*No Tar Sands *No Pipelines *Respect First Nations
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First Thoughts on the 25 January 2015 Election in Greece
GPSG Pamphlet No 4 First thoughts on the 25 January 2015 election in Greece Edited by Roman Gerodimos Copy editing: Patty Dohle Roman Gerodimos Pamphlet design: Ana Alania Cover photo: The Zappeion Hall, by Panoramas on Flickr Inside photos: Jenny Tolou Eveline Konstantinidis – Ziegler Spyros Papaspyropoulos (Flickr) Ana Alania Roman Gerodimos Published with the support of the Politics & Media Research Group, Bournemouth University Selection and editorial matter © Roman Gerodimos for the Greek Politics Specialist Group 2015 All remaining articles © respective authors 2015 All photos used with permission or under a Creative Commons licence Published on 2 February 2015 by the Greek Politics Specialist Group (GPSG) www.gpsg.org.uk Editorial | Roman Gerodimos Continuing a tradition that started in 2012, a couple of weeks ago the Greek Politics Specialist Group (GPSG) invited short commentaries from its members, affiliates and the broader academ- ic community, as a first ‘rapid’ reaction to the election results. The scale of the response was humbling and posed an editorial dilemma, namely whether the pamphlet should be limited to a small number of indicative perspectives, perhaps favouring more established voices, or whether it should capture the full range of viewpoints. As two of the founding principles and core aims of the GPSG are to act as a forum for the free exchange of ideas and also to give voice to younger and emerging scholars, it was decided that all contributions that met our editorial standards of factual accuracy and timely -
The Rise of Syriza: an Interview with Aristides Baltas
THE RISE OF SYRIZA: AN INTERVIEW WITH ARISTIDES BALTAS This interview with Aristides Baltas, the eminent Greek philosopher who was one of the founders of Syriza and is currently a coordinator of its policy planning committee, was conducted by Leo Panitch with the help of Michalis Spourdalakis in Athens on 29 May 2012, three weeks after Syriza came a close second in the first Greek election of 6 May, and just three days before the party’s platform was to be revealed for the second election of 17 June. Leo Panitch (LP): Can we begin with the question of what is distinctive about Syriza in terms of socialist strategy today? Aristides Baltas (AB): I think that independently of everything else, what’s happening in Greece does have a bearing on socialist strategy, which is not possible to discuss during the electoral campaign, but which will present issues that we’re going to face after the elections, no matter how the elections turn out. We haven’t had the opportunity to discuss this, because we are doing so many diverse things that we look like a chicken running around with its head cut off. But this is precisely why I first want to step back to 2008, when through an interesting procedure, Synaspismos, the main party in the Syriza coalition, formulated the main elements of the programme in a book of over 300 pages. The polls were showing that Syriza was growing in popularity (indeed we reached over 15 per cent in voting intentions that year), and there was a big pressure on us at that time, as we kept hearing: ‘you don’t have a programme; we don’t know who you are; we don’t know what you’re saying’. -
2019 European Elections the Weight of the Electorates Compared to the Electoral Weight of the Parliamentary Groups
2019 European Elections The weight of the electorates compared to the electoral weight of the parliamentary groups Guillemette Lano Raphaël Grelon With the assistance of Victor Delage and Dominique Reynié July 2019 2019 European Elections. The weight of the electorates | Fondation pour l’innovation politique I. DISTINGUISHING BETWEEN THE WEIGHT OF ELECTORATES AND THE ELECTORAL WEIGHT OF PARLIAMENTARY GROUPS The Fondation pour l’innovation politique wished to reflect on the European elections in May 2019 by assessing the weight of electorates across the European constituency independently of the electoral weight represented by the parliamentary groups comprised post-election. For example, we have reconstructed a right-wing Eurosceptic electorate by aggregating the votes in favour of right-wing national lists whose discourses are hostile to the European Union. In this case, for instance, this methodology has led us to assign those who voted for Fidesz not to the European People’s Party (EPP) group but rather to an electorate which we describe as the “populist right and extreme right” in which we also include those who voted for the Italian Lega, the French National Rally, the Austrian FPÖ and the Sweden Democrats. Likewise, Slovak SMER voters were detached from the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) Group and instead categorised as part of an electorate which we describe as the “populist left and extreme left”. A. The data collected The electoral results were collected list by list, country by country 1, from the websites of the national parliaments and governments of each of the States of the Union. We then aggregated these data at the European level, thus obtaining: – the number of individuals registered on the electoral lists on the date of the elections, or the registered voters; – the number of votes, or the voters; – the number of valid votes in favour of each of the lists, or the votes cast; – the number of invalid votes, or the blank or invalid votes. -
