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180 Goi Erdi Aroko Pertsona-Izenak. Germaniar Jatorriko Pertsona-Izenak
180 Goi Erdi Aroko pertsona-izenak. Germaniar jatorriko pertsona-izenak 1 Testuingurua 2 Euskaraz nola idatzi germaniar jatorriko izenak? 3 Irizpide xeheak 4 Germaniar jatorriko pertsona-izenen sailkako zerrendak 5 Germaniar jatorriko pertsona-izenak zerrenda bakarrean (euskara-erdarak) 6 Germaniar jatorriko pertsona-izenak zerrenda bakarrean (erdarak-euskara) ------------------------------------------------------------------ 1 Testuingurua Mendebaldeko Erromatar Inperioa desagertu ondoren ere, Erdi Aroaren hasieran, latinak jarraitu zuen prestigiozko hizkuntza izaten Europako erdialdean eta mendebaldean. Garai hartako pertsona-izen nagusiak latinez idatzitako kroniketan (Historiae Francorum, Annales regni Francorum, Annales Fuldenses, Annales Bertiniani...) agertu ziren lehen aldiz idatziz, eta latinaren bidez hedatu ziren Europan erresumetako hizkuntzetara. 1 Inguruko hizkuntzetara eta Europako hizkuntza nagusietara begiratuta, argi eta garbi ageri da garai hartako pertsona-izen nagusiak (errege- erreginak, santu-santak, buruzagiak...) askotan ez direla berdin idazten hizkuntza guztietan. Hau da, hizkuntza bakoitzak bere sistema grafikora egokitu ditu izenok, eta bere grafia eman die. Adibidez, latinezko kroniketan Lotharius dena (jatorria: hlud "ospetsua" eta hari "armada" elementu germanikoak) Lothaire da frantsesez, Lotario gaztelaniaz eta italieraz, Lothair ingelesez, Lothar alemanez, Lotari katalanez, eta abar; latinezko Rudolphus dena (jatorria: hrod "fama" eta wulf "otsoa" elementu germanikoak) Rodolphe da frantsesez, Rodolfo -
2020 O'connor Patrick Morris 0431545 Ethesis
This electronic thesis or dissertation has been downloaded from the King’s Research Portal at https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/ The psychology of warrior culture in the post-Roman Frankish kingdoms Morris O'Connor, Patrick Awarding institution: King's College London The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without proper acknowledgement. END USER LICENCE AGREEMENT Unless another licence is stated on the immediately following page this work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the work Under the following conditions: Attribution: You must attribute the work in the manner specified by the author (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work). Non Commercial: You may not use this work for commercial purposes. No Derivative Works - You may not alter, transform, or build upon this work. Any of these conditions can be waived if you receive permission from the author. Your fair dealings and other rights are in no way affected by the above. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 01. Oct. 2021 The Psychology of Warrior Culture in the Post-Roman Frankish Kingdoms Patrick Morris O’Connor A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy King’s College London 2019 0 Abstract Warfare and violence in the post-Roman West have attracted much interest, and historians have used the insights of social anthropology and literary theory to interpret the evidence. -
Achila, Visigothic King, 34 Acisclus, Córdoban Martyr, 158 Adams
Index ; Achila, Visigothic king, 34 Almodóvar del Río, Spain, 123–24 Acisclus, Córdoban martyr, 158 Almonacid de la Cuba, Spain, 150. See Adams, Robert, 21 also Dams Aemilian, St., 160 Alonso de la Sierra, Juan, 97 Aerial photography, 40, 82 Amalaric, Visigothic king, 29–30, 132, Aetius, Roman general, 173–75 157 Africa, 4, 21–23; and amphorae, 116, Amber, 114 137, 187, 196; and ARS, 46, 56, 90, Ammianus Marcellinus, Roman histo- 99, 187; and Byzantine reconquest, rian, 166, 168 30; and ‹shing, 103; and olive oil, Amphorae, 43, 80, 199–200; exported 88, 188; and Roman army, 114, 127, from Spain, 44, 97–98, 113, 115–16, 166; and trade, 105, 141; and Van- 172; kilns, 61–62, 87–90, 184; from dals, 27–28, 97, 127, 174 North Africa, 129, 187. See also African Red Slip (ARS) pottery, 101, Kilns 147, 186–87, 191, 197; de‹nition, 41, Anderson, Perry, 5 43, 44, 46; and site survival, 90, Andujar, Spain, 38, 47, 63 92–95, 98–99; and