Intervention Summaries

International Colloquium “Naming and Mapping the Gods in the Ancient Mediterranean. Spaces, Mobilities, Imaginaries” March 25-27, 2020 Toulouse (France) Table of contents Space as an Onomastic Trait ...... 2 Papers ...... 3 Posters ...... 23 Naming the Space of the Gods ...... 25 Papers ...... 26 Posters ...... 33 The Ways of Presenting the Gods in Space ...... 36 Papers ...... 37 Posters ...... 64 Putting the Gods and Places in Equation ...... 67 Papers ...... 68 Sanctuaries and the Emergence of Towns ...... 95 Papers ...... 96 Posters ...... 107 Urban Religions ...... 109 Papers ...... 110 Posters ...... 116 Off Session ...... 119 Posters ...... 120 Author Index ...... 123

Space as an Onomastic Trait

Papers

Toponymic Epiclesis in the Iliad: The Cases of Zeus, Apollo, and Athena Mary Bachvarova Willamette University – United States

In the Iliad only Zeus, Apollo, and Athena are called upon in prayers. Intriguingly, these are the three gods who are presented in the Iliad as existing in multiple instantiations – and in the very prayers in which the worshippers demand their aid, competing for their favor against the opposing side. I explore thirteen times gods are given toponymic epicleseis in the Iliad – and two times when a deity is not – against the background of the Late Bronze Age Near Eastern practice of designating gods as belonging to a particular locality. Among Bronze Age Anatolians and Levantines, designating deities only with toponymic epicleseis was the norm, and the usage reappeared in Roman-era Anatolia. Hittite prayers and treaties present multiple regional storm-gods, IŠTARs, or LAMMA-gods appearing in divine witness lists, a practice paralleled in Hellenistic treaties from Crete. Both instances suggest continuity otherwise undetectable across centuries. Thus, we can begin with the surmise that toponymic epicleseis for Greek gods were at home in Archaic genres that wished to invoke a deity's regional loyalty, not only treaties but also prayers against a foreign enemy. This banal observation leads to interesting conclusions when examining the use of toponymic epicleseis in the Iliad, because it allows us to examine how commonly recognized divine personalities were imagined operating when both sides in a conflict could claim the loyalty of his or her regional instantiation. Additionally, it permits us to explore the prehistory of the Homeric poetic tradition, particularly the consequences of a storyline attached to a regional god being transferred across space and cultures via a shared supralocal divine role.

Agamemnon in a public prayer before battle addresses Zeus as a neutral observer, “living in the sky” (2.412- 18), but Achilles pleads with him as a Dodonian god when privately praying for Patroclus' safety (16.233- 48). Moreover, both sides address him as ruling over Mt. Ida, thus specifying him as city-god of Troy: Priam, for an augural omen (24.308-13); Agamemnon, before an oath taken by both sides (3.276-91), referenced by both sides (3.320-3). Hittite prayers around international oath-taking ceremonies elucidate the latter usage.

The Greco-Anatolian god Apollo is called on alone only by Anatolians, but he is further sub-divided into Troadic (1.37-42, 1451-6) and Lycian (4.119-21, 16.514-26) instantiations. The first occurs in a section of the text argued to originate in a separate hymn to Sminthean Apollo; the second can be connected to an early Milesian Panionic phase of the Homeric tradition, where Apollo was the city god and Lycians were founding heroes.

Athena is referred to as a regional goddess only with the recondite epiclesis Alalkoneis (4.8, 5.908), in episodes bringing attention to her loyalty to the Achaeans. Otherwise successfully called by Achaeans (5.115-20, 10.278-82, 284-94, 462-4, 23.770), she is the recipient of an unsuccessful prayer by the Trojan priestess Theano (6.305-10). In this episode with strong Near Eastern parallels, she is referred to as (e)rusiptolis, rather than explicitly as Troy's goddess, a significant change from the Mesopotamian antecedents involving city goddesses.

Keywords: Iliad; prayers; treaties; Zeus; Athena; Apollo

La façon crétoise des dieux crétois d'habiter l'espace Pierre Brulé LAHM – University of Rennes II – France

Magas, roi de Cyrène, traite avec la minuscule confédération des Oréioi du centre de la Crète (280-250 ; Bengston, 468, l. 15 s.). La liste des dieux pris à témoin est inhabituellement courte[1] : Diktynna figure en tête. Les dieux qui la suivent, son sunnaos et celui qui « habite » le « district » de Poikilasion sont anonymes. La fin de la liste qui est plus conforme aux habitudes des traités crétois nomme Zeus Krètagenès[2] puis « tous les dieux et déesses ».

De façon fort différente, de nombreux traités épigraphiques contiennent des listes beaucoup plus longues. En voici deux exemples, le premier dans la Crète occidentale :

Éleutherne – Cnossos – 300-250 : Zeus [Agoraios et Zeus Ida]tès et [Zeus Oratrios ? et Zeus] Théna[tas - ...- et] Athé[na Polias et] Poséidon et [Apollon Del]phinien et Apollon Pythien et Apollon Bilkô[nios et Apoll]on Sasthraios et [Artémi]s et Arès et Aphrodi[te et Latô et Herm]ès et [Hélios.

Le second dans la Crète orientale :

Hiérapytna – Lato - 111/0 - Zeus Krètagenès et Héra et Zeus Diktaios et Zeus Oratrios et Poséidon et Amphitrite et Athéna Ôleria et Eileithyia et Apollon Pythien et Latô et Artémis et Arès et Aphrodite et Hermès et les Courètes et les Nymphes et tous les dieux et déesses.

Une remarque suffit ou plutôt une question : est-ce par hasard que la première liste cite un Zeus Idatès et la seconde un Zeus Diktaios ?

Ces deux exemples, rapprochés de celui des Oréioi (et d'autres !), dans le cadre « fermé » d'un monde insulaire, fourniront le point de départ d'une analyse pouvant déboucher sur une interprétation topographique et géographique du choix de certaines épiclèses dans ces listes de dieux-témoins. Mais il faudra pour cela, préalablement, compléter cet examen par un retour sur le caractère fort concret du serment en Grèce ancienne[3].

[1] J'ai déjà consacré une étude à ces listes, dans le monde grec d'une façon générale et en particulier en Crète. Le tableau des pages 356-357 de ma Grèce d'à côté rassemble les listes connues de moi à l'époque de son édition (2007). D'autres listes, que j'inclurai dans mon corpus, de même origine et de contenus analogues sont venues s'ajouter à cette singulière documentation. [2] Quand le monde grec désigne très généralement les dieux des serments sans distinction épiclétique, c'est au contraire l'usage crétois pérenne et commun. [3] Je m'appuierai sur mon exposé récent sur ce sujet à un colloque de Poitiers (à paraître).

Keywords: onomastique divine; toponymie; géographie politique; concrétude des serments; « régionalisme » crétois

Nommer et cartographier les dieux : observations sur la diffusion, l'utilisation et la signification des attributs religieux dérivés des noms de lieux dans l'Anatolie grecque et romaine Gian Franco Chiai Free University of Berlin – Germany

Les épithètes issues de toponymes constituent une catégorie très particulière et très répandue dans le monde grec et romain. Ces épithètes sont intéressantes à plusieurs égards. Tout d'abord, étant dérivées des noms de lieux, si le toponyme est connu et identifié, ils permettent de localiser le lieu d'origine d'un culte. Deuxièmement, dans le domaine de la communication religieuse, ces attributs soulignent la relation particulière d'une divinité avec un territoire spécifique ou avec une communauté urbaine ou une communauté villageoise. Cette relation particulière s'explique normalement par les traditions mythiques, qui racontent, par exemple, que la divinité tire son nom d'un lieu particulier parce qu'elle est née ici (c'est le cas de Délos et de son Apollo Delios) ou a manifesté son pouvoir, en intervenant à l'aide des habitants d'une région ou d'une ville particulière. Cependant, derrière cette apparente simplicité, se cache une réalité beaucoup plus complexe.

En effet, si ce schéma explicatif peut fonctionner - dans une certaine mesure - en Grèce, la signification religieuse de ces épithètes change radicalement si nous nous déplaçons dans les régions anatoliennes de l'intérieur et du Proche-Orient. Dans ces régions, à la suite du contact et de l'influence des Grecs, la langue grecque a été adoptée non seulement comme langue pour la communication religieuse, mais aussi pour exprimer des idées et des croyances locales, étrangères à l'esprit de la religion grecque. Dans les inscriptions sacrées, provenant des sanctuaires ruraux de l'Anatolie centrale, on trouve un grand nombre d'épithètes religieuses dérivées de toponymes. Ce fait donne l'impression que chaque communauté villageoise avait sa propre divinité protectrice. Dans ce cas, cependant, ces épithètes expriment l'idée de la divinité omnipotente qui règne sur le territoire d'un village et sur ses habitants, veillant au bien-vivre, assurant le respect des normes sociales et punissant les crimes éventuels par des maladies terribles qu'aucun médecin ne peut guérir. Cet aspect est particulièrement évident dans les inscriptions confessionnelles, dans lesquelles on ressort l'idée de la divinité omnipotente qui contrôle la vie quotidienne et rétablit la justice chez ses fidèles.

Cette intervention vise à présenter une cartographie des épithètes religieuses dérivées de toponymes, attestées dans les régions intérieures de l'Anatolie (Lidia, Phrygie, Pontos, Cappadoce, Lycie, etc.), en reconstruisant à travers une série d'exemples concrets les idées religieuses locales derrière ces dénominations et la continuité d'un substrat religieux anatolien, qui remonte à l'époque hittite.

