Running head: BREAKING BOUNDARIES 1

Breaking Boundaries:

Bhangra as a Mechanism for Identity Formation and Sociopolitical Refuge Among South Asian

American Youths

A Thesis Presented

By

Quisqueya G. Witbeck

In the field of Global Studies & International Relations

Northeastern University

June 2018

BREAKING BOUNDARIES 2

Table of Contents Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………...3 Introduction………………………………………………………………………………….4 Literature Review…………………………………………………………………………....4 Cultural Expression & Identity Formation………………………………………….6 Challenges to Plurality………………………………………………………………7 Expanding Scope & Audience………………………………………………………9 Implications of Cultural Fusion…………………………………………………….10 Summary...………………………………………………………………………….12 Methodology……………………………………....………………………………………...12 Topics……………………………………………………………………………….12 Subjects……………………………………………………………………………..14 Analysis……………………………………………………………………………..16 Data………………………………………………………………………………………...... 17 Kirapa ate Sakati Bhangra…………………………………………………………..18 The Comparison Group……………………………………………………………..18 The Individuals……………………………………………………………………...19 Discussion…………………………………………………………………………………....27 Background………………………………………………………………………….27 Team Dynamics Structure & Authenticity ………………………………………….28 Originality: Crafting a Style………………………………………………………....31 Defining Desi: Negotiating Identity and Expectations in a Shared Medium………..32 Opinions & ideals.…………………………………………...……………...32 Credibility, expectations & exposure…………………...…………………..33 Refuge……………………………………………………………………………….36 Conclusions………………………………………………………………………………...... 39 Hypothesis 1…………………………………………………………………………39 Hypothesis 2………………………………………………………………………....40 Hypothesis 3………………………………………………………………………....41 Major Trends & Notable Points……………………………………………………...41 Limitations & Suggestions for Future Study………………………………………...43 References………………………………………………………………………………..…...45 BREAKING BOUNDARIES 3

Abstract

This study explores the elements of South Asian American youths’ identity formation, reformation and reification through engagement with the Punjabi folk music and dance of

Bhangra. As a popular manifestation of South Asian, diasporic culture Bhangra has come to symbolize a connection to individual participants’ South Asian heritage while allowing for the integration of musical and dance elements representative of individual’s present realities. This fusion of traditional and contemporary South Asian identities has contributed to the furtherance of a united pan-South Asian American identity, inclusive of non-traditional practices within the context of a traditional artform. This hybridity is embodied by Kirapa ate Sakati Bhangra (KSB)

[Grace and Power Bhangra]; an all-female Bhangra team based in an urban area in the northeastern United States. Through observation and rhetorical analysis, qualitative infographics were produced to reflect the verbal expressions and associations made by individual dancers for the identification of broader thematic trends discussed by team members and the existing literature concerning South Asia, South Asian Americans, and the South Asian diasporic experience. Bhangra dancers from other teams composed a comparison group and served as a control. The data analysis and results are used to provide further insight into the dynamics which allow Bhangra to both serve the needs of and reflect the experiences of South Asian American youths while identifying Bhangra’s existing and emerging potential to provide a cathartic, cultural medium from which to both derive and make meaning.

BREAKING BOUNDARIES 4

Breaking Boundaries:

Bhangra as a Mechanism for Identity Formation and Sociopolitical Refuge Among South Asian

American Youths

Bhangra is a music and dance form which originates in the states of Punjab, located in the northwest of India and the southeast of Pakistan. It is a distinct, Punjabi artform: derived from a conglomeration of the region’s earlier folk musics and dances and traditionally reserved for men to perform during festivities associated with celebrations of the harvest (Roy, 2017a). However,

Bhangra has become popular throughout the nations of the South Asian diaspora; including the

United States (Warwick, 2000). In this sense, Bhangra provides a platform and a mechanism for the furtherance of a pan-South Asian American imagined community and national identity; thus, serving as a unifying cultural practice (Anderson, 2003). Given this framework, the question arises of how Bhangra serves as such a mechanism: the existence of a distinct, pan-South Asian ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ American imagined community provides a platform for South Asian American youths to find ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ solace in their shared, hybrid experiences. It is within the context of the South Asian American ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ diaspora that individuals’ shared experiences have supported a form of Bhangra which includes multilingual and multicultural elements relaying a distinct meaning of plurality, hybridity and consistent yet reflexive redefinition to practitioners and observers alike.

Literature Review ​ As a diasporic cultural practice, Bhangra allows for the reformation or alteration of the

South Asian American imagined community according to the individual and shared experiences and influences which manifest in people’s lives. This community consists of the collective of people who identify as South Asian American whether they know or live near each other. BREAKING BOUNDARIES 5

(Anderson, 2003). For the purpose of this study, South Asian Americans are defined as those of

South Asian ancestry living in the United States irrespective of their place of birth or whether they themselves immigrated to the United States. Youths are defined as persons between the ages of 13 and 29. By analyzing text and film and undertaking observation, I assess how South Asian

American youths have furthered a distinct pan-South Asian American identity through the practice and performance of Bhangra. As stated by Stuart Hall, “{...} individuals belong to a shared subculture when there is “a set of social rituals which underpin their collective identity and define them as a ‘group’ instead of a mere collection of individuals”” (Maira, 2002, 38). The existence of a Bhangra subculture hosted in both public and private venues, provides a platform for South Asian American youths to find comfort in their shared, hybrid experiences and furthers the integration of South Asian American culture into mainstream American culture (Deithrich,

1999; Jasper, 2014; Katrak, 2002; Leante, 2004; Maira, 2002; Roy, 2017a; Sikand, 1994; Wentz,

1993). This has considerable implications for local, regional and national American society as well as the resulting individual and group agency (Jasper, 2014; Zumkhwala-Cook, 2008).

To the untrained eye or ear, Bhangra may appear to be one of many music and dance forms brought to the United States by South Asian immigrants. However, Bhangra is a distinct subgenre of bhangra; a traditional folk music and dance style from the states of Punjab in India and Pakistan (Leante, 2004; Maira, 2002; Katrak, 2002). This subgenre is the result of mixing traditional bhangra music with genres such as hip hop and rap; reflecting various South Asian and American themes, language usage and cultural norms (Kabir, 2004; Katrak, 2002; Wentz,

1993). The multifaceted nature of Bhangra is reflective of the various influences present in the lives of South Asian Americans (Guilbault & Lipsitz, 1994). In this way, Bhangra is a cultural BREAKING BOUNDARIES 6

production which represents the construction of meaning and identity in a dynamic cultural context (Leante, 2004).

Attempting to navigate their personal preferences, cross-cultural influences and the expectations of older generations and/or the larger South Asian diasporic community, South

Asian American youths have aided in the construction of a pan-South Asian American identity which challenges fixed notions of authenticity and right action (Hofstede, Hofstede & Minkov,

2010; Katrak, 2002; Sikand, 1994; Taylor, 1997; Wentz, 1993). As Katrak states, “The impacts of globalization and diasporic populations have influenced new community formations, especially in terms of transitional times when first generations may be tied emotionally and by value-systems to homelands, and [the] second-generation may be more comfortable in [their] adoptive, diasporic homes” (2002, 76). The diversity of individuals’ experiences is reflected in

Bhangra, making it a distinct and notable mechanism for establishing belonging and manifesting identity.

