DOCSLIB.ORG

Und Vorderasiatischen Archao1

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

und Vorderasiatischen Archao1 Begrundet von E. Ebeling und B. Meissner fortgefOhrt von E. Weidner, W. von Soden und D. 0. Edzard herausgegeben von M. P. Streck unter Mitwirkung von G. Frantz-Szabo· M. Krebernik ·D. Morandi Bonacossi J. N. Postgate · U. Seidl · M. Stol · G. Wilhelm Redaktion T. Blaschke · J. Fechner · S. Heigl · N. Morello Band 14 · 5./6. Lieferung 'Uqair, Tall al-- Ot(a)-napisti(m) 2015 De Gruyter 444 UR-TARSIRSIRA- URUA URUxNi - URUxGANATENO 445 fensive drove the Elamites back to the bor­ Urua. Elam. city located to the NW of Carter E./Stolper M. W. 1984: Elam: surveys ately to the east of Assyria between Upper der; U.'s death is related as occurring "in Ijuzistan; it may be identified with modern of political history and archaeology (= UCP and Lower Zab"·. the same year". Musiyan on the Dehloran plain. NESt. 25) 212 n. 275.- Gelb I.]. i944' HaS 34· - Michalowski P./de Miroschedji P./ S. Gaspa U. was succeeded by Te-Umman», his U. is documented in the Early Dynastic Wright H. T. 20io: Textual documentation of brother and a long-standing champion of List of Geographical Names (D. R. Frayne, the Deh Luran plain: 25 50-325 B. C., in: Wright/ J. A. Neely (ed.), Elamite and Achaemenid settle­ the anti-Ass. party. Fearing his wrath, a AOS 7 4, 71 LGN 73) under the spellings Urub s. URUxganatenu. URUxA ki in the Abu Salabi];} version (IAS ment on the Deh Luran plain: towns and villages host of Elam. royals fled to Assyria, includ­ of the early empires in southwestern Iran, :10 5- ing three sons of U.: the future king Hum­ 91 ii' 5; 110 iii' 4'), and Ar-uki in the Ebla i12. - Steinkeller P. i982: The question of ban-nikas"· II, Ummanappa (cf. Waters, version (MEE 3, 232: 73). During the pre­ Margasi: a contribution to the historical geogra­ d(JRxUD. In der GrofSen Gotterliste aus o. c. 65), and Tammaritu"· (2), future ruler Sargonic and Sargonic periods, URUxAki phy of Iran in the third millennium B. C., ZA 72, 244-246. Fara erwiihnte Gottheit (SF 1 vii 2 7, vgl. ZA of Hidali''· (BIWA B iv 74-86 II C v 80-92). remained the usual spelling. In Ur III texts, 76 [1986]175)- The Samas-sumu-ukin"' chronicle refers to URUxAki was still used (Drehem, Susa, and M. Molina the flight of an Elam. prince to Assyria Girsu), but new variants with phonetic in­ M. Krebernik (ABC 128: 2f.); if Humban-nikas is meant, dicators (uURUxAki and uuRUxAa.ki), ex­ clusively attested in the archives from URUxAki s. Urua. it would provide the date of 664 for the (d)URUDA/U. Das ,Starke Kupfer" death of U. (cf. Gerardi, Assurbanipal's Girsu, were introduced, in all cases with determinative KI. Other spellings were (Urudalu nig-kalag-ga; Kupfer* A.