Keyword: cartographier; nommer; toponymes; Anatolie; Grèce

The Evolution of QWS: A Longue Durée Approach to Understanding a First Millennium BCE Levantine Deity Andrew Danielson University of California Los Angeles – United States

vocalized Qôs or Qaus) is best known through ;קוס) As a lesser known deity of the Southern Levant, Qws his traditional affiliation with the late Iron Age polity of Edom, located in present day Southern Jordan. Current studies of this deity focus on his association with a polity, often describing Qws in terms of the “national” god of Edom. These interpretations, however, isolate the deity within time and space and fail to understand the entire life history of the god, and how his association with the landscape and different social elements changes over time. Surviving data for this deity consists of two components. First, a limited number of inscriptions directly referencing the deity, and second, a moderately-sized corpus of onomastica in which the deity is preserved as a theophoric element. These data span a period of nearly 1,400 years from ca. 1200 BCE to ca. 200 CE and are found in varying quantities over time throughout Jordan, Israel, Palestine, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Iraq, Libya, and Greece.

In tracing the historical and social context of these inscriptions and onomastic references to Qws over the longue durée, we can better understand the relation of this deity to different social elements who preserved and promoted his existence within a specific landscape, namely the desert region of present-day Southern Jordan, Israel and Palestine. While numerous onomastica spread far beyond this specific region, carried in large part by migrants and merchants, we can trace a lack of continued affiliation with Qws among persons who have left this particular landscape. Similarly, rather than Qws being identified primarily as the “national” deity of late Iron Age Edom in Southern Jordan (ca. 750–550 BCE), this dataset can be used to explore the ways in which political elites promoted certain regional and kin deities such as Qws to promote a unifying identity. In this way, Qws served as an equalizing entity and a means by which to foster social and political alliances and to integrate disparate social elements within the region through processes of state formation. On the basis of these data then, an inherent regionality to this deity can be established, while identifying the family and community as the primary locus of promoting long-term cultic continuity within this region. Through this study, the deity Qws can emerge from relative obscurity to once again take prominence within the pantheon of the Southern Levant.

Keywords: Onomastica; Longue Durée; Edom; QWS; Southern Levant

La Mère des dieux et Attis : entre espace et onomastique Lara Dubosson-Sbriglione University of Lausanne – Switzerland

Dans cette étude, je proposerai une réflexion sur la séquence onomastique de la Mère des dieux et d'Attis en contexte romain. En m'appuyant sur divers documents (inscriptions tauroboliques, dédicaces, ex-voto, tablettes de defixio), je m'interrogerai sur la manière dont les acteurs cultuels s'adressaient à ces deux divinités, et les contextes dans lesquels ils étaient invoqués individuellement ou collectivement.

L'exemple de la Mère des dieux est particulièrement intéressant puisqu'il s'agit d'une déesse anonyme privée de nom propre et qui est désignée, dans la documentation, sous différentes appellations : Cybèle, Meter, Mater deum magna, Mater deum magna Idaea, parfois même sous le nom d'une autre divinité (Rhéa, Terra Mater, ...). Pourquoi cette pluralité de noms pour nommer une déesse privée d'un nom, et comment expliquer les différents éléments de sa séquence onomastique ? Ces diverses appellations sont-elles porteuses de sens et d'identités différents ? En employant des noms, des séquences et des composantes différents, les acteurs cultuels s'adressaient-ils bien au même interlocuteur divin ?

En outre, dans certains cas, la formule onomastique de base, Mater deum magna Idaea, est complétée par des épiclèses supplémentaires qui viennent l'enrichir. Parmi ces épiclèses citons Augusta, Sancta ou Sanctissima, Phrygia ou Frygia, Palatina, Optima et Maxima. Ces attributs additionnels expriment-ils un lieu spécifique, une qualité, une faculté ou encore une fonction particulière de la divinité ? Dans quels contextes cultuels et géographiques, et surtout pour quelles raisons les dédicants ont-ils choisi de s'adresser à la déesse sous ces invocations précises ? Il sera également intéressant de voir si, d'un point de vue iconographique, ces épiclèses impliquent des changements dans la représentation de la déesse.

Quant à Attis, nous verrons qu'il est lui aussi porteur de certaines épiclèses parmi lesquelles Menotyrannus, Sanctus et Inuictus. Nous tenterons de préciser le sens de ces attributs onomastiques, leur fréquence, ainsi que le contexte spécifique de leur utilisation.

Pour conclure, je me pencherai sur les témoignages qui évoquent le collectif divin formé par la Mère des dieux et Attis afin de voir comment et à quel moment ils sont nommés ensemble et sous quelles appellations spécifiques. En effet, dans les inscriptions tauroboliques apparaissent parfois des formules particulières telles que dii magni, dii omnipotentes, conseruatoris, summae parentis, etc., qui viennent s'ajouter aux formules onomastiques individuelles et qui contribuent également à façonner la nature unique de ce couple divin. Dans le cadre spécifique du taurobole, quel sens doit-on donner à ces appellations et que nous apprennent-elles sur les attentes spécifiques des initiés ?

Toutes ces questions me conduiront enfin à mener une réflexion plus générale sur le lien entre l'espace et l'onomastique de la Mère des dieux puisque certains éléments de sa nomenclature de base ainsi que certaines de ses épiclèses additionnelles comportent des évocations géographiques de sa terre d'origine (la Phrygie) ou de sa terre d'adoption (Rome et plus particulièrement la zone du Palatin).

Keywords: Mère des dieux; Attis; Taurobole; Rites mystériques; Defixio

Gli epiteti geografici nel Περὶ θεῶν di Apollodoro di Atene (244 FGrHist 353) Andrea Filoni Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore of Milan – Italy

Aristarco, maestro di Apollodoro, aveva già considerato gli epiteti divini che compaiono in Omero, ma solo come parte dell'ampia enciclopedia omerica. Invece Apollodoro, che nel suo Περὶ θεῶν ambisce a ricostruire sistematicamente la personalità delle divinità greche avendo Omero - l'autore più antico - come fonte principale, vede negli epiteti il mezzo principale per questa operazione. In questo Apollodoro segue i primi scolarchi stoici; a ciò si aggiungono il rigore e le categorie aristarchee.

Prezioso testimone per ricostruire il modus operandi apollodoreo è il lungo scolio D a Hom. E 422, forse un escerto dalle Questioni omeriche di Porfirio, certamente una ecloga di materiale risalente al Περὶ θεῶν (244 FGrHist 353). Punto di partenza è l'epiteto Κύπρις; la trattazione si allarga ad altri epiteti della dea, a quelli di altri dei, per poi tornare a quello iniziale, in una ideale Ring-komposition.

Una prima, importante categoria aristarchea utilizzata è la distinzione tra ciò che è detto da un personaggio (ἐξ ἡρωϊκοῦ προσώπου) e dal narratore (ἐξ ἰδίου προσώπου). I personaggi omerici dicono solo ciò che è noto nella loro epoca o secondo il loro punto di vista (ex. il sole tramonta sull'orizzonte; Corinto ha l'antico nome di Efira); solo il narratore esprime ciò che è noto più tardi e ha valore universale (ex. il sole tramonta sull'oceano; Efira è chiamata ormai Corinto). Dunque gli epiteti, se menzionati da un personaggio, sono geografici, perché rimandano a un culto noto al personaggio stesso (ex. lo Zeus Ἰδαῖος invocato da Ecuda è quello del monte Ida); se menzionati dal narratore, descrivono qualità fisiche o psicologiche o un potere del dio. Perciò Κύπρις, citato dal Poeta, non può essere geografico; essendo forma tronca di κύπορις, significa “colei che permette di concepire”.

Apollodoro ricorre anche all'argumentum e silentio: il narratore conosce Delo, Delfi ed Ege, ma non chiama Apollo Δήλιος o Πύθιος e Poseidone Αἰγαῖος; conosce Pafo (θ 362) ma non chiama Afrodite Παφία. Perciò, benché conosca Cipro, non intende Κύπρις in senso geografico.

A fini allegorici è utilizzata la figura della metonimia; in Omero “Afrodite” indica l'amplesso (χ 444): questa infatti è l'essenza della dea.

Un'altra categoria aristarchea è la diffidenza verso i poeti post-omerici (νεώτεροι); queste versioni sono utilizzabili solo se compatibili con dati omerici o per colmarne irrimediabili lacune. Non è il caso di Κύπρις, che Esiodo nella Teogonia - molto criticata - interpreta in senso geografico. Nella scuola aristarchea si riteneva che le versioni dei νεώτεροι nascessero dal fraintendimento di luoghi omerici: Esiodo fa arrivare Afrodite a Cipro perché Omero dice che la dea ha un santuario qui (θ 362). Come Κύπρις va interpretato Κυθέρεια: essendo citato dal Poeta, non deriva da Citera, come pensò Esiodo; esso indica che Afrodite, nel cinto, “nasconde il desiderio”.

In senso allegorico e non geografico vanno interpretati anche gli epiteti degli altri dei: Atena è Ἀλαλκομενηΐς non per la città beotica, ma perché “respinge (i nemici) col suo furore”; Hermes è ἀκάκητα non per il monte arcadico Acachesio (Eratostene), ma perché “privo di male”; etc.