Cultural Expression & Identity Formation

Yodh states that, “An expatriate perforce has a dual life: a public one which must conform to the adopted country’s culture and ethics, and a private one which retains and reflects his/her own culture and ethics. A balance has to be attained between the public and private life”

(1988). While not all South Asian American youths are necessarily expatriates, Yodh’s sentiments permeate several authors’ works and help explain the success of Bhangra in aiding in the construction of a pan-South Asian American identity. As a fusion artform, Bhangra allows for an affirmation of shared history and culture while allowing for reinvention and interpretation which espouses the acceptance of individuality and difference (Hall, 1990). In this way, dance BREAKING BOUNDARIES 7

allows for the individual acknowledgement of communal narratives without necessitating the full adoption of practices or perspectives which may conflict with the mores of diasporic groups or the broader expectations of mainstream American culture; hence allowing participants a sense of socio-political refuge through its practice (Roediger, 2005; Sundar, 2008; Thangaraj, 2013;

Yodh, 1988).

Similar to other young people who identify with specific ethnic identities, for South

Asian American youths, individual identity is as much the result of upbringing and individual choice as it is of chance exposure (Durham, 2004; Qureshi, 2014; Sundar, 2008; Thangaraj,

2012). While the conscious negotiation of cultural boundaries may be adeptly pursued, ultimately defining how one should regard their own ethnic group or properly perform gender may be difficult given differing South Asian and American metrics of acceptable cultural behavior (Durham, 2004; Hofstede et al., 2010; Qureshi, 2014; Samovar, Porter, McDaniel &

Roy, 2015; Taylor, Singh, & Booth, 2007; Thangaraj, 2012; Thangaraj, 2013; Tsolidis, 2014; ​ ​ ​ ​ Warwick, 2000). Thus, it is Bhangra’s rejection of a single definition, through the inclusion of ​ lyrics, references and themes from other musical genres, which facilitates its success as a mechanism for South Asian American identity construction by allowing individuals to simultaneously exhibit multiple identities and therefore relate to the diversity of other South

Asian Americans as peers (Roy, 2017b; Thangaraj, 2013; Warwick, 2000).

Challenges to Plurality

Indian and Pakistani societies are typically more collectivist and have a larger power distance than that of the United States; thus, operating according to a more stratified social hierarchy through which authority and deference are inherent (Hofstede et al., 2010; Samovar et BREAKING BOUNDARIES 8

al., 2015). Hence, the resulting emphasis on filial piety and placing familial or group needs before those of individuals, sometimes conflicts with more individualistic, American culture and corresponding attempts to reform or redefine cultural practices to meet the needs, preferences or expectations of individual members of cultural groups (Maira, 2002). Katrak (2002) states that

“{...} elders object to a modernized bhangra because [they] {...} regard fusion attempts as betraying their cultural values” (78). This desire to preserve the authenticity of cultural practices may result from culture shock, ethnocentrism or a desire to maintain the exclusivity or insularity of a cultural group (Hofstede et al., 2010; Katrak, 2002; Samovar et al., 2015). However, successful attempts to prevent the stagnation of South Asian American culture can be witnessed in the usage of the term desi [brown] in South Asian American culture and subsequently, ​ ​ Bhangra to describe the general range of the skin colors of many South Asian Americans to symbolize pan-South Asian American experiences (Dietrich, 1999; Katrak, 2002; Maira, 2002).

The assumption that the production and performance of Bhangra incurs only intergenerational conflict among diasporic South Asians perpetuates the image of a homogenous group of South Asian American youths (Lowe, 1996; Maira, 2002). The diversity of South

Asians is mentioned in Katrak’s article, although it only references India as the motherland

(2002). She neglects to discuss the diversity of Punjab, where Bhangra evolved from, and therefore limits the scope of further discussion. In Punjab, bhangra is a regional artform originally practiced by male members of agrarian populations during harvest time, although it has proliferated beyond any one specific religious group, socioeconomic affiliation or nationality: after 1947 (Leante, 2004; Roy, 2017a: Talbot, 2008). Dick Hebdige makes reference to the diversity of South Asian cultures united by fusion bhangra but does not discuss the BREAKING BOUNDARIES 9

diversity of its practitioners in its traditional form, thus ignoring the music and dance form’s existing potential to act as a unifying force as well as its organic derivation from a number of less codified, music and dance practices which predated what is considered traditional bhangra (Roy,

2017a; Taylor, 1997). Maira vividly describes the diversity of South Asian American youth discussing not only the diversity of youth participants, but also the diversity of their beliefs and degree of engagement with Bhangra (2002). The dominant narrative framing India as the sole homeland of Bhangra is challenged by texts such as Anjali Gera Roy’s book, Imagining Punjab, ​ Punjabi and Punjabiat in the Transnational Era, which attempts to establish Pakistan as a more ​ literarily present and veritable homeland of Punjabiness and by association, Bhangra (2017b).

Expanding Scope & Audience

Despite internal conflicts in the South Asian American community, attempts to adapt the sound of Bhangra to reflect individual experiences is likely to have positive influences on its ability to promote social inclusion and political agency as well as attract the attention and participation of non-South Asian Americans (Jasper, 2014; Qureshi, 2014; Sachs, 2015). The diversity within the South Asian American community itself, is vast and utilizing Bhangra as a tool to unite South Asian Americans is positive for the further development of a public presence and cultural integration overall (Diethrich, 1999; Jasper, 2014).

The themes of Bhangra reflect a variety of concerns including the need for social protest, racial solidarity and cultural visibility (Zumkhwala-Cook, 2008). An ethnic group with agency is less likely to become marginalized; civic engagement makes it more likely that individuals’ needs will be met and provides a platform which allows other groups to view South Asian

Americans as peers (Boo, 2014; Jasper, 2014; Sachs, 2015). A slightly different scenario is also BREAKING BOUNDARIES 10

possible: individuals may be attracted to Bhangra with little or no knowledge of South Asian

American culture and be introduced to the culture and people through engagement with the music and dance forms (Jasper, 2014; Katrak, 2002). As Maira asserts, associating with or participating in Bhangra in multiethnic spaces may be more peaceful as the presence of other groups deemphasizes existing divisions among desi youths (2002). This may aid in the strengthening of a pan-South Asian American national identity unified in its diversity and mutual respect for other groups (Anderson, 2003; Hofstede et al., 2010; Guilbault & Lipsitz, 1994).

While developing a strong South Asian American identity and attracting the attention and participation of ethnic outsiders may be positive developments, they may not entirely combat the image of Bhangra as a practice of exotic others as opposed to a distinct, third-culture manifestation of the fused South Asian and American cultural experiences (Diethrich, 1999;

Katrak, 2002; Maira, 2002; Tsolidis, 2014; Warwick, 2000; Zumkhwala-Cook, 2008). Similarly, the development of overly reified definitions of what it means to be South Asian American may be just as exclusionary as existing debates about the authenticity of cultural productions such as

Bhangra.

Implications of Cultural Fusion

South Asian American youths’ embrace of Bhangra has stretched and challenged norms in the South Asian American community regarding in-group and out-group status, women’s roles and youth adherence to elders’ traditions (Gopinath, 1995; Katrak, 2002; Hofstede et al., 2010).

