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Language, Religion and Politics: Urdu in Pakistan and North India / 93
Language, Religion and Politics: Urdu in Pakistan and North India / 93 Tariq Rahman* Language, Religion and Politics: Urdu in Pakistan and North India Résumé. Langue, religion et politique : l’ourdou au Pakistan et dans le nord de l’Inde. L’ourdou, langue nationale du Pakistan et symbole identitaire des Indiens musulmans est associée à l’islam en Asie du sud. Cette association a été forgée pendant la période coloniale britannique. Les Britanniques ont remplacé le persan - langue du pouvoir moghol - par l’our- dou (aux échelons inférieurs) et l’anglais (aux échelons supérieurs) dans plusieurs régions du nord de l’Inde et de l’actuel Pakistan. L’ourdou s’est diffusé par le biais des réseaux scolaires et de communication dans l’Inde coloniale. Il devint le principal médium d’instruction dans les séminaires musulmans (madrasa-s) et la principale langue des écrits religieux. L’ourdou est également devenu un symbole important de l’identité musulmane et a contribué, juste après l’islam, à mobiliser la communauté musulmane pour demander la création du Pakistan en 1947. Au Pakistan, l’ourdou et l’islam sont des composantes symboliques importantes de l’identité nationale et s’opposent à l’expression des langues autochtones. Cette identité est principalement défendue par les partis politiques de droite et se positionne comme opposée non seulement aux identifications ethniques mais également à une identité occidentale plus globalisée et libérale qui serait symbolisée par l’anglais. En Inde cependant, l’ourdou soutient la minorité musulmane contre la domination hindoue nationaliste. De fait, l’ourdou, dans sa relation avec l’islam, joue un rôle complexe et parfois contradictoire au Pakistan et au nord de l’Inde. -
Emergence of Separatist Movement in East Pakistan: Impact of Jinnah’S Leadership
Journal of Political Studies, Vol. 24, Issue - 2, 2017, 589:600 Emergence of Separatist Movement in East Pakistan: Impact of Jinnah’s Leadership Rizwan Ullah Kokab and Mahboob Hussain* Abstract This paper offers a study of the impact of leadership of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah on the Bengali Separatist Movement in its preliminary stage during the first year of the life of Pakistan when Quaid-i-Azam served as its first governor general. It would be examined whether the lingual, constitutional, economic and governmental issues, which later became a source of discontent that caused the Bengali Separatist Movement grow, were addressed by the Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah in a proper way and he did not found those mistakes which his successors in the leadership of Pakistan committed. It would also be observed that visionary leader of Quaid-i-Azam’s rank could understand the danger to the integrity of Pakistan posed by the feelings of provincialism, communism and Hindu influence in the eastern wing of Pakistan that was remote from its western part through a distance of one thousand miles. The paper will also provide a critical analysis of the steps of Quaid-i-Azam which he took for the purpose of the solidarity of newly born state of Pakistan but which steps were allegedly used as a negative propaganda against the founder of Pakistan in order to give air to the ideas of separatism in the Bengalis. In this context the Quaid’s decision for the selection of Karachi as the capital of Pakistan and his use of powers as the governor general of Pakistan would be analyzed. -
Institute of Business Administration, Karachi Bba, Bs
FINAL RESULT - FALL 2020 ROUND 1 Announced on Tuesday, February 25, 2020 INSTITUTE OF BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION, KARACHI BBA, BS (ACCOUNTING & FINANCE), BS (ECONOMICS) & BS (SOCIAL SCIENCES) ADMISSIONS TEST HELD ON SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 2020 (FALL 2020, ROUND 1) LIST OF SUCCESSFUL CANDIDATES FOR DIRECT ADMISSION (BSAF PROGRAM) SAT Test Math Eng TOTAL Maximum Marks 800 800 1600 Cut-Off Marks 600 600 1410 Math Eng Total IBA Test MCQ MCQ MCQ Maximum Marks 180 180 360 Cut-Off Marks 100 100 256 Seat S. No. App No. Name Father's Name No. 1 18 845 FABIHA SHAHID SHAHIDSIDDIQUI 132 136 268 2 549 1510 MUHAMMAD QASIM MAHMOOD AKHTAR 148 132 280 3 558 426 MUHAMMAD MUTAHIR ABBAS AMAR ABBAS 144 128 272 4 563 2182 ALI ABDULLAH MUHAMMAD ASLAM 136 128 264 5 1272 757 MUHAMMAD DANISH NADEEM MUHAMMAD NADEEM TAHIR 136 128 264 6 2001 1 MUHAMMAD JAWWAD HABIB MUHAMMAD NADIR HABIB 160 100 260 7 2047 118 MUHAMMAD ANAS LIAQUAT ALI 148 128 276 8 2050 125 HAFSA AZIZ AZIZAHMED 128 136 264 9 2056 139 MUHAMMAD SALMAN ANWAR MUHAMMAD ANWAR 156 132 288 10 2086 224 MOHAMMAD BADRUDDIN RIND BALOCH BAHAUDDIN BALOCH 144 112 256 11 2089 227 AHSAN KAMAL LAGHARI GHULAM ALI LAGHARI 136 160 296 12 2098 247 SYED MUHAMMAD RAED SYED MUJTABA NADEEM 152 132 284 13 2121 304 AREEB AHMED BAIG ILHAQAHMED BAIG 108 152 260 14 2150 379 SHAHERBANO ‐ ABDULSAMAD SURAHIO 148 124 272 15 2158 389 AIMEN ATIQ SYED ATIQ UR REHMAN 148 124 272 16 2194 463 MUHAMMAD SAAD MUHAMMAD ABBAS 152 136 288 17 2203 481 FARAZ NAWAZ MUHAMMAD NAWAZ 132 128 260 18 2210 495 HASNAIN IRFAN IRFAN ABDULAZIZ 128 132 260 19 2230 -