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European Community No. 26/1984 July 10, 1984 Contact: Ella Krucoff (202) 862-9540 THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT: 1984 ELECTION RESULTS :The newly elected European Parliament - the second to be chosen directly by European voters -- began its five-year term last month with an inaugural session in Strasbourg~ France. The Parliament elected Pierre Pflimlin, a French Christian Democrat, as its new president. Pflimlin, a parliamentarian since 1979, is a former Prime Minister of France and ex-mayor of Strasbourg. Be succeeds Pieter Dankert, a Dutch Socialist, who came in second in the presidential vote this time around. The new assembly quickly exercised one of its major powers -- final say over the European Community budget -- by blocking payment of a L983 budget rebate to the United Kingdom. The rebate had been approved by Community leaders as part of an overall plan to resolve the E.C.'s financial problems. The Parliament froze the rebate after the U.K. opposed a plan for covering a 1984 budget shortfall during a July Council of Ministers meeting. The issue will be discussed again in September by E.C. institutions. Garret FitzGerald, Prime Minister of Ireland, outlined for the Parliament the goals of Ireland's six-month presidency of the E.C. Council. Be urged the representatives to continue working for a more unified Europe in which "free movement of people and goods" is a reality, and he called for more "intensified common action" to fight unemployment. Be said European politicians must work to bolster the public's faith in the E.C., noting that budget problems and inter-governmental "wrangles" have overshadolted the Community's benefits. -
The Making of SYRIZA
Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line Panos Petrou The making of SYRIZA Published: June 11, 2012. http://socialistworker.org/print/2012/06/11/the-making-of-syriza Transcription, Editing and Markup: Sam Richards and Paul Saba Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. June 11, 2012 -- Socialist Worker (USA) -- Greece's Coalition of the Radical Left, SYRIZA, has a chance of winning parliamentary elections in Greece on June 17, which would give it an opportunity to form a government of the left that would reject the drastic austerity measures imposed on Greece as a condition of the European Union's bailout of the country's financial elite. SYRIZA rose from small-party status to a second-place finish in elections on May 6, 2012, finishing ahead of the PASOK party, which has ruled Greece for most of the past four decades, and close behind the main conservative party New Democracy. When none of the three top finishers were able to form a government with a majority in parliament, a date for a new election was set -- and SYRIZA has been neck-and-neck with New Democracy ever since. Where did SYRIZA, an alliance of numerous left-wing organisations and unaffiliated individuals, come from? Panos Petrou, a leading member of Internationalist Workers Left (DEA, by its initials in Greek), a revolutionary socialist organisation that co-founded SYRIZA in 2004, explains how the coalition rose to the prominence it has today. -
Italy and the Regulation of Same-Sex Unions Alessia Donà*
Modern Italy, 2021 Vol. 26, No. 3, 261–274, doi:10.1017/mit.2021.28 Somewhere over the rainbow: Italy and the regulation of same-sex unions Alessia Donà* Department of Sociology and Social Research, University of Trento, Italy (Received 11 August 2020; final version accepted 6 April 2021) While almost all European democracies from the 1980s started to accord legal recogni- tion to same-sex couples, Italy was, in 2016, the last West European country to adopt a regulation, after a tortuous path. Why was Italy such a latecomer? What kind of barriers were encountered by the legislative process? What were the factors behind the policy change? To answer these questions, this article first discusses current morality policy- making, paying specific attention to the literature dealing with same-sex partnerships. Second, it provides a reconstruction of the Italian policy trajectory, from the entrance of the issue into political debate until the enactment of the civil union law, by considering both partisan and societal actors for and against the legislative initiative. The article argues that the Italian progress towards the regulation of same-sex unions depended on the balance of power between change and blocking coalitions and their degree of congru- ence during the policymaking process. In 2016 the government formed a broad consen- sus and the parliament passed a law on civil unions. However, the new law represented only a small departure from the status quo due to the low congruence between actors within the change coalition. Keywords: same-sex unions; party politics; morality politics; LGBT mobilisation; Catholic Church; veto players. -