However, the adoption of and participation in Bhangra by South Asian American youths, has created a hybrid cultural production to which South Asian Americans and non-South Asian

Americans of various experiences can relate (Yodh, 1988). As Katrak states, “{...} bhangra {...} BREAKING BOUNDARIES 11

[has a] special significance for insiders belonging to particular communities, [it] also [resonates] beyond a specific ethnic group towards a larger humanity” (2002, 86). While bhangra varies in its many forms, engagement with Bhangra seems to have blurred the lines between in-groups and out-groups by making definitions of belonging more fluid in a diasporic context: as individuals share a common practice or pastime framed by their experiences as South Asian American youths (Anderson, 2003; Jasper, 2014; Samovar et al., 2015). These shared experiences and delineations of belonging raise the issue of authenticity and whether it can be truly established without resigning culture to stagnation and generalizations (Hall, 1990; Katrak, 2002; Maira,

2002; Sikand, 1994).

While the literature described gives an idea of how South Asian American youth culture may be becoming both more defined and inclusive, the authors do little to describe if this imagined community is as pervasive outside of urban areas yet they do describe the complex histories and social politics which guide the inclusivity, or lack thereof, in the imagined community of those who engage with Bhangra (Maira, 2002; Roy, 2017a; Thangaraj, 2012).

Similarly it is unclear if the inclusion of certain regional groups or ethnic outsiders is favored over others within this imagined community. Similarly, the literature could more comprehensively acknowledge if male and female South Asian American youth derive wholly different experiences from engagement with Bhangra apart from inheriting the traditional roles and expectations of engagement more typically associated with bhangra.

BREAKING BOUNDARIES 12

Summary

Bhangra is a relatively new phenomenon borne of migration and cultural fusion. While significant research has been conducted, it would be beneficial to further explore how Bhangra retains its presence as a prominent aspect of ethnic popular culture in the United States despite the diversity of background and experience of its adherents. Since Bhangra takes its influence from genres such as hip hop and rap, which remain iconic parts of American youth culture, why has Bhangra not gained a wider audience? Additionally, it would be valuable to know why some non-South Asian Americans choose to engage with Bhangra and how or if this affects their identities or socio-political relations with South Asian Americans as well as within their own cultural communities.

Methodology ​ Topics ​ This study utilizes a mixed methodology to address the stated thesis that Bhangra ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ provides a platform and a mechanism for the furtherance of a pan-South Asian American imagined community and national identity; thus, serving as a unifying cultural practice.

Engagement with Bhangra is the independent variable. The creation of a pan-South Asian ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ American identity among diaspora youths is the dependent variable and belonging to the South ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ Asian diaspora in the United States is the antecedent variable. The hypotheses are: ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ 1. The cultural production of Bhangra is a mechanism for pan-South Asian American ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ identity formation in the United States, in that it promotes the existence of an imagined ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ community based upon the shared experiences of the South Asian diaspora in the United ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ States. ​ BREAKING BOUNDARIES 13

2. The proliferation of Bhangra as a diasporic artform, often fused and blended with other ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ musical genres, serves as a reflexive medium through which South Asian American ​ ​ ​ ​ youths can derive or create meaning and provides a standpoint from which to reflect ​ upon, question and discuss culture.

3. The boundaries of the imagined community of South Asian American Bhangra dancers ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ are more fluid, regarding in-groups and out-groups, than those originally constructed for ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ bhangra/Bhangra dancers in South Asia. Therefore, the boundaries of imagined ​ ​ communities, regarding in-groups and out-groups, are more fluid in a diasporic context.

These hypotheses will be tested through rhetorical and statistical analysis resulting from ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ observation and informal conversations with participants. Rhetorical and statistical analysis have ​​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ been chosen as the main research tools because speech is an individual production which can ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ manifest numerous reflections of how an individual views himself or herself and their peers in ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ relation to their culture(s) and statistical analysis provides useful metrics and visualizations to ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ understand evidence for theoretical arguments. Observation and informal conversation were chosen in an attempt to prevent significantly altering existing team dynamics and to therefore record as authentic interactions and ideas as possible. Such authenticity may have been compromised in a more formal setting or interview structure.

Based on research of the history, development and evolution of Bhangra, common ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ themes in related scholarship were noted in Table 1 to predict what themes would be most ​ prominent and therefore, meaningful for later rhetorical and statistical analysis. These categories ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ are: (1) Friendship and Familial Relations, (2) Homeland/Nation, (3) Enjoyment or Celebration ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ and (4) Romance. Subcategories within Friendship and Familial Relations, Homeland/Nation, ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ BREAKING BOUNDARIES 14

Enjoyment or Celebration and Romance are: (1) Appreciation, Admiration, Tension and Duty, ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ (2) Belonging, Otherness/Isolation, Individual History and Group History, (3) Stress, Stress ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ Relief/Success, Personal Challenges and Communal Challenges and (4) Love, Longing, Lust and ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ Marriage, respectively. Any unnamed themes which repeatedly occurred in the data were added ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ as categories or subcategories after data collection and duly noted and organized in the ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ discussion section. Similarly, any categories not found to be useful during data collection were ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ consolidated, reformed or removed to match the prevalence or importance of topics referenced ​​ ​ by the participants.

Table 1

Prominent Themes Discussed in Existing Studies of bhangra/Bhangra 1 2 3 4 ​ ​​ ​ ​​ ​ ​ ​​ ​

Friendship & Familial Relations Homeland/Nation Enjoyment or Celebration Romance ​​ ​​ ​​ ​​ ​​ ​​ ​ ​​ ​​ ​​ ​​ ​​

-> Appreciation -> Belonging -> Stress -> Love ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​​ ​ ​

-> Admiration -> Otherness/Isolation -> Stress Relief/Success -> Longing ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​

-> Tension ->Individual History -> Personal Challenges -> Lust ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​

-> Duty -> Group History -> Communal Challenges -> Marriage ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​​ ​ ​ ​ ​

Subjects ​ ​​ Kirapa ate Sakati Bhangra (KSB) is a collegiate-based, club Bhangra team in an urban ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ area. It is a competitive, all-female Bhangra team whose membership consisted of ten ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ undergraduate and graduate students of various ages from several academic institutions as well ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ as working professionals, as of June 2018. That KSB is an all-female team is nontraditional in ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ the sense that traditional bhangra originated as a men’s dance, with a female component called ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ Giddha to complement it (Roy, 2017a). Thus making the team fairly unique; even being based in ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ BREAKING BOUNDARIES 15

a fairly compact, metropolitan area which places KSB in close proximity to other Bhangra teams. ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ This territorial overlap may provide insight into whether the presence of multiple teams impacts ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ individuals’ experiences with or expressions of Bhangra and provides useful comparisons for ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ how and why one team may vary from others in a given region. ​ ​ ​ ​​ ​ ​ ​ ​ Direct observation of and informal conversation with KSB members was undertaken as ​ ​ ​ ​ ​​​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ per the availability of the team and individual dancers, during regularly scheduled practices, ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ performances, special events and other meetings of their choosing: spanning about 26 hours. ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ Informal conversations with the comparison group spanned about four hours. During ​ observation, the use of specific words or phrases in reference to Bhangra or the South Asian ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ American experience by the dancers was recorded and analyzed, in comparison with the ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ established categories. Multilingual, phonetic transcription was undertaken to more accurately ​ ​ ​ ​​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ record a mixture of words and expressions which were spoken in languages other than English. ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ Such data allowed for the identification of potential correlations between individual and group ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ experiences (Johnson & Reynolds, 2012). Transcribed rhetoric was not directly attributed to ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ participating individuals and is presented in an anonymized fashion to maintain confidentiality. ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ The team name was also altered to prevent the identification of the participating team (Johnson ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ & Reynolds, 2012).