§ 2) Elamite campaigns: a literary and political ist eine der Trophaen des Ninurta ,. , s. Coo­ study [1987] 127-130; Frame, Babylonia uuRUxGU(a) ki (TEL 54 r. 10; CT 7, 27 BM dURU-a-KU. Im neuass. Arbailu'' ver­ 18376 r. 11, 17; cf. ASJ 2, 31: 87 r. 9) and per, Angim 151f. Spater wird das Kupfer 119-121 with n. 93). ehrte Gottheit, erwiihnt in K. 2 52 (= III R mit Enki/Ea assoziiert: CBS 6o6o: 11 mit A-ra-waki (ISbi-Erra and Kindattu C 5, 66) vii 34, s. Frankena, Takultu 87 Nr. 52. M. W. Waters, Fs. E. V. Leichty 499-502; id./ ETCSL 2.5.1.2). All these variants point Dupl. (na4URUDAIU = dE-a), GT 24, 49 H. D. Baker, PNA 3h, :q18f. s. v. Urtaku. to lurwal or larwal as the possible pronun­ M. Krebernik (K. 4349) E: 5' (dURUDU = dE-a), s. Li­ W. F. M. Henkelman vingstone, MMEW 176 bzw. 182. S. a. Ur­ ciation of the name of the city. sag-ana ,,_. U. was placed at a strategic point on the route between southern Babylonia and the dURU-al-sar-ra s. Manzi'atiMazzi'atl M. Krebernik Ur-Tarsirsira s. Ur-Silasirsira. Susiana lowlands (it was called sag-kul MazziitiMazzet. § 2. Elamki_ma, "the bolt of Elam"). As a con­ sequence it became the target of military URUxganatenu. campaigns conducted by Eannatum* of La­ Uruatri (var. Uratri, Urubuatri). A L Urteil s. ProzeK § Name.-§ 2. Lage.- § 3· Bedeutung. gas (RIME 1, 139 rev. vii 5'; 147 iii 17; 151 mountainous area subdued by Shalmaneser iii 16; 15 5 iii 10; 157 ii 6) and Sargon * of I (1273-1244; Salmanassar"·). § 1. Name. In der Sekundiirliteratur Akkade (§ 4; RIME 2, 23: cap. 3; p. 8, year In his royal inscriptions (RIMA 1, 183: wird das Toponym U. (ki) meist als URUx­ Ur-dTUR (oder Ur-dDumu?). ,Mann(?) names a and a'). 27, 40), Shalmaneser I claims to have sub­ KAR(ki) oder seltener URUxSE-tem4(ki) wie­ (der Gottheit) dTUR ""/dDumu", altakk. The importance of U. for Sumer was evi­ dued the entire mountainous territory of U. dergegeben. Obwohl der Auslaut des Zei­ Stadtfiirst (ensi) von Adab'', der der Datie­ denced during the Ur III period, when it be­ in "three days" during a campaign at the chens iiber einfache Genitivkomplexe wie rung seines Siegels v zufolge zur Zeit von came a province of the Ur III state, paid the beginning of his reign. According to his etwa ganun mal} I U.h-ba ,hoher Spei­ Naram-Sin'' bzw. Sar-kali-sarri'' regierte gun ma-da tax, and maintained a close re­ texts, this area comprised eight "lands": cher von U." (CT 36, pl.1 iii 4f.) oder (A 526, Chicago = EGA 16o Nr. 655, lation with Girsu, documented in several Ijim(m)e'', Uatqun"·, Bargun''·, Salua "", Ijal­ e-gal U.ki_ba ,,Palast' von U." (Ali 1973, Taf. XVII: 197; Yang, SarginscAdab 32). Er messenger texts. A governor of U. named ila '', Lul}a ,,. , Nilipal}ri '', and Zingun •·. The 30 iv 3) der Inschriften Enanatums I. und ist nur durch seine Inschrift auf diesem La­ Sulgi-zimu is recorded in a text dated to SS account also says that 51 cities were de­ lokativische Verbindungen wie U.ki_ba ,in pislazulisiegel bezeugt, das bei der Ausgra­ 7lix/14 (TCL 2, 5515), probably the same stroyed during the Ass. attacks, but their U." (D P 212 ii 3) in den Wirtschaftstexten bung von Adab 1903-1904 von E. J. Banks man from U. recorded as a supplier of live­ names are