Keywords: Apollodoro di Atene; Aristarco di Samotracia; epiteti divini; Stoicismo; categorie ermeneutiche aristarchee

Bespoke Gods: Personal Anthroponyms as Divine Epithets, Gentilice Cults, and Sanctuaries in the Epigraphy between Rome and Roman Africa Valentino Gasparini1 and Gian Luca Gregori2 1 Carlos III University of Madrid – Spain 2 Sapienza University of Rome – Italy

Among the multifarious functions that it is possible to ascribe to ancient onomastics and, specifically, to divine epiclesis, the most common are undoubtedly those related to the dissemination of divine attributes and prerogatives, the crystallization of cults linked to distinct toponyms, and the identification of specific rituals and festivals. Much less explored is the field of the epithets derived from more or less extensive social groups (entire populations, the inhabitants of a city, gentes, etc.) and, in particular, from personal anthroponyms. If few attempts have been made in this direction with regard to the Greek world (e.g. Wallensten 2008 and Parker 2017), studies on the Latin-speaking Mediterranean remain very occasional. Several divine epithets derived from gentilices are attested in North Africa during the Imperial period. This is the case, for example, of Venus and Juno Cassiana at Lepcis Magna, Caelestis Sittiana at Cirta, Caelestis Graniana in the Haut Mornag, Pollux Extricatianus at Thuburbo Maius, Mercurius Silvius at Thugga. The analysis of Roman North African epigraphic record will serve as a starting point to: (1) explore the antecedents of such practice both in Greece (see e.g. Herakles Diomedonteios, Isis Aphrodite Dikaia, etc.) and in Italy (e.g. Hercules Cefrius, Mefitis Utiana, and, at Rome, Bona Dea Annianensis, Diana Cornificia or Cornificiana, Diana Planciana, Apollo Sosianus, etc.); (2) question the current interpretation of the North African epithets as representing propaganda strategies in favor of a gens which was supposed to periodically meet in specific places and perform sacra gentilicia in honour of its tutelary deity; (3) show instead the situational dynamics of onomastic creativity by which the anthroponym of certain individuals could be lent to a particular theonym with the aim of “heroizing” the extraordinary merits of such individuals; and finally (4) underline the locative function of this process of manufacturing tailor-made epithets by stressing, on the one hand, the close intersection between divine designation and space (e.g. an epithet given to the god of a sanctuary built on a land donated by and/or thanks to the economic resources of a private individual), and, on the other, the use of the epithet as a means of individuation among several sanctuaries dedicated to the same deity in the same area. Keywords: Anthroponym; divine epithet; North Africa; sacra gentilicia; sanctuary

Agrotera: gli spazi di Artemide Massimo Giuseppetti Roma Tre University – Italy

Lo studio sistematico e metodologicamente diversificato delle epiclesi divine è un fenomeno che, pur avendo una sua precisa storia negli studi sull'antichità greca e romana, di recente ha subito un impulso sorprendente. La presentazione qui proposta intende affrontare un preciso caso di studio in una prospettiva di natura essenzialmente storico-filologica che, al tempo stesso, tenga conto anche delle istanze e delle metodologie maturate nell'ambito degli studi sociali (“spatial turn”; memoria e rappresentazioni collettive). Proprio in virtù di questa prospettiva l'indagine muove a partire da un quesito fondamentale: può un'epiclesi, in forza del suo radicamento nel medium linguistico di una data cultura nel suo sviluppo storico, offrire degli elementi per comprendere il modo in cui, nel mondo greco antico, viene concettualizzato il rapporto fra gli uomini, le divinità e quello che si potrebbe definire, in senso piuttosto ampio, come la costruzione/esperienza dello spazio? L'analisi, riferita essenzialmente alla Grecia arcaica e classica, è rivolta allo studio dell'epiclesi di Artemide Agrotera.

La dea appare come Agrotera già nei poemi omerici. Qui l'uso dell'aggettivo sembra indicare che Artemide sia qualificata in questo modo per la sua associazione allo spazio selvaggio. Il preciso significato dell'aggettivo impiegato come epiclesi è tuttavia incerto; la gran parte dei commentatori lo ritiene equivalente “cacciatrice” Questa esegesi tuttavia poggia sulla tradizione lessicografica antica, che in questo caso appare difficilmente accettabile. Nel mio contributo intendo sostenere che sia di gran lunga più opportuno interpretare le occorrenze più antiche di Agrotera come “selvaggia”. Ciò, tuttavia, può essere sostenuto soltanto sulla base di un'analisi del valore simbolico e sociale dello spazio e delle sue articolazioni nella cultura letteraria di età arcaica e classica. In altri termini, l'epiclesi non può essere compresa se non tenendo conto (1) dei microcontesti in cui risulta attestata e (2) delle associazioni linguistiche e semantiche nell'architettura più ampia dei valori associati allo spazio e alle sue suddivisioni (e.g. città, spazio extraurbano, campi, monti). A tal fine, verrà passata in rassegna una selezione di testi particolarmente esemplificativi, riferibili in gran parte dei casi a precisi contesti religiosi o istituzionali (Metaponto, Magnesia al Meandro, Atene). Ciò permetterà di osservare come l'epiclesi Agrotera non abbia un unico valore semantico, “ricostruibile” in base a principi astratti: il valore dell'epiclesi viene rinegoziato in ogni contesto e in ogni suo a partire dalle sue numerose implicazioni nel sistema linguistico (e.g. in termini di polarità oppositiva con lo spazio antropico, ma non unicamente).

Keywords: Artemis; Agrotera; epiclesis; Greece; nature

Zeus « qui régit Dodone (Δωδώνης μεδέων, Il. 233-234) » et ses épigones : les attributs onomastiques toponymiques non adjectivaux en pays grec Sylvain Lebreton MAP – PLH – University of Toulouse II – France

Parmi les nombreux « attributs onomastiques divins » qui peuplent le polythéisme des anciens Grecs[1], les épithètes toponymiques forment un solide contingent. Au sein de cette catégorie dominent les adjectifs dérivés de noms de lieux, ainsi Ephesia pour l'Artémis d'Éphèse, Puthios ou Dêlios pour les Apollon de Pythô (i.e. Delphes) ou de Délos, pour ne mentionner que quelques exemples bien connus. Cependant, d'autres ressources onomastiques peuvent être mobilisées pour attacher des dieux à des lieux. Elles ont notamment été bien mises en évidence dans les sociétés ouest-sémitiques, par le biais d'une typologie qui distingue quatre formes d'associations entre un Divine Name (DN) et un Geographical Name (GN), à savoir : 1. « DN de GN » ; 2. « DN à/dans GN » ; 3. « DN qui habite/est établi (à) GN » ; 4. « DN maître(sse) de GN »[2]. Dans un environnement linguistique certes différent, des constructions équivalentes sont également observables dans l'onomastique divine grecque, que l'on pense à Aphrodite en Kêpois, Aphrodite Kephalêthên[3] ou Zeus Dôdônês medeôn[4]. Plus que leurs caractéristiques proprement grammaticales ou linguistiques, ce sont les logiques présidant à l'utilisation de tels attributs onomastiques divins – plutôt que les habituels adjectifs toponymiques – que l'on tentera d'établir : celles-ci procèdent- elles de contextes d'utilisation spécifiques (historiques, énonciatifs, culturels) ? S'appuient-elles sur des connotations ou des conceptions théologiques déterminées ? Après un aperçu d'ensemble du champ des possibles, on abordera plus particulièrement les formules combinant le participe μεδέων, - ουσα et un toponyme au génitif. Au-delà du cas bien connu de l'Athéna Athênôn medeousa de l'Empire athénien[5], l'examen des autres séquences onomastiques divines semblables[6] permettra de mettre au jour leurs contextes d'usage et les motivations de leur emploi dans toute leur diversité.

[1] Sur les attributs onomastiques divins, cf. Bonnet C. et al. (2018), M. Bianco, T. Galoppin, E. Guillon, A. Laurent, S. Lebreton, F. Porzia, « “Les dénominations des dieux nous offrent comme autant d'images dessinées” (Julien, Lettres 89b, 291 b). Repenser le binôme théonyme-épithète », SMSR, vol. 2, n°84, p. 567-591. Sur les épithètes divines (notamment toponymiques), on pourra toujours consulter, entre autres, Brulé P. (1998), « Le langage des épiclèses dans le polythéisme hellénique », Kernos, n°11, p. 13- 34 et Parker R. (2017), Greek Gods Abroad. Names, Natures, and Transformations, Oakland. [2] Smith M.S. (2016), Where the Gods Are. Spatial Dimensions of Anthropomorphism in the Biblical World, New Haven, p. 71-77, avec les références antérieures. [3] Cf. Pirenne-Delforge V. (1994), L'Aphrodite grecque, Liège, respectivement p. 48-66 et p. 79-80. [4] Iliade 233-234 et IG IX 1² 1750 (Dodone, ca. 334-330). [5] Cf. Parker R. (1996), Athenian Religion. A History, Oxford, p. 144-145. [6] Et parfois plus complexes en ce qu'elles peuvent intégrer aussi des adjectifs toponymiques, comme dans le cas de l'Apollon Dalios Kalumnas medeôn attesté à Cos (IG XII 4, 532) et à Calymna (Tit.Cal. 108-110) aux Ier siècle av. et Ier siècle de n.è.

Keywords: Polythéisme grec antique; onomastique divine; toponymie

Ištar of Samuha and Localization in the Hittite Pantheon Timothy Leonard The University of Michigan – United States

The Hittite Empire, which flourished in Anatolia and Northern Syria in the Late Bronze Age, is celebrated among ancient civilizations for the breadth and heterogeneity of its pantheon, and was known even in Antiquity as the Land of a Thousand Gods. As a result of territorial conglomeration and conquest, the Hittites incorporated deities from diverse linguistic and cultural milieus, including the indigenous Hattic religion, Luwian and Palaic deities, and Mesopotamian gods via Syria and the Hurrian territories. In many cases the true origin or pronunciation of a god's name is obscured by its logographic writing in the cuneiform script. These gods became so numerous that it was necessary to disambiguate deities of the same category by epithet, and the location of their cult center became an essential part of their identity.

