Detecting Irony on Greek Political Tweets: a Text Mining Approach
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First Thoughts on the 25 January 2015 Election in Greece
GPSG Pamphlet No 4 First thoughts on the 25 January 2015 election in Greece Edited by Roman Gerodimos Copy editing: Patty Dohle Roman Gerodimos Pamphlet design: Ana Alania Cover photo: The Zappeion Hall, by Panoramas on Flickr Inside photos: Jenny Tolou Eveline Konstantinidis – Ziegler Spyros Papaspyropoulos (Flickr) Ana Alania Roman Gerodimos Published with the support of the Politics & Media Research Group, Bournemouth University Selection and editorial matter © Roman Gerodimos for the Greek Politics Specialist Group 2015 All remaining articles © respective authors 2015 All photos used with permission or under a Creative Commons licence Published on 2 February 2015 by the Greek Politics Specialist Group (GPSG) www.gpsg.org.uk Editorial | Roman Gerodimos Continuing a tradition that started in 2012, a couple of weeks ago the Greek Politics Specialist Group (GPSG) invited short commentaries from its members, affiliates and the broader academ- ic community, as a first ‘rapid’ reaction to the election results. The scale of the response was humbling and posed an editorial dilemma, namely whether the pamphlet should be limited to a small number of indicative perspectives, perhaps favouring more established voices, or whether it should capture the full range of viewpoints. As two of the founding principles and core aims of the GPSG are to act as a forum for the free exchange of ideas and also to give voice to younger and emerging scholars, it was decided that all contributions that met our editorial standards of factual accuracy and timely -
The Rise of Syriza: an Interview with Aristides Baltas
THE RISE OF SYRIZA: AN INTERVIEW WITH ARISTIDES BALTAS This interview with Aristides Baltas, the eminent Greek philosopher who was one of the founders of Syriza and is currently a coordinator of its policy planning committee, was conducted by Leo Panitch with the help of Michalis Spourdalakis in Athens on 29 May 2012, three weeks after Syriza came a close second in the first Greek election of 6 May, and just three days before the party’s platform was to be revealed for the second election of 17 June. Leo Panitch (LP): Can we begin with the question of what is distinctive about Syriza in terms of socialist strategy today? Aristides Baltas (AB): I think that independently of everything else, what’s happening in Greece does have a bearing on socialist strategy, which is not possible to discuss during the electoral campaign, but which will present issues that we’re going to face after the elections, no matter how the elections turn out. We haven’t had the opportunity to discuss this, because we are doing so many diverse things that we look like a chicken running around with its head cut off. But this is precisely why I first want to step back to 2008, when through an interesting procedure, Synaspismos, the main party in the Syriza coalition, formulated the main elements of the programme in a book of over 300 pages. The polls were showing that Syriza was growing in popularity (indeed we reached over 15 per cent in voting intentions that year), and there was a big pressure on us at that time, as we kept hearing: ‘you don’t have a programme; we don’t know who you are; we don’t know what you’re saying’. -
2019 European Elections the Weight of the Electorates Compared to the Electoral Weight of the Parliamentary Groups
2019 European Elections The weight of the electorates compared to the electoral weight of the parliamentary groups Guillemette Lano Raphaël Grelon With the assistance of Victor Delage and Dominique Reynié July 2019 2019 European Elections. The weight of the electorates | Fondation pour l’innovation politique I. DISTINGUISHING BETWEEN THE WEIGHT OF ELECTORATES AND THE ELECTORAL WEIGHT OF PARLIAMENTARY GROUPS The Fondation pour l’innovation politique wished to reflect on the European elections in May 2019 by assessing the weight of electorates across the European constituency independently of the electoral weight represented by the parliamentary groups comprised post-election. For example, we have reconstructed a right-wing Eurosceptic electorate by aggregating the votes in favour of right-wing national lists whose