not mentioned. der altsum. Zeit lange bekannt und die auf dem ,Mound III" (,Semitic Quarter") stock in other texts dated between S 45 and After Shalmaneser I, U. only occurs in an Lautung des Lexems als lu r u-bl iiber entdeckt wurde. AS 8; Mitl}aris "<.as also a man from U., inscription of Assur-bel-kala (RIMA 2, 97: jiingere lex. Quellen als weitgehend gesi­ attested between S 46 and AS 5 in similar 11') and in Adad-nerar1 II's royal titulary chert gelten kann (Sollberger 19 52, 6; id. RIME 2, 256.- Edzard D. 0. 1968-1969: Die Inschriften der altakkadischen Rollsiegel, AfO texts. At the end of Su-Suen"·'s reign, U. (RIMA 2, 148: 25). 1961, 9; Falkenstein 1966, 3 8; Volk 1997; 22, 12-20. would have been part of the political reor­ In spite of the similarity of the names an Bauer 1998, 439; de Maaijer 2001, 307f. ganization that took place in the provinces identity of U. with later Urarru"· is dis­ Anm. 63), hat sich die Lesung lurubl fur N. Rudik of eastern Babylonia. puted. Whereas M. Salvini (Urartu "· A. § 1) dieses Toponym bisher nicht etabliert. Von Apart from the text of ISbi-Erra cited identifies both geographical entities, A. den zahlreichen Urkundenbelegen der neu­ above, U. disappears from the textual re­ Fuchs (Uatqun''·) denies an identification sum. und Ur III-Zeit konnte lediglich SNAT cord after the Ur III Dyn. and locates U. in the mountains immedi- 146 r. 2 (U.-rba ,lki; s. de Maaijer 2001, 444 UR-TARSIRSIRA- URUA URUxNi - URUxGANATENO 445 fensive drove the Elamites back to the bor­ Urua. Elam. city located to the NW of Carter E./Stolper M. W. 1984: Elam: surveys ately to the east of Assyria between Upper der; U.'s death is related as occurring "in Ijuzistan; it may be identified with modern of political history and archaeology (= UCP and Lower Zab"·. the same year". Musiyan on the Dehloran plain. NESt. 25) 212 n. 275.- Gelb I.]. i944' HaS 34· - Michalowski P./de Miroschedji P./ S. Gaspa U. was succeeded by Te-Umman», his U. is documented in the Early Dynastic Wright H. T. 20io: Textual documentation of brother and a long-standing champion of List of Geographical Names (D. R. Frayne, the Deh Luran plain: 25 50-325 B. C., in: Wright/ J. A. Neely (ed.), Elamite and Achaemenid settle­ the anti-Ass. party. Fearing his wrath, a AOS 7 4, 71 LGN 73) under the spellings Urub s. URUxganatenu. URUxA ki in the Abu Salabi];} version (IAS ment on the Deh Luran plain: towns and villages host of Elam. royals fled to Assyria, includ­ of the early empires in southwestern Iran, :10 5- ing three sons of U.: the future king Hum­ 91 ii' 5; 110 iii' 4'), and Ar-uki in the Ebla i12. - Steinkeller P. i982: The question of ban-nikas"· II, Ummanappa (cf. Waters, version (MEE 3, 232: 73). During the pre­ Margasi: a contribution to the historical geogra­ d(JRxUD. In der GrofSen Gotterliste aus o. c. 65), and Tammaritu"· (2), future ruler Sargonic and Sargonic periods, URUxAki phy of Iran in the third millennium B.
Recommended publications
  • Nabu 2015-2-Mep-Dc