This team was selected because its members range in age from 18 to 24 and it is a ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ regional, club team instead of a university or college team; solely derived from the student body ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ of a single institution. College-aged dancers provide a unique sample in that they range in ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ distance from their family home or place of origin, which allows them to practice and display ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ their cultural identity as they see fit within the confines or realities of a new environment (Hall, ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ BREAKING BOUNDARIES 16

1990; Yodh, 1988). As a result, Bhangra may serve as a mechanism to reinforce existing cultural ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ identities or to promote the evolution of cultural practice. As a club team, the members who were ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ working professionals added a diversity of perspective and experience to the study (Johnson & ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ Reynolds, 2012). Similarly, dancers from the comparison group varied in one or more ways from ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ KSB dancers and were engaged in informal conversation in order to serve as a control (Johnson ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ & Reynolds, 2012).

Analysis

At the conclusion of observation, the significant usage of words and phrases or reference ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​​ ​ ​ ​ ​ to certain themes used in each category in Table 1 were noted. If the team members referenced ​ ​ ​ ​ ​​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​​ ​ ​ certain categories more than others or if certain topics or themes were recurring, this was also ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ noted. These results were compared to the dancers’ references to their own identities and cultural ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ experiences to ascertain whether any meaningful correlations could be drawn between ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ individuals’ experiences as Bhangra dancers and those of the whole team or group. These ​​ ​ quantifications and comparisons were compiled into bar graphs and pie charts and were reflected ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ in percentages to accommodate instances in which the individual participants’ commentary was relevant to more than one category. Suggestions for the amendment of the research design for ​ ​​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ further study was noted based on the compiled data (Booth, Colomb, & Williams, 2016). The ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ results of this research will be used for public presentation at conferences related to South Asian ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ Studies, popular culture, intercultural dialogue, etc., publication in relevant journals and the ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ presentation of my findings to participating teams or individuals as per their interests. ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ This study serves the purpose of highlighting the intricacies of individual identity and ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ how those of hybrid identities relate to others with similar and differing experiences through the ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ BREAKING BOUNDARIES 17

fusion artform of Bhangra. This study is relevant to issues of individual and collective identity, ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ intercultural dialogue and the creation or reformation of agency and group identity as well as the ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ identification of opportunities for cultural education and awareness (Booth et al., 2016). The ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ results of this study can be used to further understand a potential artistic outlet through which ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ South Asian American youths can unify, reflect or create dialogue about their experiences as well as the issues relevant and resources available to them. With increased awareness of the role ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ of Bhangra in the lives of young South Asian American Bhangra dancers, this study may also be ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ used to ease intergenerational tensions within the South Asian American community. As an ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ altered folk medium which has changed due to migration, Bhangra is a useful mechanism to ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ analyze and can be used for comparison to or the promotion of other artforms to create more ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ spaces for dialogue and cultural sharing between groups and individuals within the United States ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ (Booth et al., 2016). ​ ​ Data

The data was derived from the previously described methods of observation and informal conversation. Repeated themes and topics that arose during observation of KSB and informal conversations with dancers both on KSB and in the comparison group, were used as the basis for the creation of qualitative infographics. Several of the topics or metrics frequently referenced in

South Asian and diaspora studies, such as family, culture, the construction of meaning etc., came up in conversation between the dancers or was openly discussed in informal conversation and formed the basis of the following subsections.

BREAKING BOUNDARIES 18

Kirapa ate Sakati Bhangra

KSB consists of ten, female dancers led by three captains. The dancers’ average age was

20.6 years old, and median age was 21. The dancers ages spanned six years; from 18 to 24, and they were most likely to be 19 or 21 years old. The dancers ranged in tenure on the team from ​ ​ four months to four years with the average being 2.15 years. These dancers’ hometowns, or ​ ​ rather; places of significant residence typically inhabited for a number of years, or where an individual was raised although, not necessarily where an individual was born, ranged from ​ ​ approximately 20 to 1,200 miles from the urban area where KSB is based and spanned five states. Four of the dancers’ home states are in the northeastern United States and one is in the

Midwest. Team members claimed adherence to Hinduism, Sikhism, Jainism and Christianity.

While all ten dancers only belonged to the KSB Bhangra team at the time of this study, some of the members performed with other teams at competitions or exhibitions upon invitation.

The Comparison Group

The members of the comparison group were chosen in effort to represent the experiences and opinions of individuals who varied in one or more ways from the members of KSB. This group was studied in order to test the validity and applicability of the stated thesis and hypotheses: with the factors of current membership on a Bhangra team and being South Asian

Americans between the ages of 13 and 29 held constant. The comparison group consisted of four men and one woman, two of whom were captains on their respective teams. Four of the dancers belonged to competitive teams and one dancer belonged to an exhibition team.The dancers’ ages spanned nine years; ranging from 20 to 29 with the average age being 22.6, the median age being

21 and the most common age being 20 years old. Tenure on the dancers’ respective teams BREAKING BOUNDARIES 19

averaged about 1.5 years. Members of this group ranged from approximately 15 to 3,000 miles from their hometowns when they were in the locations in which their respective teams are based.

Comparison group members were from five different states of which two are in the Northeast, one is in the South, one is in the Midwest and one is on the West Coast. The dancers claimed adherence to Hinduism and Sikhism. Interestingly, three of the five dancers belonged to more than one Bhangra team at the time of this study.

The Individuals

Before joining KSB, the dancers had a variety of degrees of exposure to different dance styles. While none of the dancers claimed complete inexperience with dance, several of them acknowledged either a lack of formal training or what they felt to be insufficient or unsubstantial training. Two dancers had joined informal, Bollywood dance groups mainly meant for mothers or older women when they were in middle and high school respectively, in an effort to pursue their love of dance. Four of the dancers had previously practiced the classical Indian dance of

Bharatnatyam, two of whom mentioned having completed an Arangaytrum; or a conclusionary ​ ​ performance at the end of one’s training which can last for up to several hours. Two dancers noted having done Bhangra informally in social settings and on their own prior to joining KSB.

One dancer stated she had danced for a long time although she had not consistently practiced any one dance style. Only one dancer mentioned having formally taken classes in non-South Asian dance styles which included tap, jazz, ballet and hip hop. Similarly, only one dancer had formerly been part of a Bhangra team and therefore had formal instruction in Bhangra before joining KSB. The comparison group’s previous dance experience varied and consisted of the BREAKING BOUNDARIES 20

classical Indian genres of Bharatnatyam and Kuchipudi, Bhangra and informal or unspecified

South Asian-styled dancing.

Chart 1

Chart 2

BREAKING BOUNDARIES 21

For the majority of the dancers, Bhangra was not a practice that they had adopted from their parents, siblings or other relatives. Five KSB dancers mentioned having family members who practiced the dance styles of Bharatnatyam, Bollywood Fusion, Garba/Raas or Bhangra.

