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First Thoughts on the 25 January 2015 Election in Greece
GPSG Pamphlet No 4 First thoughts on the 25 January 2015 election in Greece Edited by Roman Gerodimos Copy editing: Patty Dohle Roman Gerodimos Pamphlet design: Ana Alania Cover photo: The Zappeion Hall, by Panoramas on Flickr Inside photos: Jenny Tolou Eveline Konstantinidis – Ziegler Spyros Papaspyropoulos (Flickr) Ana Alania Roman Gerodimos Published with the support of the Politics & Media Research Group, Bournemouth University Selection and editorial matter © Roman Gerodimos for the Greek Politics Specialist Group 2015 All remaining articles © respective authors 2015 All photos used with permission or under a Creative Commons licence Published on 2 February 2015 by the Greek Politics Specialist Group (GPSG) www.gpsg.org.uk Editorial | Roman Gerodimos Continuing a tradition that started in 2012, a couple of weeks ago the Greek Politics Specialist Group (GPSG) invited short commentaries from its members, affiliates and the broader academ- ic community, as a first ‘rapid’ reaction to the election results. The scale of the response was humbling and posed an editorial dilemma, namely whether the pamphlet should be limited to a small number of indicative perspectives, perhaps favouring more established voices, or whether it should capture the full range of viewpoints. As two of the founding principles and core aims of the GPSG are to act as a forum for the free exchange of ideas and also to give voice to younger and emerging scholars, it was decided that all contributions that met our editorial standards of factual accuracy and timely -
The Rise of Syriza: an Interview with Aristides Baltas
THE RISE OF SYRIZA: AN INTERVIEW WITH ARISTIDES BALTAS This interview with Aristides Baltas, the eminent Greek philosopher who was one of the founders of Syriza and is currently a coordinator of its policy planning committee, was conducted by Leo Panitch with the help of Michalis Spourdalakis in Athens on 29 May 2012, three weeks after Syriza came a close second in the first Greek election of 6 May, and just three days before the party’s platform was to be revealed for the second election of 17 June. Leo Panitch (LP): Can we begin with the question of what is distinctive about Syriza in terms of socialist strategy today? Aristides Baltas (AB): I think that independently of everything else, what’s happening in Greece does have a bearing on socialist strategy, which is not possible to discuss during the electoral campaign, but which will present issues that we’re going to face after the elections, no matter how the elections turn out. We haven’t had the opportunity to discuss this, because we are doing so many diverse things that we look like a chicken running around with its head cut off. But this is precisely why I first want to step back to 2008, when through an interesting procedure, Synaspismos, the main party in the Syriza coalition, formulated the main elements of the programme in a book of over 300 pages. The polls were showing that Syriza was growing in popularity (indeed we reached over 15 per cent in voting intentions that year), and there was a big pressure on us at that time, as we kept hearing: ‘you don’t have a programme; we don’t know who you are; we don’t know what you’re saying’. -
2019 European Elections the Weight of the Electorates Compared to the Electoral Weight of the Parliamentary Groups
2019 European Elections The weight of the electorates compared to the electoral weight of the parliamentary groups Guillemette Lano Raphaël Grelon With the assistance of Victor Delage and Dominique Reynié July 2019 2019 European Elections. The weight of the electorates | Fondation pour l’innovation politique I. DISTINGUISHING BETWEEN THE WEIGHT OF ELECTORATES AND THE ELECTORAL WEIGHT OF PARLIAMENTARY GROUPS The Fondation pour l’innovation politique wished to reflect on the European elections in May 2019 by assessing the weight of electorates across the European constituency independently of the electoral weight represented by the parliamentary groups comprised post-election. For example, we have reconstructed a right-wing Eurosceptic electorate by aggregating the votes in favour of right-wing national lists whose discourses are hostile to the European Union. In this case, for instance, this methodology has led us to assign those who voted for Fidesz not to the European People’s Party (EPP) group but rather to an electorate which we describe as the “populist right and extreme right” in which we also include those who voted for the Italian Lega, the French National Rally, the Austrian FPÖ and the Sweden Democrats. Likewise, Slovak SMER voters were detached from the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) Group and instead categorised as part of an electorate which we describe as the “populist left and extreme left”. A. The data collected The electoral results were collected list by list, country by country 1, from the websites of the national parliaments and governments of each of the States of the Union. We then aggregated these data at the European level, thus obtaining: – the number of individuals registered on the electoral lists on the date of the elections, or the registered voters; – the number of votes, or the voters; – the number of valid votes in favour of each of the lists, or the votes cast; – the number of invalid votes, or the blank or invalid votes. -