    Nabu 2015-2-Mep-Dc

    ISSN 0989-5671 2015 N°2 (juin) NOTES BRÈVES 25) À propos d’ARET XII 344, des déesses dgú-ša-ra-tum et de la naissance du prince éblaïte* — Le texte administratif ARET XII 344 est malheureusement assez lacuneux, mais à notre avis quand même très intéressant. Les lignes du texte préservées sont les suivantes: r. I’:1’-5’: ‹x›[...] / šeš-[...] / in ⸢u₄⸣ / ḫúl / ⸢íl⸣-['à*-ag*-da*-mu*] v. II’:1’-11’: ...] K[ALAM.]KAL[AM(?)] / NI-šè-na-⸢a⸣ / ma-lik-tum / è / é / daš-dar / ap / íl-'à- ag-da-mu / i[n] / [...] / [...] r. III’:1’-9’: ⸢'à⸣-[...] / 1 gír mar-t[u] zú-aka / 1 buru₄-mušen 1 kù-sal / daš-dar / NAM-ra-luki / 1 zara₆-túg ú-ḫáb / 1 giš-šilig₅* 2 kù-sig₁₇ maš-maš-SÙ / 1 šíta zabar / dga-mi-iš r. IV’:1’-10’: ⸢x⸣[...] / 10 lá-3 an-dù[l] igi-DUB-SÙ šu-SÙ DU-SÙ kù:babbar / 10 lá-3 gú-a-tum zabar / dgú-ša-ra-tum / 5 kù-sig₁₇ / é / en / ni-zi-mu / 2 ma-na 55 kù-sig₁₇ / sikil r. V’:1’-6’: [x-]NE-[t]um / [x K]A-dù-gíd / [m]a-lik-tum / i[n-na-s]um / dga-mi-iš / 1 dib 2 giš- DU 2 ti-gi-na 2 geštu-lá 2 ba-ga-NE-su!(ZU) r. VI’:1’-6’: [...]⸢x⸣ / [m]a-[li]k-tum / [šu-ba₄-]ti / [x ki]n siki / [x-]li / [x-b]a-LUM. Tout d’abord, on remarquera qu’au début du texte on peut lire in ⸢u₄⸣ / ḫúl / ⸢íl⸣-['à*-ag*-da*- mu*], c’est-à-dire « dans le jour de la fête (en l’honneur) d’íl-'à-ag-da-mu ».
  • An Expedition of King Shalmaneser I and Prince Tukulti-Ninurta to Carchemish

    An Expedition of King Shalmaneser I and Prince Tukulti-Ninurta to Carchemish

    An Expedition of King Shalmaneser I and Prince Tukulti-Ninurta to Carchemish 著者 Shibata Daisuke 図書名 At the Dawn of History : Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Honour of J. N. Postgate 開始ページ 491 終了ページ 506 出版年月日 2017 URL http://hdl.handle.net/2241/00145332 Offprint from At the Dawn of History Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Honour of J. N. Postgate Volume 1 edited by YAğmUR HEFFRON, ADAM STONE, and MARTIN WORTHINGTON Winona Lake, Indiana EISENBRAUNS 2017 Copyright © 2017 Eisenbrauns Inc. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. www.eisenbrauns.com Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Heffron, Yağmur, editor. | Stone, Adam, 1981– editor. | Worthington, Martin, editor. | Postgate, J. N., honoree. Title: At the Dawn of History : Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Honour of J.N. Postgate / edited by Yağmur Heffron, Adam Stone, and Martin Worthington. Description: Winona Lake, Indiana : Eisenbrauns, 2017. | Includes bibliographical references. | Description based on print version record and CIP data provided by publisher; resource not viewed. Identifiers: LCCN 2016049835 (print) | LCCN 2016049136 (ebook) | ISBN 9781575064741 (ePDF 2-volume set) | ISBN 9781575064710 (cloth, set 2 volumes : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781575064727 (volume 1 : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781575064734 (volume 2 : alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: Iraq—Civilization—To 634. | Iraq—History—To 634. | Iraq— Antiquities. | Civilization, Assyro-Babylonian. | Akkadian language—Texts. Classification: LCC DS69.5 (print) | LCC DS69.5 .A86 2017 (ebook) | DDC 935—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016049835 The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984.♾™ Contents Volume 1 Editors’ Preface .
  • The Lagash-Umma Border Conflict 9