discourses are hostile to the European Union. In this case, for instance, this methodology has led us to assign those who voted for Fidesz not to the European People’s Party (EPP) group but rather to an electorate which we describe as the “populist right and extreme right” in which we also include those who voted for the Italian Lega, the French National Rally, the Austrian FPÖ and the Sweden Democrats. Likewise, Slovak SMER voters were detached from the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) Group and instead categorised as part of an electorate which we describe as the “populist left and extreme left”. A. The data collected The electoral results were collected list by list, country by country 1, from the websites of the national parliaments and governments of each of the States of the Union. We then aggregated these data at the European level, thus obtaining: – the number of individuals registered on the electoral lists on the date of the elections, or the registered voters; – the number of votes, or the voters; – the number of valid votes in favour of each of the lists, or the votes cast; – the number of invalid votes, or the blank or invalid votes. -
The Making of SYRIZA
Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line Panos Petrou The making of SYRIZA Published: June 11, 2012. http://socialistworker.org/print/2012/06/11/the-making-of-syriza Transcription, Editing and Markup: Sam Richards and Paul Saba Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. June 11, 2012 -- Socialist Worker (USA) -- Greece's Coalition of the Radical Left, SYRIZA, has a chance of winning parliamentary elections in Greece on June 17, which would give it an opportunity to form a government of the left that would reject the drastic austerity measures imposed on Greece as a condition of the European Union's bailout of the country's financial elite. SYRIZA rose from small-party status to a second-place finish in elections on May 6, 2012, finishing ahead of the PASOK party, which has ruled Greece for most of the past four decades, and close behind the main conservative party New Democracy. When none of the three top finishers were able to form a government with a majority in parliament, a date for a new election was set -- and SYRIZA has been neck-and-neck with New Democracy ever since. Where did SYRIZA, an alliance of numerous left-wing organisations and unaffiliated individuals, come from? Panos Petrou, a leading member of Internationalist Workers Left (DEA, by its initials in Greek), a revolutionary socialist organisation that co-founded SYRIZA in 2004, explains how the coalition rose to the prominence it has today. -
To the Crucible II
To the Crucible II: A Further Irish Engagement with the Greek Crisis and the Greek Left Helena Sheehan This is a sequel to http://www.irishleftreview.org/2013/01/21/crucible-irish-engagement-greek- crisis-greek-left/ The Dominant Narrative “Things have gone very quiet in Greece, haven’t they?” So many people said that to me in the past six months or so. I responded that there was a lot going on, even if international media weren’t covering it. There were civil mobilisations of teachers and transport workers, as well as rising unemployment, emigration and impoverishment, being met with continuing protest, strikes, occupations. Even so, I sensed a lull in the rhythm of resistance, since the big demonstrations opposing the passage of the third memorandum last autumn. Obviously people couldn’t keep going at that pitch all the time, but how many were succumbing to exhaustion, despair, defeat? How many were quietly going about their work in solidarity networks, policy development, political education? The story circulating in May, promoted by its government, was that Greece had stabilised and protest had subsided. Grexit had given way to Grecovery. Antonis Samaras, who was most actively articulating this, touring the world with the good news, even heralded a Greek ‘renaissance’. The feeblest of economic indicators were offered as evidence, although international commentators, even ones who wanted to believe this story, found it hard to get past the fact that most indicators still pointed in the opposite direction. In other statements, Samaras conceded that they hadn’t really changed the numbers yet, but insisted that they had eliminated the ‘negative psychology’. -