trade, 105–6, 110, Annales, 8, 12, 39 114, 116, 129, 183 Annona: disruption by Vandals, 97, Agde, council of, 29, 36, 41 174; to Roman army, 44, 81, 114–17; Agglomeration, 40–42, 59, 92 to Rome, 23, 27, 44, 81, 113; under Agila, Visigothic king, 158–59. See Ostrogoths, 29, 133. See also Army also Athanagild Antioch, Syria, 126 Agrippa, Roman general, 118 Anti-Semitism, 12, 33. See also Jews Alans, 24, 26, 27, 34, 126, 175 Antonine Itinerary, 152 Alaric, Visigothic king, 2, 5, 26–27 Apuleius, Roman writer, 75–76, 122 Alaric II, Visigothic king, 29–30 Aqueducts, 119, 130, 134, 174–75 Alcalá del Río, Spain, 40, 44, 93, 123, Aquitaine, France, 2, 27, 45, 102 148 Arabs, 33–34, 132–33, 137. -
La Prima Moneta D'oro Portoghese
LA PRIMA MONETA D’ORO PORTOGHESE Un solido di Onorio emesso da Rechiar a Bracara a cura di Antonio Di Francesco Suevi in Galizia. Periodo di Rechiar (448-55), a nome di Onorio (395-423), Solido (4,38 g. – 12h), Bracara. D./ D N HONORIVS P F AVG. Busto con diadema di perle, drappeggiato e corazzato, a destra. R./ VICTORIA AVGGG. L’imperatore stante a destra, che tiene un labaro e una Vittoria sul globo; il piede sinistro è su un barbaro; nel campo, ai lati, B – R; in esergo COMOB. Ex Dix Noonan Webb, 27 settembre 2007, lotto n. 2861; stimata £ 20.000 - £ 25.000 e venduta £ 52.000. Il 27 settembre 2007 la Dix Noonan Webb (DNW) di Londra ha messo in vendita un esemplare unico emesso al tempo del re suevo Rechiar (448-55) in Portogallo. La moneta ben illustrata, è stata accompagnata da alcune note che appresso traduciamo in lingua italiana. Abbiamo tralasciato la parte inerente le notizie storiche che invece ab- biamo voluto riportare sulla base delle nostre ricerche. Michael Metcalf ha scritto che: «Una vasta serie di imitazioni di solidi a nome di Onorio (393-423), e con il segno di zecca M D (Mediolanum) fu attribuita agli Suevi sin dal 1942 da W. Reinhart. Essi sono rappresentati in collezioni pubbliche e private portoghesi. Ritrovamenti relativi alle monete sueve sono stati registrati come provenienti da Coimbra, Castelo Branco, Covilhã e Badajoz. Il presente esemplare, che è stilisticamente simile alle serie imitative con M D, differisce da loro avendo il se- gno di zecca B R, che si riscontra anche sulle siliquae d’argento del re suevo Rechiar (448-55). -
Warfare and Society in the Barbarian West, 450–900
WARFARE AND SOCIETY IN THE BARBARIAN WEST, 450–900 Warfare was an integral part of early medieval life. It had a character of its own and was neither a pale shadow of Roman military practice nor an insignificant precursor to the warfare of the central Middle Ages. This book recovers its distinctiveness, looking at warfare in a rounded context in the British Isles and western Europe between the end of the Roman Empire and the break-up of the Carolingian Empire. The era was one of great changes in the practice of war. Guy Halsall relates warfare to many aspects of medieval life, economy, society and politics. He examines the raising and organisation of early medieval armies and looks at the conduct of campaigns. The survey includes the equipment of warriors and the horrific experience of battle as well as an analysis of medieval fortifications and siege warfare. Warfare and Society in the Barbarian West uses historical and archaeological evidence in a rigorous and sophisticated fashion. It stresses regional variations but also places Anglo-Saxon England in the mainstream of the military developments in this era. Guy Halsall is lecturer in medieval history at the University of York. He has published widely on the social history and archaeology of Merovingian Gaul and on violence in early medieval society, including Settlement and Social Organisation. The Merovingian Region of Metz (Cambridge, 1995). WARFARE AND HISTORY General Editor, Jeremy Black Professor of History, University of Exeter AIR POWER IN THE AGE OF TOTAL WAR John Buckley THE ARMIES OF THE CALIPHS: MILITARY AND SOCIETY IN THE EARLY ISLAMIC STATE Hugh Kennedy THE BALKAN WARS, 1912–1913: PRELUDE TO THE FIRST WORLD WAR Richard C. -
Dobosz Strzelczyk – Dodruk.Indd 1 2015-11-24 19:41:32 Dobosz Strzelczyk – Dodruk.Indd 2 2015-11-24 19:41:45 UNIWERSYTET IM