Only three of the KSB dancers referenced having had family members who did Bhangra before them; two of these dancers had at least partially Punjabi heritage. Of these two dancers, one’s mother occasionally did Bhangra and the other had a male cousin who had previously competed on the KSB team before it became an all-female team. The third dancer was Telugu and said her older brother had captained a collegiate Bhangra team and later taught Bhangra. Although the percentage of Punjabi heritage was higher in the comparison group, only one dancer mentioned having two older sisters who had been part of exhibition Bhangra teams. Notably, about 72 percent of KSB dancers’ siblings were brothers and about 27 percent were sisters, while 100 percent of the comparison group’s siblings were sisters. More than half of the KSB team members were the oldest child, having one younger sibling, and the comparison group entirely consisted of youngest children with older sisters. The vast majority of the two groups’ siblings did not practice dance and only one dancer in each group had two siblings.

Aside from their previous experiences with dance, participants often discussed their regional South Asian and linguistic backgrounds as shown in Chart 3 and Chart 4. As several of the dancers had varying levels of ability to read, write, speak or understand a given South Asian language, use of the languages shown in Charts 3 and 4 are not specific to any one kind of proficiency. In Chart 3, Uttar Pradeshi and Uttrakandi are listed jointly because the dancer with this heritage noted that changed state borders had resulted in debate about her family’s state affiliation. BREAKING BOUNDARIES 22

Chart 3

Chart 4

BREAKING BOUNDARIES 23

Chart 5

Chart 6

BREAKING BOUNDARIES 24

Overall, the KSB dancers expressed positive sentiments about Bhangra. Some participants mentioned that it was difficult to put their feelings about Bhangra into words because its practice evoked an emotional response that was either difficult to describe or could not be adequately captured in words. Only one participant reflected that her experiences with

Bhangra, while positive, were heavily influenced by who the captains and her fellow teammates were at a given time. Of the words and phrases commonly used, “family” or the idea of having a close bond with other dancers on the team, was mentioned as a group and individually. Several of the dancers mentioned having found a family through membership on the team, with the intention to do so divided about equally between those who had been actively seeking to join a dance team and those who found KSB; and Bhangra by association, by chance. The term

“family” was used to describe the bonds between the dancers and also to set a standard of responsibility regarding how an individual’s performance reflected on or affected the performance of the entire team as an interconnected unit. At least three dancers mentioned that there were times when they did not enjoy being on the team; either because of difficult group dynamics or because of the stress and long hours of practice preceding a competition. Members of the comparison group also mentioned the occasionally stressful nature of preparing for

Bhangra competitions.

BREAKING BOUNDARIES 25

Graph 1

*Only nine of ten KSB members’ commentary were available for this graph.

Regarding how the dancers envisioned Bhangra in their futures, not a single dancer referenced a desire to stop doing Bhangra. While three KSB dancers expressed uncertainty about whether they would continue doing Bhangra after college, one participant mentioned that

Bhangra was something she felt she could always return to if she would eventually have to stop dancing to pursue her academic and professional goals. This sentiment of having to determine the practicality and ability to fit Bhangra into one’s life was repeated by several of the older KSB dancers.

Several KSB dancers expressed strong emotional connections to Bhangra: one dancer stated that she “{...} could not imagine her life without Bhangra and does not have the guts to quit {...}.” Another dancer stated that she “{...} would love Bhangra to be her job.” Some of the BREAKING BOUNDARIES 26

dancers stated measurable goals related to Bhangra such as wanting to have the experience of dancing on another team in the future; ideally in California or Canada, wanting to judge Bhangra competitions or wanting to teach Bhangra either for the art of the dance or as a fitness class.

Some of the dancers who noted they might have to or would potentially stop doing Bhangra once they finished college, or at a another point in their lives, stated that it was likely they would either try to seek out another team to join in the future or find an alternative way to stay involved with Bhangra. Dancers in the comparison group expressed a similar range of ambitions and uncertainty.

Graph 2

*Only nine of ten KSB members’ commentary were available for this graph.

BREAKING BOUNDARIES 27

Discussion

Background

This study was undertaken in the later part of the second half of KSB’s 2017-2018 season. Typically, the team begins its fall season in September and subsequently holds tryouts to recruit new members. The fall season concludes in mid-December in accordance with the schedule of the university from which the majority of the team’s membership is derived as well as where the team is based for most of its practices and a few annual performances. The spring season goes from January to May and begins with a second round of tryouts. It is followed by a summer season which is less structured and somewhat optional; as some dancers return to their home areas and/or seek summer employment, and lasts until the beginning of the new season in

September. Aside from practicing and competing, KSB members are occasionally invited to perform at weddings, religious celebrations and other communal festivities in and around the city where KSB is based.

From the dancer’s commentary, it was discernible that there had been a considerable turnover of KSB membership from the fall to the spring season; several new members had joined in the fall although only two had continued on in the spring. One new member had joined the team in January, and seven of the ten team members had joined KSB at least a year previously.

Interestingly, tryouts were not only attended by potential new members but also by existing team members. Existing KSB members were compelled to attend in an effort to show that membership on the team was a competitive privilege that had to be repeatedly earned.

The team was observed near the time of a leadership transition. The team traditionally had two or three captains per season and while there were technically three captains in the Spring BREAKING BOUNDARIES 28

of 2018, one captain was on an excused hiatus from the team and was therefore not included in this study. This absent captain was to return in the fall season with two newly appointed captains who had been named and were gradually acquiring responsibilities, such as creating choreography and leading team warm-ups, from the two out-going captains.

Overall, team members maintained an extensive awareness of developing trends in

Bhangra popular culture in the United States and abroad. This included new music and remixes, ​ ​ apps such as Learn Bhangra and related cultural developments such as the I Am Urban Desi ​ ​ ​ movement. This movement celebrates the confluence of cultural factors resulting in the

American desi experience and features famous South Asian Americans such as Mickey Singh and Amar Sandhu. Dancers were expected to stay abreast of Bhangra news by following social media streams and other outlets on a regular basis. This resulted in an increased awareness of the network and circuit of competitive Bhangra as well as neighboring and rival teams. On several occasions, the captains or other dancers would reference teams they admired by commenting on either their dance style or recent or past accomplishments. One dancer who had not practiced

Bhangra before joining KSB and did not understand Punjabi, acknowledged that initially learning the terminology and acronyms that the veteran team members used was daunting although, with time the terms became familiar and part of her vocabulary. This linguistic integration came gradually and mimicked her further, and eventually complete, social integration into the group.

Team Dynamics, Structure & Authenticity

During observation of KSB, several of the dynamics and challenges referenced in earlier studies of Bhangra, the South Asian diaspora and South Asian Americans became apparent. BREAKING BOUNDARIES 29

While often not directly discussed, topics such as authenticity, cultural representation and identity were often alluded to and governed group interactions and the leadership’s expectations.

Overall, only 20 percent of the team claimed Punjabi heritage, although the need to “‘be’ more

Punjabi” was mentioned on various occasions. This desire to match the cultural standard of

Bhangra’s home region was something that was instilled in the majority of the team members instead of necessarily being derived from their own life experiences. In this respect, notions of

Punjabiness within the team were heavily based on images of Bhangra popular culture and the lived experiences of three of the dancers. Similarly, deriving significant, literal meaning from

Bhangra music was not accessible to the majority of the dancers without translation because 87 percent of the team did not understand Punjabi. This could be viewed as somewhat problematic in that an idealized, successful performance of Punjabi culture was what united this group of dancers; potentially promoting the narrowing of practices of Bhangra as opposed to embracing a pluralism and diversity of interpretations.

As Bhangra was something that many of the dancers had not participated in prior to joining KSB, participating in Bhangra was an introduction to a distinct, South Asian artform.