Freedom of Assembly at Risk and Unlawful Use of Force in the Era of Covid-19
GREECE: FREEDOM OF ASSEMBLY AT RISK AND UNLAWFUL USE OF FORCE IN THE ERA OF COVID-19 Amnesty International is a movement of 10 million people which mobilizes the humanity in everyone and campaigns for change so we can all enjoy our human rights. Our vision is of a world where those in power keep their promises, respect international law and are held to account. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and individual donations. We believe that acting in solidarity and compassion with people everywhere can change our societies for the better. © Amnesty International 2021 Cover photo: Police stands guard in front of the Greeek parliament on the sidelines of a demonstration Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons to support ailing Greek far-left hitman Dimitris Koufodinas in Athens on March 2, 2021. (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. © LOUISA GOULIAMAKI/AFP/Getty Images https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2021 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: EUR 25/4399/2021 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 4 2. INTRODUCTION 6 3. METHODOLOGY 7 4. LAW AND GUIDELINES REGULATING DEMONSTRATIONS BREACH INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS 8 4.1 DISPERSAL OF ASSEMBLIES 9 4.1.1 MANDATORY NOTIFICATION REQUIREMENTS 10 4.1.2 REGULATION OF SPONTANEOUS ASSEMBLIES 10 4.1.3 USE OF FORCE IN THE DISPERSAL OF AN ASSEMBLY 11 4.2 PROHIBITION OF ASSEMBLIES 11 4.2.1 LAW 4703/2020 11 4.2.2 BLANKET BANS ON ASSEMBLIES: A BLATANT VIOLATION OF FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY 12 4.3 USE OF SURVEILLANCE SYSTEMS 14 4.4 IDENTIFICATION OF LAW ENFORCEMENT OFFICIALS 15 5. -
The Greek Cauldron
stathis kouvelakis THE GREEK CAULDRON he escalation of the Eurozone crisis in the closing months of 2011 has produced spectacular upheavals in the political land- scape. Within less than a fortnight, the Greek Prime Minister George Papandreou had announced a referendum on the Tpunitive terms of a loan agreed at the Eurozone summit on October 27, only to abandon the plan after public humiliation by Sarkozy and Merkel at the G20 summit in Cannes on November 4, and resign two days later. On November 10, Lucas Papademos, ex-chief of the Bank of Greece and a former vice-president of the European Central Bank, was installed at the head of a government of so-called national accord. Alongside ministers from the preceding pasok government, with several key figures— notably the Finance Minister Evangelos Venizelos—keeping their posts, the centre-right opposition New Democracy party has been awarded six cabinet positions, including Defence and Foreign Affairs. Papademos’s government also includes a minister and two deputy ministers from the extreme-right laos party, which returns to office for the first time since the fall of the military dictatorship in 1974. By contrast, the parties of the Italian centre right, the Lega Nord and Popolo della Libertà, announced their opposition to the so-called technocratic government of the eu Commissioner Mario Monti, formed in Rome on November 12 after the forced departure of Silvio Berlusconi; thus scotching the plans of the centre-left pd, which had hoped to enter office on Monti’s coattails. The outcome in both Athens and Rome was above all determined by outside pressure from the German and French governments, accompa- nied by relentless assault from the bond markets, which have priced up both countries’ debts to unsustainable levels. -
A CONTRE COURANT N° 241 - JANVIER-FEVRIER 2013 - 2 - 2013, Année De Tous Les Dangers, Année De Tous Les Possibles Émancipateurs