    The Lagash-Umma Border Conflict 9

    CHAPTER I Introduction: Early Civilization and Political Organization in Babylonia' The earliest large urban agglomoration in Mesopotamia was the city known as Uruk in later texts. There, around 3000 B.C., certain distinctive features of historic Mesopotamian civilization emerged: the cylinder seal, a system of writing that soon became cuneiform, a repertoire of religious symbolism, and various artistic and architectural motifs and conven- tions.' Another feature of Mesopotamian civilization in the early historic periods, the con- stellation of more or less independent city-states resistant to the establishment of a strong central political force, was probably characteristic of this proto-historic period as well. Uruk, by virtue of its size, must have played a dominant role in southern Babylonia, and the city of Kish probably played a similar role in the north. From the period that archaeologists call Early Dynastic I1 (ED 11), beginning about 2700 B.c.,~the appearance of walls around Babylonian cities suggests that inter-city warfare had become institutionalized. The earliest royal inscriptions, which date to this period, belong to kings of Kish, a northern Babylonian city, but were found in the Diyala region, at Nippur, at Adab and at Girsu. Those at Adab and Girsu are from the later part of ED I1 and are in the name of Mesalim, king of Kish, accompanied by the names of the respective local ruler^.^ The king of Kish thus exercised hegemony far beyond the walls of his own city, and the memory of this particular king survived in native historical traditions for centuries: the Lagash-Umma border was represented in the inscriptions from Lagash as having been determined by the god Enlil, but actually drawn by Mesalim, king of Kish (IV.1).
  • " King of Kish" in Pre-Sarogonic Sumer

    " King of Kish" in Pre-Sarogonic Sumer

    "KING OF KISH" IN PRE-SAROGONIC SUMER* TOHRU MAEDA Waseda University 1 The title "king of Kish (lugal-kiski)," which was held by Sumerian rulers, seems to be regarded as holding hegemony over Sumer and Akkad. W. W. Hallo said, "There is, moreover, some evidence that at the very beginning of dynastic times, lower Mesopotamia did enjoy a measure of unity under the hegemony of Kish," and "long after Kish had ceased to be the seat of kingship, the title was employed to express hegemony over Sumer and Akked and ulti- mately came to signify or symbolize imperial, even universal, dominion."(1) I. J. Gelb held similar views.(2) The problem in question is divided into two points: 1) the hegemony of the city of Kish in early times, 2) the title "king of Kish" held by Sumerian rulers in later times. Even earlier, T. Jacobsen had largely expressed the same opinion, although his opinion differed in some detail from Hallo's.(3) Hallo described Kish's hegemony as the authority which maintained harmony between the cities of Sumer and Akkad in the First Early Dynastic period ("the Golden Age"). On the other hand, Jacobsen advocated that it was the kingship of Kish that brought about the breakdown of the older "primitive democracy" in the First Early Dynastic period and lead to the new pattern of rule, "primitive monarchy." Hallo seems to suggest that the Early Dynastic I period was not the period of a primitive community in which the "primitive democracy" was realized, but was the period of class society in which kingship or political power had already been formed.
  • The Archaeology of Elam: Formation and Transformation of an Ancient Iranian State D

    The Archaeology of Elam: Formation and Transformation of an Ancient Iranian State D