Chrystianizacja Europy Dobosz Strzelczyk – dodruk.indd 1 2015-11-24 19:41:32 Dobosz Strzelczyk – dodruk.indd 2 2015-11-24 19:41:45 UNIWERSYTET IM. ADAMA MICKIEWICZA W POZNANIU SERIA HISTORIA NR 226 Chrystianizacja Europy Kościół na przełomie I i II tysiąclecia Redakcja Józef Dobosz, Jerzy Strzelczyk POZNAŃ 2015 Dobosz Strzelczyk – dodruk.indd 3 2015-11-24 19:41:45 Abstract. Dobosz Józef, Strzelczyk Jerzy (eds). Chrystianizacja Europy. Kościół na przełomie I i II tysiąclecia [The Christianisation of Europe. The Church at the Turn of the Second Millennium]. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu (Adam Mickiewicz University Press). Poznań 2014. Seria Historia nr 226. Pp. 292. ISBN 978-83-232-2842-4. ISSN 0554-8217. Polish text with English summaries. This seminal book is an attempt to summarise and chart new directions in the on-going historical de- bate relating to the formation and spread of Christianity throughout the European continent. The authors examine the processes of the emergence and consolidation of Christianity along with the birth of the foundations of the institutional Church within Imperium Romanum. The question of the Christianisation of tribes and the emergent barbaric states is also explored. The study covers subjects up to the formation of medieval Respublica Christiana circa 1000, and, going beyond the issues of Christianity, addresses also issues appertaining to pagan religions in Europe and to other Christian denominations, Judaism and Islam. Józef Dobosz, Jerzy Strzelczyk – Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu, Instytut Historii, ul. Umultowska 89d, 61-614 Poznań. Recenzent: dr hab. Krzysztof Skwierczyński © Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu, Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM, Poznań 2014 Praca naukowa finansowana w ramach programu Ministra Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wyższego pod nazwą „Narodowy Program Rozwoju Humanistyki” w latach 2014-2019, n r projektu 0046/NPRH3/H11/82/2014. -
Chapter 1 Barbarian Agency and Imperial Withdrawal: the Causes And
Chapter 1 Barbarian agency and imperial withdrawal: the causes and consequences of political change in fourth- and fifth-century Trier and Cologne Introduction Snapshots from the years 310, 410, and 510 reveal that the political landscape of the Rhineland changed almost beyond recognition over the course of three centuries. In 310 AD, Trier was one of the foremost cities of the Roman Empire, acting as a main residence of the Emperor Constantine and the seat of the Gallic praetorian prefecture. In Cologne, meanwhile, the completion of the fortress of Divitia just across the Rhine reinforced the city’s significance in the context of imperial defensive strategy. By 410 AD, however, both the imperial residence and the praetorian prefecture had been removed from Trier, and many frontier troops who had been stationed near Cologne were gone. The Rhineland had suffered an apparently devastating barbarian invasion, that of the Vandals, Alans, and Sueves in 406, and was to face many more attacks in the coming half-century. After the invasion, the legitimate emperors were never to re- establish their firm control in the region, and the reign of the usurper Constantine III (407 - 411) marked the last period of effective imperial rule. Around 510 AD, the last vestiges of imperial political power had vanished, and both Trier and Cologne were part of the Frankish kingdom of Clovis. The speed and extent of this change must have dramatically affected many aspects of life within the cities, and, as such, it is crucial that we seek to understand what brought it about. In so doing, we must consider the fundamental question of whether responsibility for the collapse of imperial power in the Rhineland ultimately lies with the imperial authorities themselves, who withdrew from the region, or with the 11 various barbarian groups, who launched attacks on the frontier provinces and undermined the Empire’s control. -
Deadly Hostility: Feud, Violence, and Power in Early Anglo-Saxon England