Section 75: Tories Try to Privatise by Back Door
So& Wloirkdersa’ Lirbeirtty y No 279 20 March 2013 30p/80p www.workersliberty.org For a workers’ government SWP: time to The threat from The origins of the rethink Golden Dawn ‘united front’ page 5 pages 6-7 pages 9-10 SECTION 75: TORIES TRY TO Se e PRIVATISE BY BACK DOOR page 3 Public health, not private profit! LOBBY : HOUSE OF LORDS, TUESDAY 26TH MARCH 2 NEWS What is the Alliance for Anti-cuts councillors meet Workers’ Liberty? By Tom Vickers The role of the unions has on the council are clearly so far been contradictory. agitated. It was agreed that Today one class, the working class, lives by selling its labour power to Around 60 activists and another, the capitalist class, which owns the means of On the one hand unions are the councillors should con - production. Society is shaped by the capitalists’ councillors met in Birm - helping to run local cam - tinue to share their experi - relentless drive to increase their wealth. Capitalism ingham on 16 March to paigns, but nationally their ences and work with local causes poverty, unemployment, the blighting of lives discuss the Councillors leaderships are advising campaigns. The conference by overwork, imperialism, the destruction of the Against Cuts campaign. union-backed counillors to also agreed on the impor - environment and much else. The event had four ses - vote for the cuts or failing to tance of not splitting local Against the accumulated wealth and power of the sions: defend them, other then for - anti-cuts campaigns by in - capitalists, the working class has one weapon: solidarity. -
The Making of SYRIZA
Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line Panos Petrou The making of SYRIZA Published: June 11, 2012. http://socialistworker.org/print/2012/06/11/the-making-of-syriza Transcription, Editing and Markup: Sam Richards and Paul Saba Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. June 11, 2012 -- Socialist Worker (USA) -- Greece's Coalition of the Radical Left, SYRIZA, has a chance of winning parliamentary elections in Greece on June 17, which would give it an opportunity to form a government of the left that would reject the drastic austerity measures imposed on Greece as a condition of the European Union's bailout of the country's financial elite. SYRIZA rose from small-party status to a second-place finish in elections on May 6, 2012, finishing ahead of the PASOK party, which has ruled Greece for most of the past four decades, and close behind the main conservative party New Democracy. When none of the three top finishers were able to form a government with a majority in parliament, a date for a new election was set -- and SYRIZA has been neck-and-neck with New Democracy ever since. Where did SYRIZA, an alliance of numerous left-wing organisations and unaffiliated individuals, come from? Panos Petrou, a leading member of Internationalist Workers Left (DEA, by its initials in Greek), a revolutionary socialist organisation that co-founded SYRIZA in 2004, explains how the coalition rose to the prominence it has today. -
Political Crisis in Greece and Italy: a Comparative Analysis of SYRIZA and 5 Stars Movement
Political Crisis in Greece and Italy: a comparative analysis of SYRIZA and 5 Stars Movement Raffaele Borreca PhD Candidate University of Peloponnese Department of Political Science and International Relations 1 Abstract The spaces opened by the economic and political crisis offered many rooms for manoeuvre to those opposition forces able to canalise in electoral terms the protest and translate its claims in specific demands or a coherent political narrative. Strong of their electoral results, the Greek SYRIZA and the Italian Five Stars Movement (M5S) assumed soon a pivotal role in their political systems. However, although the demands and the objectives of both SYRIZA and the M5S are, to a certain extent, similar, the two parties differ in terms of political background, ideology and internal organization. The success of the M5S trace its roots in the context of deep distrust against the political system reigning in Italy since the 1990s. In the M5S problematically coexist a grassroots direct democracy approach and the charismatic and substantially unchallenged leadership of the founder Beppe Grillo. The capability of the radical left SYRIZA to convey the anti–Memorandum contestation and its constitution in an unitarian party following the 2012 elections reaffirmed the centrality of the traditional mass party in the Greek democratic representation. However, its electoral drive towards the centre poses major ideological challenges. Finally, the scepticism towards the European governance of both parties cannot be mistaken for anti-europeism. SYRIZA and the M5S canalized the protest from the streets to the national Parliament giving democratic representation to the contestation and contributing in the politicisation of the European polity. -
To the Crucible II