Students, Space, and the State in East Pakistan/Bangladesh 1952-1990
1 BEYOND LIBERATION: STUDENTS, SPACE, AND THE STATE IN EAST PAKISTAN/BANGLADESH 1952-1990 A dissertation presented by Samantha M. R. Christiansen to The Department of History In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the field of History Northeastern University Boston, Massachusetts September, 2012 2 BEYOND LIBERATION: STUDENTS, SPACE, AND THE STATE IN EAST PAKISTAN/BANGLADESH 1952-1990 by Samantha M. R. Christiansen ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate School of Northeastern University September, 2012 3 ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the history of East Pakistan/Bangladesh’s student movements in the postcolonial period. The principal argument is that the major student mobilizations of Dhaka University are evidence of an active student engagement with shared symbols and rituals across time and that the campus space itself has served as the linchpin of this movement culture. The category of “student” developed into a distinct political class that was deeply tied to a concept of local place in the campus; however, the idea of “student” as a collective identity also provided a means of ideological engagement with a globally imagined community of “students.” Thus, this manuscript examines the case study of student mobilizations at Dhaka University in various geographic scales, demonstrating the levels of local, national and global as complementary and interdependent components of social movement culture. The project contributes to understandings of Pakistan and Bangladesh’s political and social history in the united and divided period, as well as provides a platform for analyzing the historical relationship between social movements and geography that is informative to a wide range of disciplines. -
A Linguistic Critique of Pakistani-American Fiction
CULTURAL AND IDEOLOGICAL REPRESENTATIONS THROUGH PAKISTANIZATION OF ENGLISH: A LINGUISTIC CRITIQUE OF PAKISTANI-AMERICAN FICTION By Supervisor Muhammad Sheeraz Dr. Muhammad Safeer Awan 47-FLL/PHDENG/F10 Assistant Professor A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in English To DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH FACULTY OF LANGUAGES AND LITERATURE INTERNATIONAL ISLAMIC UNIVERSITY ISLAMABAD April 2014 ii iii iv To my Ama & Abba (who dream and pray; I live) v ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I owe special gratitude to my teacher and research supervisor, Dr. Muhammad Safeer Awan. His spirit of adventure in research, the originality of his ideas in regard to analysis, and the substance of his intellect in teaching have guided, inspired and helped me throughout this project. Special thanks are due to Dr. Kira Hall for having mentored my research works since 2008, particularly for her guidance during my research at Colorado University at Boulder. I express my deepest appreciation to Mr. Raza Ali Hasan, the warmth of whose company made my stay in Boulder very productive and a memorable one. I would also like to thank Dr. Munawar Iqbal Ahmad Gondal, Chairman Department of English, and Dean FLL, IIUI, for his persistent support all these years. I am very grateful to my honorable teachers Dr. Raja Naseem Akhter and Dr. Ayaz Afsar, and colleague friends Mr. Shahbaz Malik, Mr. Muhammad Hussain, Mr. Muhammad Ali, and Mr. Rizwan Aftab. I am thankful to my friends Dr. Abdul Aziz Sahir, Dr. Abdullah Jan Abid, Mr. Muhammad Awais Bin Wasi, Mr. Muhammad Ilyas Chishti, Mr. Shahid Abbas and Mr. -
A Brief History of Pakistani Fiction and Portrayal Of
CHAPTER-1 : A BRIEF HISTORY OF PAKISTANI FICTION AND PORTRAYAL OF SOCIETY IN PAKISTANI ENGLISH FICTION 1 1.1 INTRODUCTION Percy Bysshe Shelley in his masterpiece A Defence of Poetry has said that poets are ―the unacknowledged legislators of mankind.‖- (Shelly, A Defence of Poetry).The function of a legislator is to lay down the law, a settled course of action that men may follow. All literary works show us various aspects of the society from politics, economics and culture, via various genres of literature from time to time. Literature is considered to be the criticism of life because it mirrors the society, people and the time in which it is produced. Conventionally, literature holds a mirror to life. Corroborating this idea of connection of society and literature, Hippolyte Taine, a French critic gives a scientific approach to the study of literature through his theory of race, milieu and moment. According to this theory Men, Milieu and Message, cannot be separated from literature. As mentioned by the Encyclopedia Britannica: ―Race, milieu, and moment, according to the French critic Hippolyte Taine, are three principal motives or conditioning factors behind any work of art.