ISSN 0997 6922 N° 241 - 1,50 € - Janvier-Février 2013 ==================================================== Le fantôme de Guy Mollet Il a suffi d’un coup d’Etat non autorisé par Paris, d’un appel au secours d’un Président intérimaire sans légitimité et de subtiles pressions de nos «amis» dictateurs de la CEDEAO pour qu’enfin la voie soit ouverte à l’intervention militaire française au Mali. Trop d’atermoiements de l’ONU et de nos alliés concurrents ! Il y avait urgence ! De fanatiques saigneurs de guerre, anciens mercenaires libyens, trafiquants de drogues et de cigarettes ne menaçaient plus seulement contre rançon quelques otages oubliés, mais s’alliaient entre eux, désorganisaient la rébellion touareg au Nord Mali et pénétraient au Sud. Cette partie de la Françafrique risquait d’être déstabilisée. Les sectateurs du profit ont dit Pas touche au grisbi, à l’uranium d’Areva, aux richesses aurifères du Mali, au pétrole et au gaz du Sahelistan si prometteur ! C’est ainsi qu’un monarque républicain un peu falot, s’est transformé en chef de guerre. La fonction de chef de l’Etat capitaliste l’exigeait ! La caste militaire pré-positionnée dans différents «pays amis» où règnent des dictateurs sans scrupules n’a d’autre mission que celle de défendre becs et ongles les intérêts des grands capitaines de l’industrie française. A peine sorti du guêpier afghan où les talibans négocient leur retour aux affaires, après le coup de botte dans la fourmilière libyenne d’où sont sortis des diables djihadistes, il était impératif de s’enfoncer dans les sables maliens ! Il y avait urgence, nos alliés tergiversaient tout en lorgnant sur les richesses de ces pauvres pays ! Et la Chine aussi ! Après la geste vibrionnante de Sarko, nous eûmes droit au ton saccadé hollandais, plein d’emphase de circonstance, reprenant les accents bushiens de la guerre des civilisations, presque poutiniens. -
Syriza's Rise and Fall
Interview: New Masses—13 stathis kouvelakis SYRIZA’S RISE AND FALL Syriza won power in January 2015 as an anti-austerity party—the most advanced political opposition so far to the hardening deflationary poli- cies of the Brussels–Berlin–Frankfurt axis. Six months later, the Tsipras government forced through the harshest austerity package Greece had yet seen. This trajectory was a predictable outcome of the contradiction embod- ied in Syriza’s programme: reject austerity, but keep the euro. Why was Tsipras so incapable of envisaging a course inside the eu but outside the Eurozone, the position of Sweden, Denmark, Poland and half a dozen other European countries? irst, one shouldn’t underestimate the popularity of the euro in the southern-periphery countries—Greece, Spain, Portugal—for whom joining the eu meant accessing political and economic modernity. For Greece, in particular, it meant Fbeing part of the West in a different way to that of the us-imposed post- civil war regime. It seemed a guarantee of the new democratic course: after all, it’s only since 1974 that Greece has known a political regime similar to other Western countries, after decades of authoritarianism, military dictatorship and civil war. The European Community also offered the promise of combining prosperity with a social dimension, supposedly inherent to the project, which sealed the political com- pact that emerged after the fall of the Junta. Joining the euro seemed the logical conclusion of that process. Having the same currency as the most advanced countries has a tremendous power over people’s imagination—carrying in your pocket the same currency as Germans or Dutch, even if you are a low-paid Greek worker or pensioner—which new left review 97 jan feb 2016 45 46 nlr 97 those of us who’d been in favour of exiting the euro since the start of the crisis tended to underestimate. -
FEBRUARY 2019 NATIONWIDE POLL on the Upcoming European Elections SURVEY DETAILS
FEBRUARY 2019 NATIONWIDE POLL on the upcoming European Elections SURVEY DETAILS Company name Kapa Research SA Principal ETHNOS Purpose Nationwide opinion poll on the European Parliament Elections of May 2019 Sample size / geographical 2,999 respondents. proportionally distributed throughout the country’s 13 regions distribution Sample characteristics Representative, men and women, 17 years old and above, based on the 2011 household census (ELSTAT) Period of data collection 1 – 7 February 2019 Random sampling using quotas with respect to geographical distribution of the population. Weighting adjustment was Sampling method / weights performed based on the July 2015 referendum and the September 2015 parliamentary election results Mixed mode: 956 respondents via face-to-face interviews (CAPI), 1,002 respondents via landline telephone interviews (CATI) Data collection method and 1,041 respondents via web-based interviews (CAWI). 54 interviewers and 10 supervisors and analysts were employed for fieldwork and analysis activities of this survey Sampling error/ 2% at the 95% confidence interval. Results (%) are presented rounded to the closest integer and may not necessarily add up rounding to 100% Member of the Greek Association of Opinion and Market Research Companies (SEDEA). Complies with ESOMAR About Kapa Research deontological rules of conduct and publication of opinion surveys kaparesearch.com ASSESSMENT OF LATEST GOVERNMENT ACTIVITIY How do you assess each of the following actions taken by the government recently? Positively & Rather positively -