To the Crucible II: A Further Irish Engagement with the Greek Crisis and the Greek Left Helena Sheehan This is a sequel to http://www.irishleftreview.org/2013/01/21/crucible-irish-engagement-greek- crisis-greek-left/ The Dominant Narrative “Things have gone very quiet in Greece, haven’t they?” So many people said that to me in the past six months or so. I responded that there was a lot going on, even if international media weren’t covering it. There were civil mobilisations of teachers and transport workers, as well as rising unemployment, emigration and impoverishment, being met with continuing protest, strikes, occupations. Even so, I sensed a lull in the rhythm of resistance, since the big demonstrations opposing the passage of the third memorandum last autumn. Obviously people couldn’t keep going at that pitch all the time, but how many were succumbing to exhaustion, despair, defeat? How many were quietly going about their work in solidarity networks, policy development, political education? The story circulating in May, promoted by its government, was that Greece had stabilised and protest had subsided. Grexit had given way to Grecovery. Antonis Samaras, who was most actively articulating this, touring the world with the good news, even heralded a Greek ‘renaissance’. The feeblest of economic indicators were offered as evidence, although international commentators, even ones who wanted to believe this story, found it hard to get past the fact that most indicators still pointed in the opposite direction. In other statements, Samaras conceded that they hadn’t really changed the numbers yet, but insisted that they had eliminated the ‘negative psychology’. -
Detecting Irony on Greek Political Tweets: a Text Mining Approach
Detecting Irony on Greek Political Tweets: A Text Mining Approach Basilis Charalampakis, Dimitris Spathis, Elias Kouslis, and Katia Kermanidis Department of Informatics, Ionian University Corfu, Greece {p11char, p11spat, p11kous, kerman}@ionio.gr ABSTRACT Political satire is a significant part of comedy which spe- The present work describes the classification schema for irony cializes in drawing entertainment from politics. Most of the detection in Greek political tweets. The proposed approach times, it aims just to provide entertainment. By nature, relies on limited labeled training data, and its performance it rarely offers a conducive view in itself; when it is used on a larger unlabeled dataset is evaluated qualitatively (im- as part of criticism or jeer, it tends to simply establish the plicitly) via a correlation study between the irony that a wrongness of things rather than provide tangible solutions. party receives on Twitter, its respective actual election re- The high topicality of Twitter, combined with the ephemer- sults during the Greek parliamentary elections of May 2012, ality of political news, forms a state which is described as and the difference between these results and the ones of the 'echo chamber', a group-thinking effect on virtually enclosed preceding elections of 2009. The machine learning results on spaces, amplified by repetition (Colleoni et al., 2014). As a the labeled dataset were highly encouraging and uncovered result, the occasional user might write something political a trend whereby the volume of ironic tweets can predict the just to 'jump on the bandwagon', without an initial con- fluctuation from previous elections. scious aim to criticize. -
Freedom of Assembly at Risk and Unlawful Use of Force in the Era of Covid-19
GREECE: FREEDOM OF ASSEMBLY AT RISK AND UNLAWFUL USE OF FORCE IN THE ERA OF COVID-19 Amnesty International is a movement of 10 million people which mobilizes the humanity in everyone and campaigns for change so we can all enjoy our human rights. Our vision is of a world where those in power keep their promises, respect international law and are held to account. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and individual donations. We believe that acting in solidarity and compassion with people everywhere can change our societies for the better. © Amnesty International 2021 Cover photo: Police stands guard in front of the Greeek parliament on the sidelines of a demonstration Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons to support ailing Greek far-left hitman Dimitris Koufodinas in Athens on March 2, 2021. (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. © LOUISA GOULIAMAKI/AFP/Getty Images https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2021 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: EUR 25/4399/2021 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 4 2. INTRODUCTION 6 3. METHODOLOGY 7 4. LAW AND GUIDELINES REGULATING DEMONSTRATIONS BREACH INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS 8 4.1 DISPERSAL OF ASSEMBLIES 9 4.1.1 MANDATORY NOTIFICATION REQUIREMENTS 10 4.1.2 REGULATION OF SPONTANEOUS ASSEMBLIES 10 4.1.3 USE OF FORCE IN THE DISPERSAL OF AN ASSEMBLY 11 4.2 PROHIBITION OF ASSEMBLIES 11 4.2.1 LAW 4703/2020 11 4.2.2 BLANKET BANS ON ASSEMBLIES: A BLATANT VIOLATION OF FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY 12 4.3 USE OF SURVEILLANCE SYSTEMS 14 4.4 IDENTIFICATION OF LAW ENFORCEMENT OFFICIALS 15 5. -
The Greek Cauldron