Review of European and National Election Results Update: September 2019
REVIEW OF EUROPEAN AND NATIONAL ELECTION RESULTS UPDATE: SEPTEMBER 2019 A Public Opinion Monitoring Publication REVIEW OF EUROPEAN AND NATIONAL ELECTION RESULTS UPDATE: SEPTEMBER 2019 Directorate-General for Communication Public Opinion Monitoring Unit May 2019 - PE 640.149 IMPRESSUM AUTHORS Philipp SCHULMEISTER, Head of Unit (Editor) Alice CHIESA, Marc FRIEDLI, Dimitra TSOULOU MALAKOUDI, Matthias BÜTTNER Special thanks to EP Liaison Offices and Members’ Administration Unit PRODUCTION Katarzyna ONISZK Manuscript completed in September 2019 Brussels, © European Union, 2019 Cover photo: © Andrey Kuzmin, Shutterstock.com ABOUT THE PUBLISHER This paper has been drawn up by the Public Opinion Monitoring Unit within the Directorate–General for Communication (DG COMM) of the European Parliament. To contact the Public Opinion Monitoring Unit please write to: [email protected] LINGUISTIC VERSION Original: EN DISCLAIMER This document is prepared for, and primarily addressed to, the Members and staff of the European Parliament to assist them in their parliamentary work. The content of the document is the sole responsibility of its author(s) and any opinions expressed herein should not be taken to represent an official position of the Parliament. TABLE OF CONTENTS EDITORIAL 1 1. COMPOSITION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT 5 DISTRIBUTION OF SEATS OVERVIEW 1979 - 2019 6 COMPOSITION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT LAST UPDATE (31/07/2019) 7 CONSTITUTIVE SESSION (02/07/2019) AND OUTGOING EP SINCE 1979 8 PROPORTION OF WOMEN AND MEN PROPORTION - LAST UPDATE 02/07/2019 28 PROPORTIONS IN POLITICAL GROUPS - LAST UPDATE 02/07/2019 29 PROPORTION OF WOMEN IN POLITICAL GROUPS - SINCE 1979 30 2. NUMBER OF NATIONAL PARTIES IN THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT CONSTITUTIVE SESSION 31 3. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
SYRIZA, Bloco and Podemos
Transnational networking and cooperation among neo-reformist left parties in Southern Europe during the Eurozone crisis: SYRIZA, Bloco and Podemos Vladimir Bortun The thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Portsmouth. March 2019 Abstract European parties to the left of social democracy have always lagged behind the main political families in terms of transnational cooperation at the level of the EU. However, the markedly transnational character of the Eurozone crisis and of the management of that crisis has arguably provided a uniquely propitious context for these parties to reduce that gap. This research project aims to establish whether they achieved that by focusing on three parties that were particularly prone to seeking an increase in their transnational cooperation: SYRIZA from Greece, Bloco de Esquerda from Portugal and Podemos from Spain. For these parties not only come from the member states most affected by the crisis, both economically and politically, but they also share several programmatic and strategic features favouring such an increase. By using a mix of document analysis, semi-structured interviews and non-participatory observation, the thesis discusses both the informal and formal transnational networking and cooperation among the three parties. This discussion reveals four key findings, with potentially useful insights for wider transnational party cooperation that are to be pursued in future research. Firstly, the transnational networking and cooperation among SYRIZA, Bloco and Podemos did increase at some point during the crisis, particularly around SYRIZA’s electoral victory in January 2015. Secondly, since the U-turn of that government in July 2015, SYRIZA’s relationship with both Bloco and Podemos has declined significantly, as reflected in their diverging views of the EU. -
Massive Fish Losses in Rainbow Trout Cultures of Louros River (N.W. Greece) After Strong Summer Rainfall