The goddess Ištar can serve as an exemplar for the various processes of adoption and adaptation of deities by the Hittites. The original character of Ištar is most likely the product of a syncretism of Semitic and Sumerian Venus deities. As her cult spread out from Mesopotamia it spawned numerous hypostases and localized goddesses throughout the Levant and Anatolia. The exact connection between these cults and the West Semitic Astarte or the Cypriot Aphrodite remains unclear. The goddess Ištar was introduced to the Hittite pantheon through the Hurrian cultural influence from the region of Cilicia. Several localized Ištar goddesses, including Ištar of the Steppe, Ištar of Nineveh and Ištar of Hattarina, appear regularly as divine witnesses in Hittite diplomatic treaties.

In this paper I will discuss divine identification by geographic epithet in Hittite scribal practice and provide examples of these practices in regards to the goddess Ištar of Samuha. This goddess rose to prominence in part due to the devotion of kings Mursili II and Hattusili III. The first Ištar goddess to be worshipped at Samuha was Ištar of Tameninga. The Ištar in Samuha may have come to be identified with a figure known as the Goddess of the Night. Later texts describe Ištar of Samuha as Ištar of the Steppe, and give her the epithet Lady of the Ayakki, which refers to her sanctuary. Ištar of Samuha first appears in a list of divine witnesses to a treaty in the time of Hattusili III, but it is likely that the Ištar of the Steppe named in earlier treaties was worshipped in the city of Samuha. The development of the figure Ištar of Samuha shows that divine identity, as with human identity, can be quite complicated and is defined through context. A deity may be localized, or defined by geographic epithet, as a contradistinction to prevent ambiguity or as the result of increasing relative importance.

Keywords: Hittite; cuneiform; epithet; Ištar; localization

Place Names as Divine Epithets in Pausanias José Marcos Macedo University of São Paulo – Brazil

Pausanias is a well-known source of Greek divine epithets, yet there is to date no full-scale study on the epicleses mentioned in his travelogue. In this paper I shall restrict myself to an in-depth philological analysis of the divine epithets related to place names.

My aim is threefold. Firstly, I will collect all the examples of place name epithets (amounting roughly to 130 instances) and divide them according to the relevant deity. Secondly, I will put forward a classification regarding the following points: (1) toponymic (Ἀγοραῖος-type) versus topographic epithets (derived from names of city, region, country, or geographical feature); (2) their distribution among the deities involved (place name epithets, for instance, are lacking for some gods such as Ares and Persephone, whereas they are fairly common both for major deities – ranging from about 20% to 30% of the epicleses taken as a whole – and minor ones such as Nymphs, where they comprise half of the data); (3) discuss and assess the locative epithets (ἐν Ἀμύκλαις-type), which number about ten examples; (4) word formation (most common suffixes: *-ītid-, *-ad-, *-i̯ o-, *-tā/ēs, etc.); (5) relate the topographic epithets to their place of attestation, focusing on those that have spread beyond their original area; (6) through comparison between the place epithets examples and the attested epigraphic material. Thirdly, I will compare the examples employed for more than one deity (usually of the toponymic type) and briefly discuss the instances where the place name epithet is used without (or instead of) the theonym.

Having done that, and on the strength of a few conclusions drawn from the collected data, I will venture some concluding remarks on the “distinctive identity” of topographic epithets (cf. Robert Parker, Greek Gods Abroad. Names, Natures and Transformations [Oakland, 2017], p. 16) as against the toponymic ones. The latter may be shown to fulfill the basic function of cult epithets in general by identifying the deity, focusing on his or her relevant power and thereby praising the addressed god or goddess. Topographic epithets, on the other hand, might be divided between those mainly restricted to identification and those whose distinctive character is bestowed by their being identified with a specific place. A parameter will be suggested for telling them apart, at least in so far as the data in Pausanias and elsewhere allow us to do so.

Keywords: Pausanias; epiclesis; topographic epithets; toponymic epithets; distinctive identity

La déesse du sel dans les cultes de Kition : un exemple d'interaction entre la figure divine et son milieu Pauline Maillard Swiss School of Archaeology in Greece – Greece

Les fouilles effectuées depuis la fin du XIXe siècle sur le site antique de Kition à Chypre ont mené à la découverte de nombreux lieux de culte qui éclairent notre connaissance de la religion chypriote à l'Âge du Fer. Hormis les sanctuaires construits établis au cœur de la ville, plusieurs lieux ont livré des concentrations de matériel (terres cuites, céramiques ou mobilier en pierre) qui suggèrent l'existence de nombreux espaces de cultes s'organisant en plein-air, pour la plupart sous la forme d'enclos sacrés, installés entre le VIe et le IVe siècles av. n.è. dans la périphérie du noyau urbain.

L'un de ces espaces, identifié fortuitement dans les années 1860, a fait récemment l'objet d'une étude approfondie. Celui-ci était installé dans une région très particulière de la topographie de Kition, puisqu'il était établi sur le rivage du lac salé qui se situe directement au sud des portes de la ville. Les recherches menées sur ce lieu de culte, parfois nommé « sanctuaire des Salines », ont livré plusieurs centaines de figurines en terre cuite à l'effigie d'une déesse trônant ainsi qu'une poignée d'inscriptions en grec et en phénicien. Le réexamen de l'ensemble du mobilier trouvé sur place amène à postuler l'existence à Kition d'un culte extra-urbain, honorant une divinité féminine dont la personnalité est indéniablement imprégnée par son environnement naturel : la proximité de la mer et du lac salé, dont les ressources en sel ont dû constituer une importante manne pour le royaume kitien. Le matériel archéologique et épigraphique recueilli aux Salines de Kition fait cependant apparaître une dichotomie parmi les offrandes déposées. Celle-ci est tout d'abord d'ordre chronologique, puisqu'on constate un écart temporel entre deux périodes principales de fonctionnement du culte : une fréquentation importante au cours du IVe siècle av. n.è. marquée par la déposition de figurines, puis un réinvestissement du même espace à l'époque romaine, visible par les inscriptions. Une discordance apparaît aussi au premier regard entre les images représentant la déesse de l'époque classique, dont l'iconographie montre bien qu'elle est souveraine et maternelle et qu'elle partage à ce titre des champs d'action communs avec les divinités féminines indigènes chypriotes mais aussi phéniciennes, et son nom connu à l'époque impériale, moment où elle devient Artémis Paralia, l'Artémis du marais salant.

En réalité, les recherches sur la nature du culte des Salines démontrent que la dissonance entre les images et le nom de la divinité est un faux-semblant. Pour le démentir, il est nécessaire d'investiguer la personnalité de la déesse et pour se faire de réexaminer ses attributs onomastiques donnés par les inscriptions des diverses périodes. Si détachés de leur milieu d'origine les qualificatifs de la déesse constituent des hapax tant dans la documentation phénicienne que grecque, ils prennent au contraire tout leur sens lorsqu'ils sont contextualisés dans la géographie et l'environnement salin du culte. Cette communication propose donc d'examiner par un cas concret l'interaction complexe qui s'opère entre le nom des dieux et leur milieu, en prenant l'exemple d'un culte installé dans un royaume chypro-phénicien d'époque classique.

Keywords: cultes; royaumes chypriotes; sel; séquences onomastiques; topographie

From Mount Tifata to Tyros: Places and Meanings in Campanian Divine Naming Daniele Miano Max Weber Centre – Germany University of Sheffield – United Kingdom

If it is generally agreed that epithets and attributions serve the purpose of characterising and specifying the deity that they are attached to, there is much to be investigated about the way in which this process works. Geographical epithets and attributions make a particularly interesting and challenging case, as they can be used to highlight a variety of things, such as networks and connections between places and communities, but also the interrelation between these places, the deities, and a specific meaning attached to them. My paper will make the case for the usefulness of historical semantics for a better understanding of this issue, using as evidence the rich corpus of sanctuaries and sacred inscriptions in Greek, Oscan, and Latin from Campania. The starting point of my argument will be Robert Parker's contention that, although we can divide epithets in different groups and distinguish geographical and functional epithets, one should not insist excessively on this distinction, because geographical epithets can have a functional aspect, and vice versa. I shall argue that geographical epithets can express a variety of concerns of individuals, groups, and communities, and those agents could use a number of strategies to contest or argue over the meanings of these claims.

Geographical epithets and attributions in Campania are an extremely diverse lot in terms of the variety of places they are attached to (local or further away), the types of people offering gifts (imperial political authorities, local magistrates, collegia, other individuals), and language (Greek, Oscan, Latin). I shall concentrate in particular on two case studies. The first is that of geographical epithets attested in and around the city of Capua, especially around Mount Tifata, where there were sanctuaries dedicated to Diana Tifatina and Iuppiter Tifatinus, but we also have dedications to Iuno Tuscolana. These documents show the variety of agents interacting with the deities and their sanctuaries, but also some of the strategies used to further specify the meaning of a geographical epithet via further epithets (so we have Diana Tifatina Trivia and Iuppiter Optimus Maximus Tifatinus).

My second case study will be Puteoli, where a great number of geographical attributions are attested, many of which referred to places outside of Italy. I shall focus in particular on attributions connected to Tyre, to which was connected an otherwise unnamed theos hagios (Melquart?) mentioned in several Greek or bilingual inscriptions. An exceptional document found in Puteoli records an exchange between the members of a group of Tyrians at Puteoli and the boule of Tyre from 174 CE. This document shows how Tyrian deities were at the centre of concerns of different groups of Tyrians: there was a rivalry between the richer community at Rome and that at Puteoli, and the boule of Tyre played a pivotal role in the relationship between these groups.