stathis kouvelakis THE GREEK CAULDRON he escalation of the Eurozone crisis in the closing months of 2011 has produced spectacular upheavals in the political land- scape. Within less than a fortnight, the Greek Prime Minister George Papandreou had announced a referendum on the Tpunitive terms of a loan agreed at the Eurozone summit on October 27, only to abandon the plan after public humiliation by Sarkozy and Merkel at the G20 summit in Cannes on November 4, and resign two days later. On November 10, Lucas Papademos, ex-chief of the Bank of Greece and a former vice-president of the European Central Bank, was installed at the head of a government of so-called national accord. Alongside ministers from the preceding pasok government, with several key figures— notably the Finance Minister Evangelos Venizelos—keeping their posts, the centre-right opposition New Democracy party has been awarded six cabinet positions, including Defence and Foreign Affairs. Papademos’s government also includes a minister and two deputy ministers from the extreme-right laos party, which returns to office for the first time since the fall of the military dictatorship in 1974. By contrast, the parties of the Italian centre right, the Lega Nord and Popolo della Libertà, announced their opposition to the so-called technocratic government of the eu Commissioner Mario Monti, formed in Rome on November 12 after the forced departure of Silvio Berlusconi; thus scotching the plans of the centre-left pd, which had hoped to enter office on Monti’s coattails. The outcome in both Athens and Rome was above all determined by outside pressure from the German and French governments, accompa- nied by relentless assault from the bond markets, which have priced up both countries’ debts to unsustainable levels. -
A CONTRE COURANT N° 241 - JANVIER-FEVRIER 2013 - 2 - 2013, Année De Tous Les Dangers, Année De Tous Les Possibles Émancipateurs
ISSN 0997 6922 N° 241 - 1,50 € - Janvier-Février 2013 ==================================================== Le fantôme de Guy Mollet Il a suffi d’un coup d’Etat non autorisé par Paris, d’un appel au secours d’un Président intérimaire sans légitimité et de subtiles pressions de nos «amis» dictateurs de la CEDEAO pour qu’enfin la voie soit ouverte à l’intervention militaire française au Mali. Trop d’atermoiements de l’ONU et de nos alliés concurrents ! Il y avait urgence ! De fanatiques saigneurs de guerre, anciens mercenaires libyens, trafiquants de drogues et de cigarettes ne menaçaient plus seulement contre rançon quelques otages oubliés, mais s’alliaient entre eux, désorganisaient la rébellion touareg au Nord Mali et pénétraient au Sud. Cette partie de la Françafrique risquait d’être déstabilisée. Les sectateurs du profit ont dit Pas touche au grisbi, à l’uranium d’Areva, aux richesses aurifères du Mali, au pétrole et au gaz du Sahelistan si prometteur ! C’est ainsi qu’un monarque républicain un peu falot, s’est transformé en chef de guerre. La fonction de chef de l’Etat capitaliste l’exigeait ! La caste militaire pré-positionnée dans différents «pays amis» où règnent des dictateurs sans scrupules n’a d’autre mission que celle de défendre becs et ongles les intérêts des grands capitaines de l’industrie française. A peine sorti du guêpier afghan où les talibans négocient leur retour aux affaires, après le coup de botte dans la fourmilière libyenne d’où sont sortis des diables djihadistes, il était impératif de s’enfoncer dans les sables maliens ! Il y avait urgence, nos alliés tergiversaient tout en lorgnant sur les richesses de ces pauvres pays ! Et la Chine aussi ! Après la geste vibrionnante de Sarko, nous eûmes droit au ton saccadé hollandais, plein d’emphase de circonstance, reprenant les accents bushiens de la guerre des civilisations, presque poutiniens. -
Our Democracy in Latin America (2011) Contents Authorities
Our Democracy in Latin America (2011) Contents Authorities ...................................................................................................................................... 4 Project Team ................................................................................................................................. 4 Executive Summary ..................................................................................................................... 5 Acknowlegments .......................................................................................................................... 7 Foreword ........................................................................................................................................ 9 José Miguel Insulza, Secretary-General of the Organization of American States ......... 9 Helen Clark, UNDP Administrator ....................................................................................... 10 Heraldo Muñoz, UN Assistant Secretary General and UNDP Regional Director for Latin America and the Caribbean ........................................................................................ 11 Introduction .................................................................................................................................. 12 Chapter 1: OUR STARTING POINT ....................................................................................... 15 Inequality and power .............................................................................................................