One dancer stated that doing Bhangra helped her to better understand North Indian culture as she, herself was South Indian. Thus, as a diasporic cultural practice borne of cultural elements derived from South Asia and the United States, both the experiences of and engagement with

Bhangra by KSB and comparison group dancers could be understood as a dual cultural experience. Both Punjabi and non-Punjabi dancers from KSB and the comparison group mentioned the pursuit of Bhangra as an attempt to preserve and/or celebrate their South Asian heritage, thus showing that dancing Bhangra felt accessible to people from a number of regional, BREAKING BOUNDARIES 30

South Asian groups. Several of the dancers referred to Bhangra as a cultural commodity that one could possess. Notably, two of the three Punjabi dancers on KSB referenced being Punjabi as part of the reason for their enthusiasm toward the dance.

Within KSB there appeared to be clear hierarchies of power and communication. The captains maintained authority over practices and event logistics, as well as delegated tasks to other team members. A term dancers with longer tenure on the team tended to use toward newer dancers was “newb.” Sometimes the term was used in general conversation although it was also used in a joking manner to deride one or more dancers for doing something incorrectly or not well and could be used by a more seasoned dancer toward any dancer who had joined the team after them; even after a newer dancer had completed their first season or year on the team.

Whether this is representative of South Asian culture’s higher power distance than American culture is difficult to determine. The dancers’ lives have likely been influenced by both cultures as South Asian Americans and it is beyond the scope of this study to determine if or which cultural group has more heavily influenced the individual participants.

KSB was subject to the internal expectations of their own group and the external expectations of the competitive Bhangra circuit and the larger South Asian and South Asian diasporic communities. Discussions of right action and decorum occurred regarding how to treat the team’s props and how to act among other teams in a competitive setting. However, despite this seemingly benign conversation, the dancers were aware of the histories and realities which framed their chances at success. In order to win a competition, or simply to be taken seriously within the Bhangra circuit, KSB’s dancers were aware that they had to maintain a high level of finesse when executing their choreography regarding the traditionality and precision of each BREAKING BOUNDARIES 31

step. While no overt references to gender-based discrimination were made, as an all-female team,

KSB’s dancers knew that their team was filling a niche role. While they did not consider being an all-female team extremely rare, they attempted to use the designation to their competitive advantage. Aside from attempting to be as Punjabi as possible in their execution of Bhangra, emphasis was also alternatingly placed on being as strong or imposing and as graceful as possible to highlight the traditionally “stronger” looking moves and the slower, more nuanced subgenre of Bhangra called jhoomer. No opposition to gendered references to how the dancers ​ ​ should perform at different times was observed, but rather the dancers exhibited an enjoyment and appreciation of Bhangra as a dance form that had become inclusive of women.

Originality: Crafting a Style

Within the context of attempting to accurately portray the history and culture of Bhangra,

KSB dancers were also constantly trying to create new music mixes, choreography sequences and stunts or gimmicks to surprise audiences and judges alike. While much of this innovation was part of the regular, seasonal pattern of preparing for competitions, one dancer in particular expressed concern about how Bhangra was used and presented. Her concerns about authenticity and cultural appropriation were reminiscent of themes present in existing literature about

Bhangra. She acknowledged that the meaning of a cultural practice is bound to change with time although, the degree to which it should change and what aspects can be changed are dependent on a given context and the actors involved. Locating traditionality in Bhangra is somewhat relative in that it is already a hybrid form of bhangra. However, the aforementioned dancer also asserted that the uses of a cultural symbol or practice by someone outside of a given cultural group should be most veritably judged by the diasporic group to which the practice most closely BREAKING BOUNDARIES 32

belongs, not the members of the diasporic group’s home country. This statement reflects considerable introspection and mindfulness of cultural sensitivity to which several of the dancers acknowledged varying degrees of awareness and concern.

The ramifications of making too many changes to the Bhangra that the dancers recognized as being familiar and traditional, was stated as being a loss of meaning and cultural authenticity. Ironically, few of the dancers acknowledged that Bhangra in its present form is distinct from bhangra; in that, Bhangra music often includes elements of other music genres as well as pop culture references which sometimes manifest in performances. These more global influences, have likely contributed to Bhangra’s appeal to younger, South Asian American

Bhangra dancers and audiences in that they can relate to aspects of Bhangra’s traditionality as well as its inclusive hybridity. Therefore, rigidly defining Bhangra serves to stifle the contributions of future generations to maintain the genre’s familiarity for current and past generations. . ​ Defining Desi: Negotiating Identity & Expectations in a Shared Medium

Opinions & ideals.

One notable conversation that occurred over the course of two practice sessions involved how the team should be represented at a South Asian cultural show. One dancer suggested that the team’s banner be replaced by the flag of India and a second dancer quickly negated the suggestion by emphasizing the importance of showing a pluralistic, South Asian image and not branding the team as being solely Indian. During another practice session, a third dancer suggested pulling out the Indian flag as a surprise to conclude the performance and a fourth dancer stated that she did not like the idea because they were often associated with a pan-South BREAKING BOUNDARIES 33

Asian cultural organization and she did not feel as though representing only India was appropriate or true to the team’s image. Another dancer quickly countered the critique stating that Bhangra was an Indian dance form therefore, using the flag would be appropriate. This claim is notable in that it appeared as though the majority of the dancers considered themselves to be Indian as opposed to another kind of South Asian. The last dancer’s assertion is in alignment with some of the existing literature about Bhangra in that it locates the homeland of

Bhangra in India and ignores the role of Pakistan as a dual locus of Punjabi culture and history.

Another instance in which identity was discussed was when a KSB dancer mentioned to the team collectively her frustration that in the United Kingdom, Indians are referred to as

Asians. Another dancer mentioned that being called Asian was not necessarily pejorative. The anger the first dancer expressed over what she perceived as the misidentification of her national group, provided a platform for the dancers to discuss their own preferences regarding identifying terminology that they considered correct or offensive and showed how within the larger South

Asian diaspora, national contexts can shape perceptions of identity and belonging. While in this instance the group unified in dialogue to address one dancer’s concerns, there were instances in which disparaging words about different South Asian regional groups were made, including comments about some of the groups to which dancers on the team belonged.

Credibility, expectations & exposure.

Apart from attempting to define Bhangra regionally or nationally, the dancers made frequent references to contemporary Bollywood Fusion dancing in an effort to define and delineate what they viewed to be the proper or correct practice of Bhangra. From the team members’ commentary, Bollywood Fusion dancing was construed as a less traditional dance BREAKING BOUNDARIES 34

form that was not to be taken as seriously as Bhangra. References were made to the tendency of

Fusion dancers’ costumes to be more revealing and the nature of the dancers’ moves to be less meaningful. The KSB dancers expressed no contempt for Bollywood Fusion dancers or the dance genre itself but seemed to use it as a consistent reference from which to both contrast and ​ ​ define Bhangra as being more distinct and serious. This tendency may have been subconsciously derived from the team’s perceived construction of Bollywood Fusion dance as being more traditionally feminine and the KSB dancers’ attempts to define their team and dance style in contrast to it was a rejection of societal expectations for an all-female team to dance in a pre-prescribed way. Essentially, the dancers may have been confronting historical gender norms which challenged their performance and portrayal of Bhangra in the manner they felt most appropriate; the way that generations of mostly men had done before them. This was notable because several of the dancers had mentioned that they had considered doing Bollywood Fusion dance prior to pursuing Bhangra.