    Cambridge University Press 0521563585 - The Archaeology of Elam: Formation and Transformation of an Ancient Iranian State D. T. Potts Index More information INDEX A’abba, 179 Aleppo, 169, 170 Apollophanos, 364, 369 Aahitek, 207, 208 Alexander, the Great, 348–50, apples, 137 Abadan, 14 355; I Balas, 373, 383, 387, 388 Arahir, 136 Aba-Enlilgim, 140 al-Hiba, 92, 95 Aramaic, 384, 399, 424 Abalgamash, 105, 106 Ali Kosh, see Tepe Ali Kosh Arashu, 285 Abbashaga, 135, 140 Allabria, 263 Arawa, 89; see also Urua Ab-i-Diz, see Diz Allahad, 168 Arbimazbi, 140 Ab-i-Marik, 22 almond, 155 Archalos, 349 Abiradu, 328 Altyn-depe, 118 archons, at Susa, 363 Abu Fanduweh, 55 Alumiddatum, 136, 138, 141 Ardashir, 410–16, Fig. 11.2 Abu Salabikh, 58, 88, 242 Amar-Sin, 135, 137, Areia, 323 Abulites, 348–50 ambassadors, 138–9 Argishti-henele, 301 Aburanum, 137 amber, 33 Ariaramnes, 287 accountancy, 59–60 Amedirra, 283 Arjan, 124, 303–6, 412 Achaemenes, 287 Amel-Marduk, 293 armour, 203, 277 Açina, 317–18 Ammiditana, 171 aromatics, see incense Acropole, see Susa, Acropole Ammisaduqa, 165, 189 Arrapha/Arraphe, 242 Acts, Book of (2.9), 3 Amorites, 167 arrowheads, copper/bronze, 95 Adab, 121 Ampe, 391 Arsaces, 376–7, 388, 391, 392 Adad, 347 Ampirish, 306 Arsames, 287 Adad-erish, 204 Amurru, 193 arsenic, 218 Adad-nirari III, 263 Amygdalus, 23 Artabanus I, 391; II, 391; III, 369; Adad-rabi, 177 An(?)turza, 347 IV, 401, 412 Adad-sharru-rabu, 191 Anahita, 383 Artaxerxes I, 335, 337, 318; II, 7, Adad-shuma-iddina, 231 Anarak, 33, 34 335, 337, 359; III, 339 Adad-shuma-usur,
  • Assyrian Collective Identity in the Second Millennium BCE: a Social Categories Approach

    Assyrian Collective Identity in the Second Millennium BCE: a Social Categories Approach

    Assyrian Collective Identity in the Second Millennium BCE: A Social Categories Approach By Jonathan Valk A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Institute for the Study of the Ancient World New York University May, 2018 ___________________________ Professor Beate Pongratz-Leisten © Jonathan Valk All Rights Reserved, 2018 Dedication To the two most important women in my life: my mother Tamara, and my wife Avichag. In thinking of either of them I can do no less than echo the praise of the goddess Nanaya: ela šâša, mannu mīna eppuš? Without her, who can do anything? - SAA III, 4: r ii 9' iii Acknowledgements This project represents not the culmination of a long journey, but an important waystation on the road. The path has been muddy and riddled with potholes. It has, on occasion, been lost altogether, only to reappear in an unexpected place, meandering in an here I am! – with my offering in hand. I first set out – הנני ,unanticipated direction. Nevertheless on this journey many rotations around the sun ago. When I left the safety of the maternal nest, I had only just begun to realize that I do not know much. Now, I am acutely aware of it. All to the better. My awareness of my own ignorance has been helped along by many people whom I have been fortunate to know and to learn from. Before moving to New York and deciding to pursue research in the ancient world, I had the opportunity to work closely with Martin Goodman and Bernard Wasserstein at the universities of Oxford and Chicago respectively.
  • Royal Ideology in Mesopotamian Iconography of the Third and Second Millennia BCE with Special Reference to Gestures

    Royal Ideology in Mesopotamian Iconography of the Third and Second Millennia BCE with Special Reference to Gestures

    Royal Ideology in Mesopotamian Iconography of the Third and Second Millennia BCE with Special Reference to Gestures by Jonathan Michael Westhead Thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Prof. Izak Cornelius March 2015 Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za Declaration By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. March 2015 Copyright © 2015 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za ABSTRACT This thesis aims to examine to what extent the visual representations of ancient Mesopotamia portrayed the royal ideology that was present during the time of their intended display. The iconographic method is used in this study and this allows for a better understanding of the meaning behind the work of art. This method allows the study to better attempt to comprehend the underlying ideology of the work of art. The eight images studied date between three thousand BCE and one thousand BCE and this provides a broad base for the study. By having such a broad base it enables the study to provide a brief understanding of how the ideology adapted over two thousand years. The broad base also enables the study to examine a variety of different gestures that are portrayed on the representations.
  • The Army of the Kings of Ur: the Textual Evidence*