‖- (―Race,Milieu and Moment‖, Encylopedia Britanica) The philosopher analyses the scientific approach to the work of literature to find out the motivational factor which created that work. To validate what Taine writes, there are many examples of works of literature such as portrayal of social problems during Victorian age in the novels of Charles Dickens and Thomas Hardy, the satirical presentation of society of restoration in the comedy of manners of Oscar Wilde and the portrayal of Indian society in the works of Raja Rao, Bhabhani Bhattacharya, Mulk Raj Anand, R.K.Narayan and Ruskin Bond. -
NO PLACE for CRITICISM Bangladesh Crackdown on Social Media Commentary WATCH
HUMAN RIGHTS NO PLACE FOR CRITICISM Bangladesh Crackdown on Social Media Commentary WATCH No Place for Criticism Bangladesh Crackdown on Social Media Commentary Copyright © 2018 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-36017 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org MAY 2018 ISBN: 978-1-6231-36017 No Place for Criticism Bangladesh Crackdown on Social Media Commentary Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1 Information and Communication Act ......................................................................................... 3 Punishing Government Critics ...................................................................................................4 Protecting Religious -
Pakistan Response Towards Terrorism: a Case Study of Musharraf Regime
PAKISTAN RESPONSE TOWARDS TERRORISM: A CASE STUDY OF MUSHARRAF REGIME By: SHABANA FAYYAZ A thesis Submitted to the University of Birmingham For the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Political Science and International Studies The University of Birmingham May 2010 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT The ranging course of terrorism banishing peace and security prospects of today’s Pakistan is seen as a domestic effluent of its own flawed policies, bad governance, and lack of social justice and rule of law in society and widening gulf of trust between the rulers and the ruled. The study focused on policies and performance of the Musharraf government since assuming the mantle of front ranking ally of the United States in its so called ‘war on terror’. The causes of reversal of pre nine-eleven position on Afghanistan and support of its Taliban’s rulers are examined in the light of the geo-strategic compulsions of that crucial time and the structural weakness of military rule that needed external props for legitimacy. The flaws of the response to the terrorist challenges are traced to its total dependence on the hard option to the total neglect of the human factor from which the thesis develops its argument for a holistic approach to security in which the people occupy a central position. -
Urdu and Linguistics: a Fraught but Evolving Relationship
elena bashir Urdu and Linguistics: A Fraught But Evolving Relationship 1. Introduction I was honored to be invited to give a talk at the Urdu Humanities Conference held in Madison, Wisconsin on 14 October 2010. However, when I thought about this, I wondered, ìHow can I present anything at a conference on Urdu humanities? I would be like a crow among the swans óa linguist among the literary scholars.î However, since I am a com- mitted, card-carrying crow, with no pretensions to being a swan yet admiring their beauty, I took my life in my hands and proceeded. This estrangement that I have felt between the worlds of Urdu scholarship and of linguistics is the theme of this paper. I will begin by describing the disconnect I have perceived between Urdu studies and linguistics, discuss what I see as some reasons for it, and end with what seems to be a rapprochement or a new phase of this relationship. Both ìUrduî and ìlinguisticsî are recent terms. ìUrduî was not in use as the name of a language until the latter half of the eighteenth century (Faruqi 2001, 23),1 the language which has become Urdu having previously been known by a variety of other names. Similarly, for ìlinguistics,î the term ìlinguisticî first appeared as a noun in the sense of ìthe science of languagesî or ìphilologyî in 1837, and its plural ìlinguisticsî appeared in this sense first in 1855 (Onions 1955, 1148), and did not come into wider use as name for this discipline until the latter part of the twentieth century.2 Therefore, this discussion will necessarily focus on 1Bailey (1939, 264) cites a couplet written in 1782 in which ìUrduî is used as the name of the language. -
Madrasa Enhancement and Global Security