The dancers frequently made reference to “foby-ness” or speech, characteristics and habits that they considered typical of South Asians who had more recently arrived in the United

States and retained vestiges of their culture that were indicative of their foreign identity. The first few letters of the term are derived from the phrase “fresh off the boat.” The dancers called each other foby and often made reference to their parents or other relatives who they also viewed as being foby, regardless of if the individual they were speaking to or about had immigrated to or been born in the United States. The term was used endearingly and also to proclaim a higher level of cultural authenticity than those which some of the dancers viewed as having abandoned their South Asian heritage or too fully assimilating into non-South Asian American culture. After BREAKING BOUNDARIES 35

receiving a funny text from her mother, one dancer proclaimed, “I love my immigrant mom!”

The dual recognition of her mother’s navigation of several cross-cultural divides, including cultural and generational, and her ability to find humor in what her mother had written, showed both how universal and personal expressions of belonging and meaning can be within a diasporic family or community.

Despite the closeness many of the dancers felt to each other, some of their cultural experiences and frameworks varied considerably. Regarding how Bhangra came to be part of their lives, some of the dancers mentioned it as a natural extension of their Punjabi heritage or a default option available to those who wanted to practice South Asian dance and lacked alternatives. Others came across Bhangra entirely by chance and had not been aware of it previously. Regardless, of how the dancers came to find it, each had to contend with personal and collective experiences which framed their engagement with Bhangra. One dancer mentioned that in order to do Bhangra, she had to break down the muscle memory she had developed from doing Bharatnatyam which had accrued over the course of several years. Another dancer discussed how her mother had been reprimanded by her family for doing Bhangra when she was growing up in India, although she did not mention having faced any criticism herself. One member of the comparison group mentioned that her family found her practice of Bhangra to be entertaining because it was an anomaly in her family and not traditionally associated with her regional, South Asian heritage. Another member of the comparison group stated that his family discouraged his pursuit of Bhangra because they associated it with people who caroused in a manner that they found distasteful and objectionable. It is despite this diversity of expectations BREAKING BOUNDARIES 36

and experiences that both KSB and comparison group dancers arrived at their overwhelmingly positive conclusions about practicing Bhangra, as summarized in Graph 1.

Refuge

Several of the KSB dancers mentioned that they loved Bhangra and that its practice was a good stress reliever. Others mentioned that it was a mechanism for cultural expression; either

Punjabi culture or South Asian culture more generally. Some had a difficult time expressing exactly what Bhangra was or meant to them and described Bhangra as more of a feeling than anything else. Regardless of how the dancers described their thoughts and feelings about

Bhangra, the practice and process of functioning as a Bhangra team allowed for the creation of shared narratives of success and failure which enabled the dancers to relate to each other despite varied linguistic, cultural and religious affiliations. Thus, Bhangra became a catalyst for conversations about belonging, identity, tradition and the bonds that unite members of regional, ethnic or national groups.

The topics of conversation that KSB dancers engaged in included academic and professional goals, family, friendship and culture as well as personal and communal challenges; the majority of which was also discussed by the comparison group and is summarized in Table 2.

BREAKING BOUNDARIES 37

Table 2

Prominent Themes Discussed by KSB & Comparison Group Dancers

1 2 3 ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​​

Friendship & Familial Relations Identity/Culture Emotion & Conflict ​​ ​​ ​​ ​​ ​​ ​​ ​

-> Appreciation -> Homeland/Nation -> Stress, Stress Relief/Success ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​​

-> Admiration -> Belonging/Otherness/Isolation -> Personal & Communal Challenges ​ ​ ​ ​ ​

-> Tension ->Individual History -> Personal Desires/Endeavors ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​

-> Duty -> Group History -> Group Unity & Definition ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​​ ​ ​

In comparison to Table 1, the categories in Table 2 make no direct reference to romance and discussions of homeland or nation are relegated to a subcategory under the broader category of

Identity/Culture. The differences between the two tables may be somewhat explained by the broader focus of the material in Table 1; namely, the history of bhangra/Bhangra as well as several related accounts of cultural politics as opposed to the experiences of smaller groups of people united by the common experience of being South Asian American Bhangra dancers, as represented in Table 2.

The KSB dancers had known each other as teammates for an average of 2.15 years at the time of this study. They represented eight South Asian regional and linguistic groups, five states in the United States, at least four religious traditions and at least two of the dancers were born in

India. Despite these differences, the dancers were able to relate to each other through their shared experiences with Bhangra. The team allowed them to share a common identity as Bhangra dancers and feel the closeness of fictive kinship represented by the repeated references to the team as a family. An expressed closeness to dancers from other teams in the competitive BREAKING BOUNDARIES 38

Bhangra circuit was common to both KSB dancers and the comparison group. Dancers often stated that their favorite part of doing Bhangra was getting to know the people on their respective teams as well as those within the larger community of the Bhangra circuit.

While observing KSB, it became obvious that the dancers were very comfortable in each other’s presence. The types of conversations and questions the members would ask each other ​ ​ ranged from scholarship and cultural practices to personal hygiene and romantic relationships.

There was often an assumption of cultural similarity which provided the basis for many of the dancers’ interactions although when this similarity was challenged, it often became the basis of a new conversation. One such instance occurred when one dancer asked another about a matter of proper decorum in Hinduism, to which the second dancer responded that she was unaware because she is Christian. Another dynamic that was mentioned, referred to the differences one dancer observed between the social habits of South Asian Americans who had grown up in majority South Asian American communities in the United States and those who had grown up in communities where South Asian Americans constituted a minority group, as she had. She stated that South Asians who who grew up in majority South Asian American communities often conducted themselves in public with less awareness of or sensitivity to the sociocultural preferences and contexts of non-South Asian Americans.

KSB dancers seemed mostly aware of their team’s diversity, although their identification as Bhangra dancers seemed to unify them more than any other designation. This assumption of similarity based on the shared pursuit of Bhangra allowed for the routine celebration of birthdays at the end of practice sessions and the occasional willingness to be silly or vulnerable as a group.

It is perhaps the confidence which the team members derived from their shared identity which BREAKING BOUNDARIES 39

bolstered their pride when referring to themselves as “an all-girls team”; representing their youth and opposition to the historical expectation of Bhangra dancers to be solely male. A few of the dancers, both from KSB and the comparison group acknowledged that Bhangra has changed considerably in the past several years and as such, it is a medium that will continuously have to be practiced and studied for its meaning to be fully understood.

Conclusions

The research described was conducted using the aforementioned methods over a period of three months from April to June of 2018. In that time, the previously stated hypotheses were considered in conjunction with the thesis that Bhangra provides a platform and a mechanism for the furtherance of a pan-South Asian American imagined community and national identity; thus, serving as a unifying cultural practice.

Hypothesis 1 The cultural production of Bhangra is a mechanism for pan-South Asian American identity ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ formation in the United States, in that it promotes the existence of an imagined community based ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ upon the shared experiences of the South Asian diaspora in the United States. ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ This hypothesis is supported by a considerable amount of the data collected in Charts 1 through 6. The KSB and comparison group members varied in South Asian regional and linguistic backgrounds as well as previous dance experience, yet each participant expressed an appreciation or admiration of Bhangra for helping them develop or expand a passion for dance or introducing them to other dancers with which they developed close friendships. Bhangra created a space and an identity through which the dancers could share their hybrid cultural references: such as the word foby. Experiences such as frustration over topics including misidentification BREAKING BOUNDARIES 40

and competing South Asian and American cultural expectations were shared.