Bull. Eur. Ass. Fish Pathol., 29(2) 2009, 66 Massive fish losses in rainbow trout cultures of Louros River (N.W. Greece) after strong summer rainfall. Implication of the sycamore lace bug Corythucha ciliatα (Hemiptera: Tingidae) G. Savvidis*1, Z. Zartaloudis2 and G. Vafeas1 1 National Agricultural Research Foundation, Veterinary Research Institute of Thessaloniki, P.O.B. 60272, P.C. 57001 Thermi-Thessaloniki, Greece; 2 National Agricultural Research Foundation, Plant Protection Institute of Thessaloniki, P.O.B. 60324, P.C. 57001 Thermi-Thessaloniki, Greece. Abstract This study aims to investigate cases of sudden fish death in rainbow trout farms located along the Louros River (region of Ioannina Prefecture, N.W. Greece) during the summer months. All of the cases have been preceded by a downpour and appeared with common and identical characteristics concerning the symptomatology (swimming behaviour, dark coloured large spots on the fish body surface) and final result (sudden death regardless of size, age and weight). The same cases were repeated many times in units located along the riversides of Louros. After conducting in situ experiments, it has been demonstrated that the phenomena are strongly correlated with the presence of the insect Corythucha ciliatα (Hemiptera: Tingidae) (Say, 1832) (common name, sycamore lace bug), which massively affects the platanus trees (common name, plane trees) along the river during the spring and summer period. The rainwater washes the leaves of the trees, and thus, an enormous number of insects (nymphs and adults) and their secretions fall down into the running river water, which is the supplier of the rainbow trout farms located in this area. -
51St National Day of Mourning Agribusiness “Farm Bill,” but the Farmers Are Also in Full Solidarity with the Workers
¡Acusamos de genocidio! 12 Crecientes amenazas 12 Workers and oppressed peoples of the world unite! workers.org Vol. 62, No. 49 Dec. 3, 2020 $1 India’s working class unites 250 million strike! By Martha Grevatt postal workers] observed a 100 percent strike.” (tinyurl.com/y4wsthaw) For the second time this year, a class- wide mobilization in an “All-India strike” A working-class united front brought out 250 million workers. With Strikers held sit-ins and mass rallies, one in four working-age people in India and blocked traffic and train tracks. They participating, this 24-hour work stoppage burned an effigy of right-wing President can again claim the status of “world’s big- Narendra Modi. There was massive par- gest strike.” The first record-breaking ticipation by the unemployed, unorga- general strike had taken place on Jan. 8. nized, self-employed and informal sector Ten of India’s labor federations took workers, as well as students. Women part, uniting under the “joint platform.” played a prominent role. Five states—Kerala, Puducherry, Odisha, The labor federations’ joint plat- Assam and Telangana— were completely form put forth demands for a minimum shut down, while daily activity was cur- income, food for poor families, a guaran- tailed in many others. teed number of workdays, higher wages, News Click, a progressive Indian news pensions for everyone, and the end of source, reported on Nov. 26: “The strike Women were a major force in the All-India strike, Nov. 26. forced early retirements. It called for the saw stoppage of work in -
Bulletin Produced at St
acas ASSOCIATION OF CONCERNED AFRICA SCHOLARS BULLETin Produced at st. Augustine's College, Raleigh, NC 27610-2298 Fall 1990 Number 31 SPECIAL ISSUE: THE STRUGGLE FOR DEMOCRACY IN ZAIRE TABLE OF CONTENTS Note from the Guest Editor •.....••••••••••••••••.•••.••• 1 Jacques Depelchin, "Is This A Time To Forget?" ....•••••• 3 Deborah Green, "The Democratic Challenge to Fascism" •••• 8 Musifiky M~anasali, "The state and Grassroot Develop- ment Initiatives: The Coffee Sector in Zaire .•.... 15 Robert Mortimer, "Report From Lubumbashi" •••••....••..•• 25 Jane Hunter, "Ignoring Zaire" ••..•.•••....••••.•.•.••••• 27 ~ ~ ~ ACTIONS ACAS at Baltimore ..................................•... 31 ACAS Actions in 1990 •••••••••.•••••••...•••.••••••••••. 32 Letter to the Editor 37 Announcements ..•••......•.•.•.•..••.•.•.•.•.....•••••.• 38 1 NOTE FROM THE GUEST EDITOR THE-STRUGGLE FOR DEMOCRACY IN ZAIRE A new political awakening is under way in Zaire. Since January of this year, when President Mobutu Sese Seko dared his compatriots to tell him what was wrong with the system, people from all walks of life have come forth to demand radical political change. Mobutu has been overwhelmed by the reaction to the half-hearted liberalization measures he announced in April, May and June. Over 60 political parties have been formed, and a free press with a dozen or more newspapers is now publishing in complete defiance of the dictatorship. This transformation process is irreversible. However, a dying dictatorship, like a wounded animal, can be very ferocious, indeed. The massacre of over 50 students at the University of Lubumbashi in May and countless acts of security force repression against the democratic opposition are a testimony to the desperate attempts of the Mobutu regime to retain political control. The main features of this issue of the Bulletin attempts to apprise the concerned scholar of developments in the struggle for democracy in Zaire together with their worldwide significance.