Keywords: Campania; epithets; semantics; networks

Récit(s) de fondation du sanctuaire de Béthel dans le livre de la Genèse Jean Michel Poirier CERES – Institut Catholique of Toulouse – France

Les chapitres 28 et 35 du livre de la Genèse proposent deux versions alternatives ou complémentaires de l'un des grands sanctuaires de l'Israël biblique, celui de Béthel. Ce dernier est attribué au patriarche Jacob qui, en Gn 28, y reçoit un songe, assorti d'une promesse divine, et marque ce lieu d'une pierre dressée (bétyle). Il le nomme Béthel, jouant sur l'expression Beth-Elohîm (« Maison-Dieu »). Y revenant plus de vingt ans plus tard, accompagnée d'un peuple en germe, Jacob est l'objet d'une nouvelle manifestation divine (Gn 35). Il dresse à nouveau une pierre mais bâtit également un autel, nomme le lieu El-Bethel (« Dieu de Béthel »). Lui-même reçoit pour la seconde fois le nom d'Israël.

La communication se propose d'explorer la relation du lieu et de sa nomination avec les manifestations divines qui s'y rapportent.

Keywords: Bible; Genèse; Israël; Béthel; Jacob

Zeus Nineudios et Aphrodite d'Aphrodisias : nommer les lieux et les dieux en Carie Joy Rivault Institut Français d'Études Anatoliennes – Turkey Ausonius – University of Bordeaux III – France

Étienne de Byzance affirme que la cité d'Aphrodisias en Carie se nommait originellement Ninoë. C'est de ce toponyme local que serait issue l'épiclèse jovienne Nineudios. Zeus est en effet bien connu dans la cité, dès le IIIe-IIe siècle av. n.è. sur les monnaies et dès le Ier siècle av. n.è. dans la documentation épigraphique. Aigle, foudre et double hache, sont ainsi représentés à Aphrodisias, parfois en association avec l'autre grande déesse des lieux, Aphrodite. Aphrodisias ne devient pourtant un centre cultuel majeur en Carie qu'à partir de l'époque hellénistique. La déesse Aphrodite y est alors nouvellement reconnue comme divinité tutélaire, représentée sous la forme d'un xoanon anatolien. Ce n'est désormais plus la divinité qui prend le nom de la localité qui l'honore mais la cité qui est renommée en hommage à sa nouvelle déesse protectrice, Aphrodite d'Aphrodisias. Zeus Nineudios ne disparaît pas pour autant : le dieu apparaît sur les monnaies d'époque impériale trônant, tenant un xoanon miniature de la déesse dans la main ou se tenant assis devant la statue grandeur nature, traduisant le lien étroit qui unit les deux divinités aphrodisiennes. La déesse symbolise le renouveau politique et cultuel associé au synœcisme tandis que le dieu témoigne de l'attachement aux traditions anciennes et locales, toujours au cœur des préoccupations identitaires cariennes. Le mythe de création de la cité par le roi Ninos est par ailleurs mis en scène sur l'un des reliefs de la Basilique d'Aphrodisias. Le roi se tient devant un autel sur lequel se dresse un aigle. Des personnages mythologiques, tel que Bellérophon, sont également figurés sur l'édifice, rappelant le passé mythique de la cité. La présence de Zeus Nineudios dans les inscriptions uniquement à partir du Ier siècle av. n.è. pourrait ainsi témoigner que l'association d'Aphrodisias à ce culte était une création hellénistique visant à assoir son prestige, au moment où elle obtient l'asylie de son sanctuaire.

Les cultes des divinités tutélaires d'Aphrodisias sont donc les témoins de l'interaction entre lieu et dieu. La création d'une épiclèse à partir d'un toponyme, et inversement, est porteuse de sens. Une partie de l'identité divine est ainsi définie à travers son rapport au territoire. La présente communication a donc pour but d'interroger les relations de la cité d'Aphrodisias avec ses dieux, Zeus Nineudios et Aphrodite. Quand et comment le lieu donne-t-il son nom à l'épiclèse et le théonyme à la cité ? Quel impact ce processus a-t-il sur l'identité locale et sur la connexion entre le territoire et ses cultes ?

Keywords: Aphrodisias; toponymes; épiclèses; cultes; identité religieuse

Those around Demeter: Divine Circles and Epithet Patterns Karolina Sekita University of Oxford – United Kingdom

In this paper I aim to present my observations regarding a possible transfer or development of features related to the concept of earth-goddess Demeter. When worshipped with certain deities, she is present in their epithets, a relation which seems to be mutual. For instance, whenever the god of the Underworld (Hades/Plouton) is combined in cult with Demeter (and/or her daughter) we encounter Zeus Chthonios, Demetrios, Gaos and Plouton as names of this god; Demeter, however, also gets epithets such as Chamyne, Azesia, Konia and Steritis, which reflect properties of the underworld god.

Interestingly, there are several other deities who take up ‘agricultural' properties as well as those related to nature and soil broadly understood, and are also worshipped with Demeter: Poseidon, Dionysos, Apollon to name but the most important ones. It seems that they follow the same paradigm.

On the basis of my analysis of the Demeter-Hades combination, their names and epithets, I will show that there existed a distinctive correlation between their common worship and the epithets assigned to them, both within shared cult and in separate cultic environments. I will also show that this is applicable to other deities worshipped with Demeter, and that these combinations form something that could be regarded as a ‘divine circle'.

I am also going to demonstrate the degree of mutual conditioning of the epithets and the deities to which they are ascribed by taking into consideration the relations between the deities and determining whether their epithets are a result of pairing or arise from a particular feature or a sphere of activity (whether locally determined or Panhellenic). I shall also identify the ‘mechanisms' for pairing the deities and assigning epithets to them (via meaning, form, sequence) as well as their cultic environments (including landscape and geographical features). Additionally, I aim to address some broader questions of local tradition and cultural exchange, crucial for our understanding of the formation of the concepts underlying these epithets and cult environments.

Keywords: Earth; Demeter; divine circles; cult combinations; epithet patterns

Réflexions sur les Athéna-s toponymiques de l'Attique : le cas d'Athéna Sounias aux époques archaïque et classique Audrey Vasselin ANHIMA – University of Paris I – France

Parmi les désignations proprement attiques d'Athéna, nous retrouvons un certain nombre d'épithètes toponymiques : « Sounias » pour le Cap Sounion, « Pallènis » pour le dème de Pallène, Zosteria pour le cap Zôster, sans parler de « Polias » qui renverrait originellement à l'acropolis (Paus., I, 26, 6). Comment comprendre ces désignations ? Certains historiens confrontés à ces Athéna-s toponymiques peinent à leur adresser une signification propre : Athéna à Sounion serait ainsi une version locale de la Polias (Theodoropoulou-Polychroniadis 2015, p.117). Si la configuration divine à Sounion rappelle effectivement celle de l'Acropole par la présence de Poséidon aux côtés de la Fille de Zeus, peut-on négliger pour autant la dimension spatiale qui rend le cap Sounion, et donc ses cultes, unique ?

L'espace comprend en effet des qualités intrinsèques qui en retour redéfinissent la divinité qui lui est liée. Le cadre dans lequel s'enracine l'Athéna de Sounion n'est absolument pas le même que celui d'Athéna Polias. Il faut dès lors donner tout son crédit à l'épithète toponymique qui, loin de n'être qu'un élément de localisation du culte, lui donne toute sa signification.

Pour le colloque « Naming and Mapping the Gods in the Ancient Mediterranean : Spaces, Mobilities, Imaginaries », nous nous proposons d'examiner le cas d'Athéna à Sounion. Nous réfléchirons en particulier sur ce que signifie, pour une divinité, de posséder comme attribut onomastique, un toponyme. Pour cela, il conviendra d'interroger le lien qu'entretient la déesse avec l'espace où elle se trouve. Il sera intéressant d'aborder cette question par une approche scalaire. Tout d'abord, à l'échelle locale, nous étudierons la « perception scénographique du sanctuaire » (Brulé 2012, p. 16). Ensuite, il conviendra de replacer les cultes de Sounion dans un contexte d'abord régional puis civique (c'est-à-dire à l'échelle de la cité toute entière).

Bibliographie sélective :

Alcock S. E., Osborne R. (dir.) (1994), Placing the gods: sanctuaries and sacred space in ancient Greece, Oxford. Bonnet C. et al. (2018), « “Les dénominations des dieux nous offrent comme autant d'images dessinées” (Julien, Lettres 89b, 291 b). Repenser le binôme théonyme-épithète », SMSR, vol. 2, n°84, p.567-591. Belayche N. et Brulé P. (éd.) (2005), Nommer les dieux. Théonymes, épithètes, épiclèses dans l'Antiquité, Recherches sur les rhétoriques religieuses 5, Turnhout. Brulé P. (2012), Comment percevoir le sanctuaire grec ? Une analyse sensorielle du paysage sacré, Paris. Lebreton S. (2013), Surnommer Zeus : contribution à l'étude des structures et des dynamiques du polythéisme attique à travers ses épiclèses, de l'époque archaïque au Haut-Empire, thèse de doctorat, sous la direction de P. Brulé, Université de Rennes II. Paul S. (2016), « Pallas étend ses mains sur notre cité ». Réflexion sur le paysage épiclétique autour de l'Athéna « poliade » », Pallas, n°100, 2016, p.119-138. Theodoropoulou-Polychroniadis Z. (2015), Sounion Revisited: The Sanctuaries of Poseidon and Athena at Sounion in Attica, Oxford, Archaeopress Archaeology.