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Dissertations Graduate College 6-2017 Deadly Hostility: Feud, Violence, and Power in Early Anglo-Saxon England David DiTucci Western Michigan University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/dissertations Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation DiTucci, David, "Deadly Hostility: Feud, Violence, and Power in Early Anglo-Saxon England" (2017). Dissertations. 3138. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/dissertations/3138 This Dissertation-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DEADLY HOSTILITY: FEUD, VIOLENCE, AND POWER IN EARLY ANGLO-SAXON ENGLAND by David DiTucci A dissertation submitted to the Graduate College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy History Western Michigan University June 2017 Doctoral Committee: Robert F. Berkhofer III, Ph.D., Chair Jana Schulman, Ph.D. James Palmitessa, Ph.D. E. Rozanne Elder, Ph.D. DEADLY HOSTILITY: FEUD, VIOLENCE, AND POWER IN EARLY ANGLO-SAXON ENGLAND David DiTucci, Ph.D. Western Michigan University, 2017 This dissertation examines the existence and political relevance of feud in Anglo-Saxon England from the fifth century migration to the opening of the Viking Age in 793. The central argument is that feud was a method that Anglo-Saxons used to understand and settle conflict, and that it was a tool kings used to enhance their power. The first part of this study examines the use of fæhð in Old English documents, including laws and Beowulf, to demonstrate that fæhð referred to feuds between parties marked by reciprocal acts of retaliation. -
'J.E. Lloyd and His Intellectual Legacy: the Roman Conquest and Its Consequences Reconsidered' : Emyr W. Williams
J.E. Lloyd and his intellectual legacy: the Roman conquest and its consequences reconsidered,1 by E.W. Williams In an earlier article,2 the adequacy of J.E.Lloyd’s analysis of the territories ascribed to the pre-Roman tribes of Wales was considered. It was concluded that his concept of pre- Roman tribal boundaries contained major flaws. A significantly different map of those tribal territories was then presented. Lloyd’s analysis of the course and consequences of the Roman conquest of Wales was also revisited. He viewed Wales as having been conquered but remaining largely as a militarised zone throughout the Roman period. From the 1920s, Lloyd's analysis was taken up and elaborated by Welsh archaeology, then at an early stage of its development. It led to Nash-Williams’s concept of Wales as ‘a great defensive quadrilateral’ centred on the legionary fortresses at Chester and Caerleon. During recent decades whilst Nash-Williams’s perspective has been abandoned by Welsh archaeology, it has been absorbed in an elaborated form into the narrative of Welsh history. As a consequence, whilst Welsh history still sustains a version of Lloyd’s original thesis, the archaeological community is moving in the opposite direction. Present day archaeology regards the subjugation of Wales as having been completed by 78 A.D., with the conquest laying the foundations for a subsequent process of assimilation of the native population into Roman society. By the middle of the 2nd century A.D., that development provided the basis for a major demilitarisation of Wales. My aim in this article is to cast further light on the course of the Roman conquest of Wales and the subsequent process of assimilating the native population into Roman civil society. -
Calendar of Roman Events
Introduction Steve Worboys and I began this calendar in 1980 or 1981 when we discovered that the exact dates of many events survive from Roman antiquity, the most famous being the ides of March murder of Caesar. Flipping through a few books on Roman history revealed a handful of dates, and we believed that to fill every day of the year would certainly be impossible. From 1981 until 1989 I kept the calendar, adding dates as I ran across them. In 1989 I typed the list into the computer and we began again to plunder books and journals for dates, this time recording sources. Since then I have worked and reworked the Calendar, revising old entries and adding many, many more. The Roman Calendar The calendar was reformed