MADRASA ENHANCEMENT AND GLOBAL SECURITY A Model for Faith–Based Engagement BY DOUGLAS JOHNSTON, AZHAR HUSSAIN, AND REBECCA CATALDI Foreword In the wake of the October 30, 2006 bombing of a madrasa in Chingai, Pakistan, enormous pressure was exerted on our indigenous Deobandi and Ahle-Hadith (Wahhabi) partners to discontinue their relationship with our Center and its effort to reform the madrasas. In response, we issued a statement that paid deference to the past accomplishments of these schools, which extend as far back as the Middle Ages when they were the unrivaled peaks of learning excellence in the world and inspired the establishment of our own university system in the West. We also stated our belief that “the madrasas should be viewed as sacrosanct institutions devoted solely to providing a morally- based education to students from all levels of Pakistani society. Just as they should not be the targets of military action by governments or other armed bodies, they should also not be misused by ‘freedom fighters’ in pursuit of political ends.” As this statement began to appear in the local Pakistan media, the pressure subsided and our partners were able to continue working with us in our joint efforts to help the madrasas regain their former footing. As a result, more than 2,000 madrasa leaders have undergone our training, and many of them are now making the kinds of adjustments to their curriculums and teaching techniques that will enable students to achieve their full potential. Once this initiative is fully implemented, it will go far toward providing a brighter future for the children of Pakistan. -
Urdu As the Language of Employment in Court and Office in British India
Pakistan Perspectives Vol. 15, No. 2, July-December 2010 Urdu as the Language of Employment in Court and Office in British India * Tariq Rahman Abstract Urdu became a language of lower-level employment during British rule in India and occupies that position in present-day Pakistan and, to a limited extent, in India as well. This article focuses on how this phenomenon occurred in the present-day Uttar Pradesh and the Punjab. Although education, printing and publication, media and entertainment are the biggest domains of employment they have not been considered here as they need separate and detailed treatment. This article, therefore, focuses attention on judicial and administrative employment at the lower levels only. Other domains will however, be touched upon in passing. Persian was replaced by English at the upper domains of power — judiciary, administration, police, army, revenue services, education, printing, entertainment etc—and the vernaculars of India at the lower ones during the first part of the nineteenth century. This article Books at the use of one of these vernacular languages, Urdu, in the lower bureaucracy in the present-day Uttar Pradesh and the Punjab. The domains of education, printing, films, radio etc have not been touched upon in this article because they require detailed treatment and have been dealt with in detail in my forthcoming book.1 The private job market— such as that of advertising2—have been touched upon in passing. Going back in passing to the history of the revenue services in India, one finds that words we now recognize as Urdu and Hindi were used for a long time. -
Introduction the Frontiers of the Persianate World (Ca
Introduction The Frontiers of the Persianate World (ca. 800–1900) Nile Green DEFINING THE “PERSIANATE” By the fifteenth century, having gained written form as a fashionable patois of the court poets of tenth-century Bukhara, Persian had become a language of gover- nance or learning in a region that stretched from China to the Balkans, and from Siberia to southern India.1 As a lingua franca promoted by multi-ethnic and multi- religious states, and aided further by education and diplomacy, Persian reached the zenith of its geographical and social reach between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries. Then, from the early nineteenth century on, it was undermined by the rise of new imperial and vernacular languages. By around 1900, the language, which had once served to connect much of Eurasia, had retreated to Iran and neighboring pockets of Afghanistan and Central Asia, where it was refashioned into the national languages of Farsi, Dari, and Tajiki. The period between 1400 and 1900, then, marks an era defined by the maximal expansion then rapid contraction of one of history’s most important languages of global exchange. By focusing its case-study chapters on these five centuries, The Persianate World aims to understand the reasons behind both this expansion and contraction of Persian by identifying what functions the language was able and unable to serve in the transformative early modern and modern eras of intensifying interactions across Eurasia. By looking at the various “frontiers” of Persian—in the linguistic, geographical, and social senses of the term—the following pages chart the limits of exchange and understanding between the diverse communities brought into con- tact by this language.