    The Army of the Kings of Ur: the Textual Evidence*

    Cuneiform Digital Library Journal 2009:5 <http://www.cdli.ucla.edu/pubs/cdlj/2009/cdlj2009_005.html> © Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative ISSN 1540-8779 Version: 21 October 2009 The Army of the Kings of Ur: The Textual Evidence* Bertrand Lafont CNRS, Paris-Nanterre §1. Introduction §1.2. Starting in the middle of his 48-year reign, the §1.1. The situation is paradoxical. During the last cen- second ruler of the dynasty, Šulgi (Š, 2094-2047 BC in tury of the 3rd millennium BC, several accounts testify traditional chronology), launched the process of territo- that rulers of the Third Dynasty of Ur (Ur III) con- rial expansion and conquest. The year names used to ducted, from the heart of Sumer, several wars of con- date the documents of that period, an essential source quest beyond the frontiers of their kingdom, probably for any enquiry into military history,2 show that he led infl uenced by the imperial model initiated roughly two campaigns against the cities or territories of: centuries earlier by the kings of Akkad. And yet very • Dêr (year 21, zone A of the map below, fi gure 1) few documents, with little detail in them, are available • KaraÌar (year 24, then 31; zone B) on the armies that led these military conquests. More- • Simurum (years 26, 32 and 44; zone B)3 over, we know little about how these kings organized, • Îarši (year 27, then 48; zone B) from a military point of view, the defenses either at the • Anšan (year 34; zone D) center or at the outskirts of their kingdom.
  • The Archaeology of Elam Formation and Transformation of an Ancient Iranian State

    The Archaeology of Elam Formation and Transformation of an Ancient Iranian State

    This page intentionally left blank The Archaeology of Elam Formation and Transformation of an Ancient Iranian State From the middle of the third millennium bc until the coming of Cyrus the Great, southwestern Iran was referred to in Mesopotamian sources as the land of Elam. A heterogenous collection of regions, Elam was home to a variety of groups, alternately the object of Mesopotamian aggres- sion, and aggressors themselves; an ethnic group seemingly swallowed up by the vast Achaemenid Persian empire, yet a force strong enough to attack Babylonia in the last centuries bc. The Elamite language is attested as late as the Medieval era, and the name Elam as late as 1300 in the records of the Nestorian church. This book examines the formation and transforma- tion of Elam’s many identities through both archaeological and written evidence, and brings to life one of the most important regions of Western Asia, re-evaluates its significance, and places it in the context of the most recent archaeological and historical scholarship. d. t. potts is Edwin Cuthbert Hall Professor in Middle Eastern Archaeology at the University of Sydney. He is the author of The Arabian Gulf in Antiquity, 2 vols. (1990), Mesopotamian Civilization (1997), and numerous articles in scholarly journals. cambridge world archaeology Series editor NORMAN YOFFEE, University of Michigan Editorial board SUSAN ALCOCK, University of Michigan TOM DILLEHAY, University of Kentucky CHRIS GOSDEN, University of Oxford CARLA SINOPOLI, University of Michigan The Cambridge World Archaeology series is addressed to students and professional archaeologists, and to academics in related disciplines. Each volume presents a survey of the archaeology of a region of the world, pro- viding an up-to-date account of research and integrating recent findings with new concerns of interpretation.
  • The Sumerians