twice, once by Caesar in 46 BC and later by Augustus in 8 BC. Each of these reforms is described in A. K. Michels’ book The Calendar of the Roman Republic. In an ordinary pre-Julian year, the number of days in each month was as follows: 29 January 31 May 29 September 28 February 29 June 31 October 31 March 31 Quintilis (July) 29 November 29 April 29 Sextilis (August) 29 December. The Romans did not number the days of the months consecutively. They reckoned backwards from three fixed points: The kalends, the nones, and the ides. The kalends is the first day of the month. For months with 31 days the nones fall on the 7th and the ides the 15th. For other months the nones fall on the 5th and the ides on the 13th. -
"Ego, Scriptor Cantilenae": the Cantos and Ezra Pound
University of Northern Iowa UNI ScholarWorks Dissertations and Theses @ UNI Student Work 1991 "Ego, scriptor cantilenae": The Cantos and Ezra Pound Steven R. Gulick University of Northern Iowa Let us know how access to this document benefits ouy Copyright ©1991 Steven R. Gulick Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uni.edu/etd Part of the Literature in English, North America Commons Recommended Citation Gulick, Steven R., ""Ego, scriptor cantilenae": The Cantos and Ezra Pound" (1991). Dissertations and Theses @ UNI. 753. https://scholarworks.uni.edu/etd/753 This Open Access Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Work at UNI ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses @ UNI by an authorized administrator of UNI ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. "EGO, SCRIPTOR CANTILENAE": THE CANTOS AND EZRA POUND An Abstract of a Thesis Submitted in Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Philosophy Steven R. Gulick University of Northern Iowa August 1991 ABSTRACT Can poetry "make new" the world? Ezra Pound thought so. In "Cantico del Sole" he said: "The thought of what America would be like/ If the Classics had a wide circulation/ Troubles me in my sleep" (Personae 183). He came to write an 815 page poem called The Cantos in which he presents "fragments" drawn from the literature and documents of the past in an attempt to build a new world, "a paradiso terreste" (The Cantos 802). This may be seen as either a noble gesture or sheer egotism. Pound once called The Cantos the "tale of the tribe" (Guide to Kulchur 194), and I believe this is so, particularly if one associates this statement with Allen Ginsberg's concerning The Cantos as a model of a mind, "like all our minds" (Ginsberg 14-16). -
The Suevic Kingdom Why Gallaecia?
chapter 4 The Suevic Kingdom Why Gallaecia? Fernando López Sánchez The Sueves…(came to) hold the supremacy which the Vandals abandoned.1 Introduction: Towards a Re-evaluation of the Suevic Kingdom of Hispania During the reign of Rechiar (448–456) in the middle of the fifth century, the Sueves’ hegemony in Hispania seemed unassailable. Rechiar had inherited from his father, Rechila (438–448), a Suevic kingdom strong in Gallaecia and assertive across the Iberian Peninsula.2 By marrying a daughter of Theoderic I in 449, the new Suevic king won the support of the Visigothic rulers in Toulouse.3 As a Catholic, Rechiar managed to draw closer to the population of Hispania and also to Valentinian III, making himself, in a sense, a ‘modern’ monarch.4 In 453, he secured imperial backing through a pact with the imperial house of Ravenna.5 Confident in his power and prospects, Rechiar plundered Carthaginiensis and, finally, Tarraconensis, the last Spanish province under imperial control, following the deaths of Aëtius (454) and Valentinian III (455).6 1 Ubric (2004), 64. 2 For an analysis of Rechila’s ambitions and achievements: Pampliega (1998), 303–312. 3 Hyd. 132, pp. 98–99; Valverde (1999), 304. 4 Rechiar’s father, Rechila, died a pagan (gentilis), but Hydatius 129, pp. 98–99, describes Rechiar as catholicus at the time of his succession; see also Isidore of Seville, Historia Sueuorum 86–87, p. 301. Presumably, Rechila, his predecessor, Hermeric, and most of the Suevic aristocracy fol- lowed traditional German religious practices: Schäferdiek (1967), 108; García Moreno (1997), 200–201.