Keywords: Athéna; toponymie; cultes; approche scalaire; perception scénographique

Etymology as a ‘Mapping' Tool in Hesiod's Theogony: The Case of Aphrodite Athanassios Vergados School of History, Classics and Archaeology – Newcastle University – United Kingdom

This paper will examine Aphrodite's name and cult epithets in Hesiod's Theogony 188–206. Hesiod's extensive engagement with the etymological interpretation of these terms presupposes a philosophy of language that enables inferences regarding divine matters: the names and epikleseis are micro-narratives that encode the divine history which the interpreter can decode and transmit to his audience.

In the case of Aphrodite we are confronted with multiple etymologies: her name derives from ἀφρός (foam), reflecting the circumstances of her conception and birth; she is Κυθέρεια because she approached Cythera before her birth (= first epiphany) on Cyprus, whence her by-name Κύπρις; she is also known as φιλομμειδής because she was born from Ouranos' μήδεα (200), even though Hesiod hints also at the more common understanding of the epithet (cf. μειδήματα and φιλότητα at 205/206).

This concatenation of etymologies allows the poet to ‘map' the goddess on different levels:

(1) Spatially, we follow the goddess' movement from her origins in the divine drama between Ouranos and Gaia/the Titans in an undefined space presumably in the sky to her entry into more defined spaces in the Greek religious landscape that involve known cult-places of Aphrodite. This movement is significant because it implies the presence of mortals, generally ignored in the Theogony.

(2) In temporal terms, Hesiod makes us aware of his choice among other versions of Aphrodite's story. As is known from the Iliad (5.370–430) and the fifth Homeric Hymn, Aphrodite was also said to be the goddess of Zeus and Dione which would imply that she belonged to a later generation and had a different power relation to Zeus. While Hesiod is aware of Dione (Th. 17, 353), he assigns Aphrodite to an earlier divine generation, rendering her into an older power that consorts with Eros, one of the primordial cosmic beings (201). The etymological network fulfils thus an important taxonomic function in the poem's economy, as it allows the poet to inscribe the goddess' name onto the divine landscape of the Theogony. Aphrodite's wondrous birth at the end of the first stage of the Succession Myth will be answered by the wondrous birth of another female goddess at the last stage of the Succession Myth (Athena).

(3) The divine persona of Aphrodite emerges as particularly complex: although one, she has many names. While the individual names all point to the goddess, they stand in a pars pro toto relation to her: by ‘unpacking' them one can grasp the multifaceted aspects of her divine presence. At the same time, the poet succeeds in naturalising several of Aphrodite's names which originate in Semitic languages.

Finally, in order to highlight further the achievement of Hesiod's presentation I will briefly compare with later conceptions of the goddess (e.g. the distinction between an Aphrodite, daughter of Ouranos, and one who is daughter of Zeus, as reflected in the Orphics, fr. 189 and 260 Bernabé) which fragment the divine persona in their attempt to harmonise the conflicting accounts on her birth and functions with one another.

Keywords: Aphrodite; Hesiod; etymology; polyonymy; divine epithets

Hera in the North-Eastern Peloponnese: Cult Epithets as Definitions of Location, Personality and Containers of Cultural Memory Jorunn Økland Norwegian Institute at Athens – Greece University of Oslo – Norway

The paper will argue, that in the North-Eastern part of the Peloponnese, Hera is the deity inhabiting the most spectacular locations. She may not throne on the highest peaks (unlike e.g. Aphrodite on Acrocorinth), or the sites controlling the largest areas (unlike e.g. Poseidon in Isthmia). But already in the Iliad, Hera's special status in this area is noted. The sanctuaries/cult places I will present in particular, are Hera Argeia (Prosymna), Hera Akraia (Argos), Hera Limenia (Perachora), Hera Bounaia (Corinth), while retaining other cult places of Hera in the region as significant points of reference.

It is generally considered that the cult of Hera as divine protectress is very ancient in the region, and I will elaborate on why this widely accepted hypothesis partly explains why she is so ”well-positioned”, how it can explain her regional epithets, and how it can explain certain discrepancies between the regional epithets and traces of ancient cult practices on the one hand, and on the other hand the later mythologies found e.g. in Pausanias and more mainstram mythological accounts. For it is impossible to discuss the prominence of the goddess and her sanctuaries in this region without also addressing how the sanctuaries in question – and the reputation of Hera – changed over time. But rather than presenting this history as a history from a hypothesised cult of an ancient mother/fertility goddess that develops into the cult of the ”desperate housewife” that Hera became in the later mythological developments, I will start in the later periods and move backwards in time, trying to follow the traces of the regional cultural memories of Hera as evident in the later stages with whatever materials we have from the earlier ones.

Theory: For this paper, I will draw on previous works in critical spatial theory, gender theory, critical theory of religion, and in a more general way also on theories about cultural memory. In the introduction I will address one theoretical point also mentioned in the Call for Papers: the modern terminologies used to name genres and species of ”ancient religions”. I will present the argument from my 2004 book,[1] that ”sanctuary space” is a better designation than ”sacred space” – more pragmatic and less essentialist with regard to what constitutes ”the sacred”. Although I have since returned to the more common ”sacred space” simply because it is the more widely shared term, the argument from the book is still the basis for my work in this area.

[1] Økland J. (2004), Women in their Place: Paul and the Corinthian Discourse of Gender and Sanctuary Space, London. Økland J. (2010), “Ceres, Κορη, and Cultural Complexity: Divine Personality Definitions and Human Worshippers in Roman Corinth”, in Friesen S., Showalter D. and Walters J. (eds.), Corinth in Context: Comparative Studies on Religion and Society, Leiden, p. 199-229.

Keywords: Goddesses; Critical Theories; of Religion; Space and Gender; Landscape and Location; Sanctuaries; Hera

Posters

Artemide e il suo territorio. Le epiclesi toponimiche di Artemide in Attica Micaela Canopoli University of Warwick – United Kingdom Oggetto del contributo sarà l'analisi delle epiclesi toponimiche di Artemide attestate in Attica. Tra le divinità del pantheon greco, Artemide è quella il cui legame con il territorio appare più radicato. A lei Callimaco assegna il dominio delle montagne e il patrocinio su trenta città. Il legame tra la divinità è lo spazio si riflette nella localizzazione dei luoghi di culto e nelle epiclesi toponimiche che la caratterizzano in tutto il territorio greco; esse confermano l'ambito di azione della divinità rispetto ad aree specifiche, qualificandola nella sua funzione di divinità ordinatrice, protettrice delle zone di confine e garante dei limiti. In Attica, la relazione tra Artemide e lo spazio è rappresentata da una serie di tratti onomastici ad esso strettamente legati, che caratterizzano il culto della divinità dalle sue prime manifestazioni fino all'epoca romana. Queste denominazioni sono caratterizzate da distinti livelli di significato e valori differenti man mano che ci si allontana dalla zona cui il nome riferisce. Esse definiscono la provenienza della divinità, assumendo un valore funzionale in relazione all'importanza e alla caratterizzazione del culto all'esterno dell'area di origine. Lo studio partirà dall'analisi delle testimonianze riferite al culto di Artemide con epiclesi toponimica dal territorio dell'Attica per poi considerare la diffusione di tali denominazioni in altre aree (siano esse identificabili come di origine o di arrivo), allo scopo di definire meglio le caratteristiche e le eventuali trasformazioni che hanno interessato sia la pratica rituale che la percezione dell'essere divino nel momento dello stabilirsi del culto in un'area diversa da quella di origine, nel tentativo di identificare le dinamiche alla base della diffusione di determinate forme di religiosità e gli agenti interessati a tale diffusione. Keywords: Artemis; Attica; epiclesi; religione greca; culto

Naming the Space of the Gods

Papers

Un lieu pour « tous les dieux » ? Reflexions autour de la notion de « Panthéon » Ginevra Benedetti University of Pisa – Italy PLH – University of Toulouse II – France

