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I. the Madrid Plan: a Comprehensive Agenda for an Ageing World

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I. the Madrid Plan: a Comprehensive Agenda for an Ageing World I. The Madrid Plan: A Comprehensive Agenda for an Ageing World Sergei Zelenev1 An event of major international significance took place in Madrid six years ago, in April of 2002: representatives of 159 countries gathered at the Second World Assembly on Ageing to share ideas and design policy solutions for the world’s ageing population. Wide-ranging discussions at the Assembly not only focused on numerous facets of changing age distributions that have multiple social consequences, but also helped to forge an international consensus regarding the development of priorities and ways to address the challenges and opportunities of demographic ageing. The intergovernmental body at Madrid recognized that the rising median age and the shift towards older populations, owing to gains in life expectancy amid decreasing fertility rates, were a truly global phenomenon that required forward-looking policy responses. The Assembly called for changes in attitudes, practices and policies at all levels and in all sectors so that the potential of an ageing world would be set on a positive course: to create a “society for all ages”. The emphasis on the need to harness the fruitful potential of ageing societies represented a radical shift away from the welfare approach to ageing that had generally prevailed since the 1980s. The documents that the Assembly produced — the Madrid International Plan of Action on Ageing and the Political Declaration — vividly highlighted the largely convergent views of the international community on the need for concerted policy action at all levels to address ageing in a coherent and comprehensive manner. The point of departure was the acknowledgment that ageing represents more than just a “challenge”; it actually marks a tremendous social achievement and a milestone of human progress. The commitments made in Madrid make a compelling, practical framework for adjusting to an ageing world. Policymaking in the United Nations usually flourishes with the opportunity afforded by “anniversaries” of major policy documents that are reviewed and appraised on such occasions. The fifth anniversary of the Madrid Assembly is no exception — Governments recently took stock of what has been achieved since the adoption of the action plan and political declaration on ageing, and will focus on issues that remain on the agenda for building a society for all ages. A. Before Madrid: evolution in thinking The Madrid International Plan of Action on Ageing reflects a global consensus on the social dimensions of ageing that has evolved during preceding decades through multilateral activity and work conducted at the United Nations. Pioneering efforts to 1 Sergei Zelenev is Chief, Social Integration Branch of the Division for Social Policy and Development, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, United Nations Secretariat, with responsibilities that include supervision of the Programme on Ageing, the Youth Programme and the Programme on Family. The chapter is based in part on the article “Towards a ‘society for all ages: meeting the challenge or missing the boat” published by the International Social Science Journal, no. 190, 2006 (Blackwell Publishing, UK). 1 address the challenges of ageing began in the 1940s, shortly after the inception of the United Nations. The first initiative to place ageing on the United Nations agenda was a draft declaration on old-age rights that the Government of Argentina submitted to the General Assembly in 1948. The text contained several articles that referred to rights of older persons to assistance, housing, food, clothing, health care, recreation and work as well as “stability” and “respect”.2 Although it was not adopted, the issue itself stayed on the UN agenda and two years later the United Nations Secretariat produced the report “Welfare of the aged: old-age rights”. Attention to the consequences of population ageing was renewed at the UN in1969 when the Government of Malta submitted the topic to the General Assembly. Debate on the economic and social consequences of ageing ensued in the 1970s. In 1978, the General Assembly decided to convene the first world assembly devoted to the issues of ageing,3 as a step toward formulating an international action plan on ageing that would address the needs and demands of older persons as well as analyze relationships between population ageing and economic development. Consequently the first World Assembly on Ageing was held in Vienna in 1982 and adopted the Vienna International Plan of Action on Ageing (United Nations, 1982). The recommendations of that Plan, together with legal mandates stemming from such United Nations legislative and consultative bodies as the General Assembly, the Economic and Social Council as well as Commission for Social Development, put the range of issues of older persons firmly on the international agenda. The Vienna Plan was the first international instrument for action on development issues of ageing. It identified three priority areas: (a) the sustainability of development in a world where the population is increasing in age; (b) the maintenance of good health and well-being to an advanced age; and (c) the establishment of an appropriate and supportive environment for all age groups. The purpose of the Vienna Plan was to help Governments in formulating their policies on ageing, by guiding national and international efforts and strengthening capacities of Governments and civil society organizations to deal effectively with demographic ageing. In its 62 recommendations for action, the Vienna Plan addressed issues of health and nutrition, housing and environment, the protection of elderly consumers, family, social welfare, income security, employment and related areas, as well as of research, data collection and analysis, and education and training. The Vienna Plan raised awareness on ageing issues around the world. In its wake several regional plans of action on ageing were adopted, coordinated by the United Nations regional commissions. They boosted efforts to (a) analyze the existing situation in the regions, (b) identify regional priorities for improving the situation of older persons in forthcoming decades and (c) propose measures and initiatives for the consideration of the respective Governments. The regional plans generally recognized that the increase in the proportion of older persons in the population has economic, social and political ramifications that must be addressed, taking into account regional and national circumstances. 2 See draft resolution A/C.2/213, dated 30 September 1948. 3 See General Assembly resolution 33/52 of 14 December 1978. 2 In 1991, the General Assembly adopted the United Nations Principles for Older Persons,4 for policymakers to incorporate into national development programmes. Underscoring the contribution that older persons make to their societies, the 18 principles were grouped under five quality-of-life characteristics: • independence • participation • care • self-fulfilment • dignity A year later, the General Assembly designated 1999 as the International Year of Older Persons “in recognition of humanity’s demographic coming of age and the promise it holds for maturing attitudes and capabilities in social, economic, cultural and spiritual undertakings, not least for global peace and development in the next century”.5 The General Assembly named the theme of the year “towards a society for all ages”, echoing the theme of a “society for all” that had been proposed earlier that year at the World Summit for Social Development at Copenhagen (United Nations, 1995a). In its resolution6 on the matter, the General Assembly noted that the concept of a society for all ages has four interlocking dimensions: • the situation of older persons • lifelong individual development • multigenerational relationships • the relationship between the ageing of populations and development In that perspective, the situation of older persons cannot be considered separately from the scope of long-term opportunities that society allows them. The key is seeing the “life course” in its progressions from childhood through old age, recognizing that older people are not simply a homogenous group but individuals whose individual diversity tends to increase with age (WHO, 2002a). Discussion of the notion of an “inclusive society” has placed it among the fundamental goals of “society for all” where “everyone, every individual, each with rights and responsibilities, has an active role to play”. By adding the age dimension to the concept, Member States emphasized the comprehensive and interdependent nature of such an approach whereby “the generations invest in one another and share in the fruits of that investment, guided by the twin principles of reciprocity and equity” (United Nations, 1995b). Public interest in the International Year of Older Persons and its political message reverberated world-wide, generating responses to issues of ageing long after the event. The theme of a society for all ages inspired preparations for the Second World Assembly on Ageing, held three years later at Madrid. Seemingly the world was beginning to 4 See General Assembly resolution 46/91 of 16 December 1991, annex: “United Nations Principles for Older Persons: to add life to the years that have been added to life”. 5 See Proclamation on Ageing, General Assembly resolution 47/5 of 16 October 1992, annex. 6 See General Assembly resolution 50/141 of 21 December 1995. 3 recognize that “the ageing of societies in the twentieth century, unprecedented in the
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