While a pan-South Asian American identity was generally promoted among KSB members, there were instances of disagreement about aligning the team’s image with India.

Although not a single dancer voiced identifying as a South Asian nationality other than Indian, maintaining the team’s broadly South Asian affiliation was upheld.

Hypothesis 2 The proliferation of Bhangra as a diasporic artform, often fused and blended with other musical ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ genres, serves as a reflexive medium through which South Asian American youths can derive or ​ ​ create meaning and provides a standpoint from which to reflect upon, question and discuss ​ culture. ​ Bhangra served a number of functions in the lives of the KSB and comparison group participants, as shown in Graph 1. Punjabi dancers often referenced the direct link to their heritage that Bhangra provided while dancers of other backgrounds referenced appreciation for the the opportunity to practice a South Asian artform. The diversity of languages and genres present in Bhangra music mixes allowed for a heightened degree of engagement, as the dancers could usually identify some words in a given mix that they understood, even if they were only the English words. However, when various unfamiliar words or practices arose, dancers asked questions openly and related their diverse life experiences to help allay their own as well as others’ confusion. As shown in Table 2, the range of topics discussed during practices and other times when KSB dancers were together depicts how they sought to make sense of their life experiences and personal histories when in an environment dedicated to Bhangra.

BREAKING BOUNDARIES 41

Hypothesis 3

The boundaries of the imagined community of South Asian American Bhangra dancers are more ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ fluid, regarding in-groups and out-groups, than those originally constructed for ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ bhangra/Bhangra dancers in South Asia. Therefore, the boundaries of imagined communities, ​ ​ regarding in-groups and out-groups, are more fluid in a diasporic context. ​ The female participants in this study all expressed an awareness of women’s relatively short tenure as bhangra/Bhangra dancers and therefore as members of an in-group who would have previously been classed as part of an out-group. The male participants made no mention of

Bhangra’s initial exclusion of women, perhaps not viewing their inclusion as notable in modern day. Similarly, the majority of the KSB team was not Punjabi yet participated in a Punjabi art. In the context of diaspora, the dancers seemed to find commonality in their shared South Asian

American identity and considered other identifying factors as being secondary in importance.

However, conceptions of propriety influenced team protocol. Overall, that none of the KSB dancers were Punjabi men, supports the hypothesis above.

Major Trends & Notable Points ​ ​ Throughout the study there arose several themes and trends which both underpinned and informed the interactions, references and speech of the KSB and comparison group members.

One such theme was that of individual productivity and the ability of the individual to contribute to the team. During observation this manifested in references made to the importance of timeliness, attentiveness, occasional derision for a lack of either quality or the lack of apparent effort toward the performance of Bhangra. Another theme was the coexistence of contradictions in the personal and communal practices of Bhangra. Belonging was a motivating factor for the BREAKING BOUNDARIES 42

majority of the dancers in the study. Often the belonging sought was cultural, sometimes it was more so to have a community with which to practice an art or conversely, individuals were motivated to learn the art to join a community of dancers. This desire for belonging ultimately drew together individuals of varied life experiences for whom historically, bhangra/Bhangra was not intended. None of the dancers expressed discomfort about this nor did they advocate for the restriction of team membership according to any ethnic, regional or national identities. Similarly, the frequent discussion of the importance of tradition and traditionality by mostly KSB dancers, was met with the reality of producing an engaging dance piece for competition. Two dancers directly referenced that the progression and change of Bhangra was not without sociocultural cost.

Perhaps because of the close bonds formed between KSB team members, there was considerable emphasis placed on team history and the dialogue and actions of previous team members. The narratives of previous seasons were often marked by who the captains were and what competitions the team had competed in. This unique chronology and lore helped support a collective, team identity. However, regarding individuals, seemingly asynchronous narratives of identity abounded. Several of the dancers located their South Asian heritage in specific Indian states or cities, regardless of whether their families’ lived in those places. In such cases the individuals did not always claim a hybrid South Asian identity. One dancer mentioned being

Punjabi from Kolkata but never referred to herself or her family as being from the state of West

Bengal, where Kolkata is located.

The majority of this study is focused on the experiences of young women who participate in Bhangra. Studying an all-female team was a unique opportunity to assess the boundaries of the BREAKING BOUNDARIES 43

imagined community of South Asian American Bhangra dancers and the bonds of the pan-South

Asian American identity referenced in the thesis and the hypotheses. Similarly, the study mainly focuses on the ten KSB dancers who possessed regional and linguistic diversity as well as varied life experiences and personal goals. The comparison group provided several added measures of diversity and scope to the study by including a broader range of the aforementioned characteristics to compare, contrast and analyze in conjunction with the KSB dancers.

Limitations & Suggestions for Future Study

The most difficult aspect of this study was the occasional inability to compile a complete data set to reflect a given theme frequently mentioned by KSB dancers. As the intent of the methodology was to alter as little as possible about the existing team dynamic, discussion and conclusions could only be drawn from topics which all or nearly all of the dancers referenced during the period of observation. While deriving data from participants’ commentary was an attempt to understand their unadulterated thoughts, this method did not account for factors such as leadership or personality when considering what was said by whom in a given setting. With an extended period of observation and data collection in a future study, it may be possible to identify a broader range of significant topics than those included in this study and still refrain from the use of structured interviews or other methods intended to derive specific answers from participants.

Other future studies which may be helpful to contextualize the results of this study would be investigations of other South Asian American Bhangra teams of the same age range as KSB including all-female, all-male and co-ed teams, to identify common trends or outliers between teams, and therefore isolate key variables. The results could further highlight the factors most BREAKING BOUNDARIES 44

relevant to understanding and analyzing South Asian American youths’ engagement with

Bhangra. These studies could also be complemented by studies of South Asian American youths’ on other South Asian-styled dance teams in genres such as Bollywood Fusion, Garba/Raas,

Bharatnatyam and Kuchipudi. Further exploration of whether the competitive element of dance teams is important to the practice and performance of South Asian American culture could be examined by more extensive study of exhibition teams as well.

The dancers in the study considered Bhangra to be a physically, mentally and emotionally demanding pursuit that was almost always worthwhile and it was this passion and enjoyment that they attempted to both embrace and share with their audiences. As stated by a member of the ​ ​ Cornell Bhangra team performing at America’s Got Talent in 2014, “Bhangra means to be ​ ​ intoxicated with joy-literally” (Tvmaster1996, 2014). Just as happiness is difficult to define for a collective, Bhangra is dynamic and the continued existence and practice of Bhangra is a testament to the fact that the genre and the artform have and continue to evolve; just as the South

Asian American identity has. If the KSB team was able to unify in light of all their similarities and despite all of the dancers’ differences, it is likely that the fluidity of the imagined community and unity of the identity of South Asian American youths and South Asian American Bhangra dancers may be maintained through this medium.

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Acknowledgements & Dedications

I would like to thank all of the family, friends and professors who have supported me throughout my studies, especially Professor Ted Murphy for his guidance and suggestions.

This thesis is dedicated to:

Grama for instilling in me a love and appreciation for music and dance,

Mom for teaching me to dance and encouraging me to pursue my passions,

& my friend Sarah Kader for making me promise that I would give Bhangra a chance.