthen their ties to the West and disengage themselves from Moscow, even at the risk of facing Russian violence. Armenia, on the other hand, has aligned itself closely with Russia, and today belongs to two groups representing Moscow’s closest allies: the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO)1 and the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU).2 It has recently supported, at least with lip-service, Russia’s widely condemned uses of force in Ukraine.3 The theory of small states in international relations considers it normal for a small entity to seek ‘shelter’ from a powerful protector. -
The Institute of Modern Russian Culture at Blue Lagoon
THE INSTITUTE OF MODERN RUSSIAN CULTURE AT BLUE LAGOON NEWSLETTER No. 77, February, 2019 IMRC, Mail Code 4353, USC, Los Angeles, Ca, 90089-4353 USA Tel. : (213) 740-2735 Fax: 740-8550 E: [email protected] website: https://dornsife.usc.edu/sll/imrc STATUS This is the seventy-seventh biannual Newsletter of the IMRC and follows the last issue which appeared in August, 2018. The information presented here relates primarily to events connected with the IMRC during the spring and summer of 2018. For the benefit of new readers, data on the present structure of the IMRC are given on the last page of this issue. IMRC Newsletters for 1979-2018 are available electronically and can be requested via e-mail at [email protected]. All IMRC newsletters are available on University of Cincinnatii's institutional repository, Scholar@UC (https://scholar.uc.edu). RUSSIA: Оurs is the Victory One of the most prominent leit-motifs in everyday Moscow life is the word, concept, and metaphor of “victory” (pobeda) and its analogy “triumph”. Of course, Moscow has engineered many conquests, from the rout of Napoleon in 1812 to the rout of Hitler in 1943, but, even so, the persistence and application of “victory” is so striking that its continued omnipresence might well inspire the following scenario: After arriving on Victory Airlines on 9 May (Victory Day), I checked into the Hotel Victory not far from the Victory of Taste Supermarket adjacent to Triumphal Street downtown. Taking a Victory ‘Bus to the nearby Victory Café, I ordered a Victory Salad and a slice of Victory Cake out of their Victory refrigerator. -
The Elephant and the Bear Try Again
THE ELEPHANT AND THE BEAR TRY AGAIN OPTIONS FOR A NEW AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE EU AND RUSSIA Michael Emerson (editor) Nadezhda Arbatova Timofei Bordachev Andrey S. Makarychev Fabrizio Tassinari Marius Vahl European Round Table of Industrialists CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN POLICY STUDIES BRUSSELS The Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) is an independent policy research institute based in Brussels. Its mission is to produce sound analytical research leading to constructive solutions to the challenges facing Europe today. The views expressed in this report are those of the authors writing in a personal capacity and do not necessarily reflect those of CEPS or any other institution with which the authors are associated. This study was carried out in the context of the broader work programme of CEPS on European Neighbourhood Policy, which is generously supported by the Compagnia di San Paolo and the Open Society Institute. ISBN-10: 92-9079-676-6 ISBN-13: 978-92-9079-676-3 © Copyright 2006, Centre for European Policy Studies. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means – electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise – without the prior permission of the Centre for European Policy Studies. Centre for European Policy Studies Place du Congrès 1, B-1000 Brussels Tel: 32 (0) 2 229.39.11 Fax: 32 (0) 2 219.41.51 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.ceps.be CONTENTS 1. Introduction ................................................................................................. 1 Michael Emerson 2. Neighbours, Exceptions and the Political: A Vocabulary of EU-Russian Inter-Subjective (Dis)Connections.................................... -
Unbearable Bear Hug Non-Partisan Website Devoted to Armenian Affairs, Human Rights and Democracy
Keghart Unbearable Bear Hug Non-partisan Website Devoted to Armenian Affairs, Human Rights https://keghart.org/unbearable-bear-hug/ and Democracy UNBEARABLE BEAR HUG Posted on November 2, 2013 by Keghart Category: Opinions Page: 1 Keghart Unbearable Bear Hug Non-partisan Website Devoted to Armenian Affairs, Human Rights https://keghart.org/unbearable-bear-hug/ and Democracy Editorial, 1 November 2013 The ink on President Serge Sarkissian’s signature to join Russia-led Customs Union (CU), had hardly dried before President Vladimir Putin’s political-cultural apostles came galloping from the Russian steppes to Armenia. Hardly a month had passed since Armenia’s inevitable acceptance of Putin’s “invitation” to join the CU that Armenia suddenly seemed top-of-mind among Russian cultural apparatchiks. In quick succession, there were the following developments in Russian/Armenian cultural relations. Editorial, 1 November 2013 The ink on President Serge Sarkissian’s signature to join Russia-led Customs Union (CU), had hardly dried before President Vladimir Putin’s political-cultural apostles came galloping from the Russian steppes to Armenia. Hardly a month had passed since Armenia’s inevitable acceptance of Putin’s “invitation” to join the CU that Armenia suddenly seemed top-of-mind among Russian cultural apparatchiks. In quick succession, there were the following developments in Russian/Armenian cultural relations. It was announced that the National Philharmonic of Russia would give two concerts (Yerevan and Gyumri) on Nov. 10 on the occasion of composer Aram Khachaturian’s 110th birthday. Earlier (Oct. 10) on “prominent members of Armenian music” came together at the State Kremlin Palace to participate in a “great concert” dedicated to the 300th anniversary of “outstanding Armenian bard and poet” Sayat Nova.