    The Sumerians

    THE SUMERIANS THE SUMERIANS THEIR HISTORY, CULTURE, AND CHARACTER Samuel Noah Kramer THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS Chicago & London THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS, CHICAGO 60637 The University of Chicago Press, Ltd., London © 1963 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved Published 1963 Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 0-226-45237-9 (clothbound); 0-226-45238-7 (paperbound) Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 63-11398 89 1011 12 To the UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA and its UNIVERSITY MUSEUM PREFACE The year 1956 saw the publication of my book From the Tablets of Sumer, since revised, reprinted, and translated into numerous languages under the title History Begins at Sumer. It consisted of twenty-odd disparate essays united by a common theme—"firsts" in man s recorded history and culture. The book did not treat the political history of the Sumerian people or the nature of their social and economic institutions, nor did it give the reader any idea of the manner and method by which the Sumerians and their language were discovered and "resurrected/' It is primarily to fill these gaps that the present book was conceived and composed. The first chapter is introductory in character; it sketches briefly the archeological and scholarly efforts which led to the decipher­ ment of the cuneiform script, with special reference to the Sumerians and their language, and does so in a way which, it is hoped, the interested layman can follow with understanding and insight. The second chapter deals with the history of Sumer from the prehistoric days of the fifth millennium to the early second millennium B.C., when the Sumerians ceased to exist as a political entity.
  • The World According to E-Anatum. the Narrative of the Events in E-Anatum’S Royal Inscriptions

    The World According to E-Anatum. the Narrative of the Events in E-Anatum’S Royal Inscriptions

    [Vicino Oriente XXIV (2020), pp. 151-165] THE WORLD ACCORDING TO E-ANATUM. THE NARRATIVE OF THE EVENTS IN E-ANATUM’S ROYAL INSCRIPTIONS Stefano Seminara During E-anatum’s reign, lists of the king’s wars consistently appear for the first time in Sumerian royal inscriptions. The ordering of events in these lists is a long-debated question and the hypothesis of a chronological enumeration has prevailed for a long time. In the present article it is argued that E-anatum’s military campaigns were ordered on the basis of a geographical-numerical pattern. Keywords: E-anatum; Lagaš; Sumerian royal inscriptions; the Stele of the Vultures; burial mounds 1. E-ANATUM’S MILITARY CAMPAIGNS IN SYNOPSIS E-anatum’s inscriptions1 report many military campaigns. In the synopsis below they are listed according to the order in which they are enumerated in each inscription: E-anatum 1 E-anatum 5 E-anatum 6 E-anatum 7a E-anatum 8 E-anatum 9 E-anatum11 Umma Elam Subartu Susa Arawa Arua Ur Elam Elam Elam Elam Arawa Arawa Arawa Arawa Umma Umma Umma Umma Uruk Uruk Uruk Uruk Ur Ur Ur Ur Kiutu Kiutu Uruaz Uruaz Uruaz Mišime Mišime Mišime Arua Arua Arua Akšak Akšak Elam Kiš Akšak Elam Elam Subartu Subartu Arawa Kiš Akšak Mari 1 The texts are quoted on the basis of the most recent complete edition: Frayne 2008. I thank Prof. Marcos Such-Gutiérrez for his many suggestions and remarks. ISSN 0393-0300 e-ISSN 2532-5159 Rivista Open Access Stefano Seminara VO 2. THE STATUS QUAESTIONIS Understanding the principle according to which E-anatum’s achievements were listed in his royal inscriptions has been a dilemma since the time of the first edition of the texts2 and the question still remains disputed.
  • Stealing the Enemy's Gods: an Exploration of the Phenomenon of Godnap in Ancient Western Asia

    Stealing the Enemy's Gods: an Exploration of the Phenomenon of Godnap in Ancient Western Asia

    Stealing the Enemy‘s Gods: An Exploration of the Phenomenon of Godnap in Ancient Western Asia By Erika Diane Johnson A thesis submitted to The University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Institute of Archaeology and Antiquity College of Arts and Law The University of Birmingham January 2011 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. When an ancient Near Eastern city was besieged and looted the statues and cultic appurtenances of the gods were often confiscated by the conquerors. Their loss was more than a heavy blow to the defeated people: the statue was the god‘s representation on earth and watched over and protected the city so his abandonment of his city was thought to have a lasting devastating effect. From the point of view of the conqueror the statue could be used not only as a tool of intimidation but for bribery and a crude form of diplomacy and as propaganda for his might and glory. In this thesis the history of the phenomenon of godnap is explored for the first time and there is also an investigation of related problems in religion and cultural history.