Dans la variété lexicale ancienne fabriquée pour désigner des espaces religieux, se distingue indéniablement le terme Πάνθειον, le « panthéon », dont la fortune et la fascination ont traversé bien des époques. Le mot s'avère être la forme neutre de l'adjectif πάνθειος-ον, sous-entendant dans la plupart des cas le substantif ἱερόν, « temple ». Dans de nombreuses sources anciennes (surtout épigraphiques), le terme semble désigner un monument (un sacellum, un altaire ou un temple) ou plus génériquement un endroit pas bien défini censé concentrer la vénération envers « tous les dieux » (Ziegler, 1949; Will, 1951). Des « Panthéa » sont connus à partir de l'époque hellénistique de façon sûre en Asie Mineure, auxquels s'ajoutent bien des témoignages littéraires concernant la Grèce continentale. Des évidences épigraphiques et littéraires également connues pour le monde latin jusqu'au deuxième siècle de notre ère complètent un cadre riche et complexe. Malgré les preuves textuelles et archéologiques observées sur une large échelle géographique, le « Panthéon » continue de poser des énigmes de conception et d'intention en tant que lieu (plus ou moins monumentalisé), et nombre de ses prémisses historiques et stratégies de base restent incertaines, discutées ou simplement inexpliquées. Face à l'ambiguïté de la nature de la réalité matérielle de ce que les anciens définissaient « panthéon », les spécialistes ont adopté deux positions : la première (Weinreich, 1937) considère le terme Πάνθειον comme synonyme de Δωδεκάθεον (sous-entendant ἱερόν, « temple des douze dieux »), même si de nombreuses sources se référent à cette structure avec le terme précis de Δωδεκάθεον et il ne semble pas qu'il y ait lieu de considérer que ce terme est remplacé au besoin par Πάνθειον. La deuxième voit dans la construction signifiée par le terme « panthéon » l'expression matérielle de l' Allgöettlich, une collectivité de dieux informe et puissante. Les grands changements politiques des époques hellénistique et impériale combinés à un nombre toujours croissant de divinités auraient amené les fidèles à se tourner vers une communauté divine, perçue comme plus puissante et efficace qu'un seul dieu (Usener, 1896; Jacobi, 1930). Partant de ces prémisses, les objectifs de cette intervention sont multiples: (1) recueillir et mettre en perspective l'ensemble des occurrences de ce lexème, pour relever et analyser les similitudes et les différences de signification dans un contexte géographique aussi vaste de diffusion du terme; (2) proposer, à travers ce lexique, une relecture des positions de l'état actuel de la recherche, en se concentrant plutôt (3) sur les stratégies qui sous-tendent ce type de dénomination clairement élusive. L'analyse portant sur les agents, les configurations spatiales et matérielles mobilisées permettra d'approfondir dans ce sens. À partir de là, enfin, (4) nous pourrons réfléchir sur le concept même de « totalité des dieux », souvent considéré comme acquis, mais qui s'avère d'autant plus complexe qu'il n'indique pas seulement « tous les dieux » ; en fait, il révèle des choix précis et souvent signifiant des ensembles divins, des « panthéons » restreints et locaux. Keywords: Panthéon; temple; lieu sacré; Dodékathéon; ensembles divins

« Χρηστήριον » et « μαντεῖον » : là où les dieux parlent. Géographie et (re)définition du sanctuaire oraculaire d'après l'exemple anatolien Kevin Bouillot ANHIMA – EPHE – France University of Montreal – Canada

La définition du terme « oracle » (χρηστήριον ou μαντεῖον) est longtemps apparue comme une évidence d'autant plus grande qu'elle s'appuyait sur le modèle incontournable du sanctuaire de Delphes. Les études consacrées, depuis le milieu du XXe siècle, aux autres grands sanctuaires oraculaires grecs, apolliniens d'abord puis dédiés à d'autres divinités ensuite, ont néanmoins montré que le phénomène ne pouvait être réduit au cas delphique, mais que la diversité des échelles, des contextes, des rites et des mythes s'imposait à l'historien et interdisait toute généralisation excessive. Ce constat pose depuis la question de la définition du sanctuaire oraculaire, jamais formalisée par les anciens Grecs, et rarement interrogée par les historiens depuis les « sacerdoces divinatoires » d'A. Bouché-Leclercq.

L'Anatolie, région méditerranéenne particulièrement peuplée et urbanisée aux époques hellénistique et romaine, abondait en sanctuaires et notamment en sanctuaires oraculaires. L'identification de ces sanctuaires est possible en recherchant, dans les documentations littéraires et épigraphiques – et dans une perspective émique –, les termes grecs trahissant l'existence et/ou l'activité d'un sanctuaire oraculaire. Outre μαντεῖον et χρηστήριον désignant le sanctuaire oraculaire, les termes χρησμός ou μαντεῖον/μαντεία en désignent les oracles (en tant que réponses divines), quand le προφήτης, le (ou la) πρόμαντις et autres (quasi-) synonymes en désignent le personnel cultuel caractéristique. Même les formules dédicatoires κατὰ (τὴν) μαντείαν ou κατὰ (τὸν) χρησμόν) révèlent une activité oraculaire, dont elles font découler une dédicace. Un tel recensement permet de compter jusqu'à quarante-six sanctuaires oraculaires anatoliens, dans l'état actuel des documentations disponibles, en plus des deux grands sanctuaires apolliniens de Claros et Didymes, déjà abondamment étudiés. Une cartographie de ces sanctuaires est jointe à cette proposition.

Cet exemple des sanctuaires oraculaires anatoliens et de leur diversité, ainsi que la comparaison des quarante-six cas attestés, permettent de proposer une redéfinition historique (étique cette fois) du sanctuaire oraculaire suffisamment vaste pour ne rien perdre de la diversité du phénomène, mais suffisamment resserrée pour en permettre une meilleure compréhension historique.

Cette communication se propose de reprendre cette démarche scientifique, menée précédemment dans mon mémoire de thèse de doctorat, en revenant sur ses premiers postulats, sa démarche lexicale et quelques exemples de sanctuaires ainsi identifiés, pour finalement expliciter la redéfinition du sanctuaire oraculaire qu'elle propose.

Il s'agit ainsi de s'éloigner de la définition classique d'A. Bouché-Leclercq qui pose plusieurs problèmes majeurs et soulève notamment la question de la caractérisation des sanctuaires apparemment non oraculaires mais où des pratiques divinatoires sont attestées (tels que les sanctuaires « à stèles de confession » notamment), mais sans sacerdoce dédié ni tradition rituelle et mythique en la matière. La nouvelle définition proposée insiste sur l'initiative humaine (des prêtres, de la cité, des adorateurs du dieu) dans la mise en valeur et l'organisation de pratiques rituelles divinatoires permettant un accès médiatisé au divin, certes non exclusif mais privilégié.

Keywords: Sanctuaire oraculaire; Oracle; Divination; Religion; Rituel; Géographie; Anatolie; Définition émique/étique; Épigraphie

Les épiclèses toponymiques comme outil interprétatif chez Hérodote : quelques exemples Fabrizio Gaetano University of Verona – Italy

La richesse sémantique des mots grecs exprimant le « sacré » – ἱερός, ἅγιος et ὅσιος – ne rend pas facile la traduction de ces notions dans les langues vivantes ; de même, il est difficile de trouver en grec ancien un terme qui puisse correspondre précisément à l'expression moderne « lieu sacré ». Des mots tels que τέμενος, ἱερόν et ναός étaient susceptibles d'indiquer des réalisations architecturales très différentes (par exemple, ναός peut désigner la construction du temple dans son ensemble ou bien il peut s'opposer au pronaos, la partie antérieure du bâtiment). Donc, mon intervention ne concerne pas le rapport entre signifiant, signification et signe concret : indépendamment de cela, je propose d'examiner les fonctions des « lieux sacrés » dédiés aux dieux ou héros à épiclèse toponymique. Ces fonctions peuvent être très variées. En outre, au cas où l'on déciderait d'étudier un ouvrage spécifique, il s'avère incontournable de réfléchir aux valeurs - pas nécessairement cultuelles ou religieuses - que l'auteur choisit de souligner.

Or, Hérodote rassure souvent ses destinataires à propos de la validité du contenu de son récit historiographique. Il emploie souvent le lexique grec de la preuve, alors que dans d'autres passages la garantie de bonne foi relève explicitement de la vision directe de l'historien, de son ὄψις. Cette fonction probatoire est parfois accomplie par les objets que les « lieux sacrés » gardent dans leur espace. Et pourtant, il ne s'agit pas seulement de focaliser l'attention sur ce qui se trouve à l'intérieur d'un sanctuaire ou d'un temple, mais de valoriser aussi l'espace sacré même. En effet, dans les Histoires on lit que les Cariens allèguent un ἱρόν de Zeus Carios comme preuve de leur autochtonie (I 171). La présence d'un ἱρόν consacré à Héraclès Thasios, fondé par les Phéniciens, démontre l'antériorité chronologique de l'Héraclès-dieu des Égyptiens par rapport à l'Héraclès-héros des Grecs (II 44), une antériorité qu'Hérodote soutient avec conviction. Enfin, d'après les habitants de Sybaris, le τέμενος et le νηός consacrés par Dorieus à Athéna Cratia sont le témoignage que le roi de Sparte aida les Crotoniates pendant la guerre entre les deux villes de la Grande Grèce (V 45).

Dans tous ces cas, Hérodote apparaît être conscient du fait que les « lieux sacrés » peuvent préserver une portion importante de mémoire collective, qu'ils abritent à jamais. Il exploite cette possibilité et transforme les espaces sacrés en moyens explicatifs et probatoires du discours historiographique. Les épiclèses toponymiques qui accompagnent les noms des dieux ou des héros ont une fonction dénotative essentielle, car elles distinguent qualitativement l'espace, en introduisant des degrés et des formes de différenciation culturelle. Il s'agit d'un outil interprétatif qu'Hérodote applique même à la compréhension de la religion égyptienne : les épiclèses divines ne servent pas à préciser, tout simplement, où se trouve un sanctuaire, mais ce qu'il est et pourquoi l'espace qu'il occupe est caractérisé par des faits de civilisation rares et uniques.

Keywords: Hérodote; historiographie; épiclèse; espace; religion

Penser-faire l'espace sacré : une « interaction » entre une Ratio vitruvienne et un milieu Houda Lichiheb1, Jean Pierre Guilhembet and Patrice Ceccarini 1 EVCAU-ENSA Paris Val de Seine – ANHIMA-UP – University of Paris VII– France

Nous désirons traiter de la relation entre le milieu - ensemble de données naturelles, physiques et anthropologiques - et les temples - réponse architecturale « en adéquation » à ce milieu.