Problems and Perspectives of the Alliance of Syriza1
PROBLEMS AND PERSPECTIVES OF THE ALLIANCE OF SYRIZA1 Haris Golemis, Nicos Poulantzas Institute (This is a draft. Not to be quoted without permission) 1. SYRIZA (Coalition of the Radical Left) is an alliance of parties, political groups and independent activists, presently represented in the Greek Parliament with 9 deputies (out of 300), after scoring 4,3% at the 2009 elections2. It was established, shortly before the legislative elections of 2004, on the initiative of SYNASPISMOS (Coalition of the Left of Movements and Ecology). Besides Synaspismos, which is by far the largest component, the alliance includes also various small groups (one post Left Eurocommunist, various Trotskyist, one post-Maoist, one ex-PASOK Socialist, one ex-KKE and pro-all Left unity, one Movementist and Human Rights) and independent left personalities and activists, the most prominent of which is Manolis Glezos, the symbol of Greek resistance against Nazi occupation. 2. One could say that SYRIZA has its origins in a process started since the establishment of the Forum of Dialogue and Common Action, in 2001. Almost all political forces now being in SYRIZA participated in this Forum, while activists from some of them (including those who had already worked together in the Euromarches of 1997, the alliance of International Action, the WSF, the ESF and the Greek Social Forum. However, few doubt that the alliance would not have been formed if Synaspismos had not taken the decision to make this important step, which was strange taking into account its identity since its establishment. An understanding of the reasons why a parliamentary party, with a rather moderate majority at that time, decided to coalesce with minor groups of the so-called extreme left is necessary in order to understand both the development of the alliance, but also its problems and perspectives3. -
IFED Annual Report 2017, to Mark Chapman for the Key Visual of IFED 2017 and to Miriam Förster for the Design and Management of the IFED Website
The International Family Equality Day (IFED) Network Annual Report 2017 IFED 2017, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil © 2017 The International Family Equality Day (IFED) Network www.internationalfamilyequalityday.org Table of Contents 5. Editorial 6. Foreword 14. Country reports 26. Best Practice Institution 28. Best Practice Policy 36. Best Practice NGO 46. The International Family Equality Day (IFED) 48. Promoters of the International Family Equality Day 56. Get Involved 60. Cooperating Partners 62. Participating Associations 64. Special Country feature 2017: Argentina, Belize, Brazil, Croatia, Japan, Russia, Ukraine, Venezuela. 84. Overview of Research on Same-Sex Families (non-exhaustive) 100. Special Thanks IFED 2017 Italy Editorial Rainbow families are a tool for social change. They have the power to substantial- ly challenge the heteronormativity and gender norms of the current social order. LGBTIQ* families call into question the hegemonic view of what a family is. The 6th International Family Equality Day (IFED) on May 7, 2017, was commem- orated in 44 countries and over 100 towns worldwide as a sign of solidarity and pride and to promote equality for all families. Under this years’ motto, “Love Makes a Family,” 8 new countries joined the IFED family: Argentina, Belize, Brazil, China, Ireland, Luxembourg, the Philippines and Thailand. Together with Giving visibility to family diversity IDAHOT, the International Day Against Homophobia, Transphobia and Biphobia (IDAHOT) we joined forces and invited advocates for LGBTIQ* equality, their is sometimes the first step to achieve friends and allies to take action all over the world between May 7 (IFED) and social, political and legal acceptance. May 17 (IDAHOT) to celebrate and support family diversity.