Par définition, la nature, principe générateur, est la clé de l'émergence de toute forme vivante, y compris les territoires habités anciens. Ces derniers doivent être étudiés comme des organismes vivant en interaction avec les phénomènes de leurs contextes, y compris les pratiques sociales et cultuelles qui leur dictent et contrôlent leur morphologie. Vitruve, dans le De Architectura, traite cette problématique. Sa théorie - fondée sur la Ratio, principe d'explication des phénomènes - est fondamentale pour garantir une pratique architecturale opératoire (Fabrica), spécifique d'un contexte déterminé, dont la finalité est d'assurer le bien- être humain à partir du respect des lois de la nature. M. Courrént, dans son livre De architecti scientia : Idée de nature et théorie de l'art dans le De architectura de Vitruve (Caen, PUC, 2011) démonte cette pensée vitruvienne. L'architecture de Vitruve, selon l'interprétation de M. Courrént, est en effet définie comme une relation qui s'établit, autour de la forme à réaliser, entre un but, qui consiste à répondre à des critères spécifiques, et un savoir, qui est une lecture des phénomènes naturels.

De ce fait, les temples, premières installations architecturales, leurs noms, leurs lieux d'implantation, leurs morphologies, leurs décors, leurs matériaux et même leurs techniques de construction, sont dictés par les milieux où ils sont édifiés. Ils sont, comme tout objet architectural, le résultat d'une dynamique morphologique et phénoménologique.

La démonstration prendra appui sur les temples romains - urbains en France et non urbains au Liban- de la période post-vitruvienne (du Ier au IIIe siècle).

Keywords: Vitruve; temple; Ratiocinatio; Fabrica; dynamique morphologique et phénoménologique

In and Out: What Archaeology Can Tell About the Role of Liminality in the Phoenician Rites Ida Oggiano CNR Rome – Italy

Where were the rituals of ancient people performed? Answering this question is easy only on the surface. There are many difficulties in both terminology and concept that range from a generic definition of the concept of sacred space to more specific definitions of sanctuary, temple, and so on. The study of the relationship between man and space and therefore between man and sacred space had long been the privileged domain of the social sciences and especially anthropology, and more recently, of studies in the history of religion. For anthropologists, the study of sacred space belongs to a reflection on territory, understood both as a geographical concept and as a place where a specific group feels safe because of the relationship it establishes with the “spirits of the place” who populate it. This basic concept can be expressed more generally by saying that a space can be considered sacred to the extent that relationships are set up between man and the deity. At the origin of the definition of the “sacred character” of a certain space, there can be a supernatural apparition, the request for a divine blessing on a place occupied by man, including his house (lares and penates), or else a portion of human territory reserved for the god (the temple). In “historical” civilisations, cultic space coincides with sacred space because it is the place where rituals are performed (especially sacrificial rituals) that foster the meeting between god and man. Therefore, it can be inside a house, where one part is devoted to domestic worship, or else a temple, the place par excellence of the collective, civic or dynastic cult or an open space that evokes for some reason the presence of supernatural forces.

In this paper I analyse the archaeological information about Phoenician “sacred space” using a sort of conceptual hierarchy of what could be the ancient mental “where” (sacred space in general), topographic “where” (sacred space connected to the landscape) and finally, the architectural “where” (the sacred building). In particular I will focus on the concept of liminality and the way it was expressed in the archaeological documentation (e.g the presence of a temenos, a door and images etc.) of the Phoenician context.

Keywords: Rituals; liminality; Phoenician religion; Phoenicia cult place

πολύθεοι ἕδραι: Terms for Spatio-Cultic Relationships in Greek Emrys Schlatter Institute of Religious Studies – Free University of Berlin – Germany

Der Begriff „Polytheismus“ diente in seinem ursprünglichen Sinne bekanntlich einer monotheistischen Polemik, die sich gegen die „Vielgötterei“ anderer Religionsformen richtete, um diese abzuwerten und auszugrenzen. Trotz der problematischen Begriffsgeschichte und der komplexen Wechselbeziehung zwischen Einheit und Vielzahl in antiken (wie modernen) Religionen jedoch bleiben gerade die beinahe ausufernde Fülle der Götterwelt ein Hauptmerkmal der antiken griechischen Religion(en) und der korrekte Umgang mit dieser Fülle eines der zentralen Anliegen des Kultes und seiner Teilnehmer. Dazu gehörte auch die räumliche Organisation der Götter, die nicht nur vereinzelt und individuell neben- oder nacheinander verehrt wurden, sondern im Kultus in einem Netzwerk von Binnenverhältnissen und Interdependenzen standen, aufeinander bezogen und auf verschiedene Weise miteinander verbunden wurden, nicht zuletzt durch die räumliche Nähe ihrer Kultstätten, die Aufstellung ihrer Statuen, Weihgaben und Altäre im selben Heiligtum oder die gemeinsame Verehrung an einem einzelnen Altar. Wie bezeichnen aber die Griechen engere räumlich-rituelle Verbindungen dieser Art, die das „Polytheistische“, die Präsenz einer göttlichen Vielzahl, in der physischen Welt sichtbar machen? Über welche Termini verfügen sie, um dieses doch selbstverständliche Phänomen zu beschreiben? Der Beitrag bietet einen Überblick über die einschlägigen Termini, analysiert die Begriffe und Formulierungen in ihrem jeweiligen (epigraphischen, dichterischen usw.) Kontext und nähert sich dabei der Frage nach antiker ritueller Selbstreflexion im Confinium von Sprache, Räumlichkeit und Gottesvorstellungen.

The paper will be in English.

Keywords: polytheism; god; groups; cult; emic; terminology

Posters

Cryptic names of Osiris in Ptolemaic texts Mohamed Ragab Minia University – Egypt

The god Osiris represents the backbone of ancient Egyptian religion. In the temples of the Greco-roman period such as Edfou, Dendara and Esna Osiris has a great influence in texts. He was the kernel of most ceremonies and rituals. He was the provider, the protector, the leader, the peaceful, the noble, the defender. Life is his, eternity is his, every lasting is his, health is his, and youth is his. In just a few words he was” the fate of Egypt”.

The subject of this paper discusses the cryptic orthography of the name of Osiris. As a lot of building and texts dedicated for Osiris, his name is frequently repeated in texts. The multiple attestations of the name give the scribe all the freedom and imagination to write the name in different ways. Playing with words and using cryptography in composing the name is common in Ptolemaic texts. The paper will on the name of Osiris and its spellings through the examination of some documents.

Keywords: Cryptic; Cryptography; Osiris; Orthography; Etymology

Eukleia: divinità autonoma o epiteto di Artemide? Alessio Sassù Sapienza University of Rome – Italy Il presente contributo intende indagare la complessa figura di Eukleia nel panorama religioso greco, estendendo l'indagine alle aree di culto a lei dedicate. Oggetto della ricerca sarà in primo luogo definire la natura polivalente della divinità. Secondo Plutarco, Eukleia era la figlia di Eracle e Myrto e il suo culto molto diffuso in Beozia e in Locride, dove possedeva un altare e una statua all'interno delle città (Plut. Aristid. 20, 6-8). Eukleia era quindi venerata dalle ragazze in procinto di sposarsi ma alcuni indizi sembrano compatibili con il carattere infero della divinità connesso con la presenza di sepolture eccezionali all'interno dei suoi santuari: celebre è il caso Euchida, morto dopo aver riportato il fuoco sacro da Delfi e onorato con una sepoltura all'interno del santuario di Artemide Eukleia. Correlato a questo aspetto è il concetto di εὔκλεια legato alla gloria e alla fama acquisite a seguito di una vittoria militare, che sembra essere alla base del valore politico del culto in alcune città (come ad esempio Corinto e Atene). Complesso e particolarmente interessante è poi il rapporto con Artemide: Eukleia è un epiteto o una divinità autonoma? Malgrado in età imperiale l'identificazione con Artemide fosse stata in parte già recepita dai più, come testimoniano Plutarco e Pausania (quest'ultimo a proposito del tempio di Artemis Eukleia a Tebe), è probabile che Eukleia fosse in qualche circostanza un nome cultuale legato a un aspetto politico di Artemide. In altri casi, invece, essa appare come una divinità autonoma ma sempre connessa a un ruolo politico, così a Verghina e ad Atene, dove già dal V secolo a.C. Eukleia era onorata come personificazione della “buona fama” in connessione con Eunomia (“il buon governo”). In questo senso, a partire dalle diverse tradizioni riconducibili a Eukleia, saranno prese in esame le attestazioni del culto, cercando di stabilire a livello cultuale collegamenti o divergenze tra le diverse regioni e città del mondo greco. Keywords: Eukleia; Artemide; personificazione; gloria militare; culto politico

The Ways of Presenting the Gods in Space

Papers

The Gods at Play: Mapping the Divine at the Amphitheaters in Hispania Jaime Alvar Institute of Historiography – Carlos III University of Madrid – Spain

This proposal aims to analyse the presence of the divine and its epithets in the epigraphy of the amphitheaters in Hispania. Given the kind of performances carried out in these public spaces, the divinities object of worship are not only limited, but are also expected to have a functional link with the amphitheatrical space. This theonymic filter is further compromised and clarified thanks to the epithets that accompany and specify the venerated divinities.

Although cultual spaces in amphitheatres are known, the scarcity of votive materials is surprising. There are no more than ten divinities mentioned, with an extraordinary concentration of invocations on Nemesis, which is not surprising. Her epithets are invicta, sancta, augusta and praesens. Taken in isolation, they hardly reveal anything about the conditions underlying the choice of epithets; however, analysed in a relational way, the profound motivation of this entire votive epigraphy, destined to the exaltation of the imperial power and its representation through the munera, can be clearly appreciated.

Indeed, it highlights the connection with hierarchical relations and, in particular, loyalty to established power. It does not look like an expression of personal choice, but rather like the use of an established formula that is pertinent to be reproduced in the amphitheatrical arena. In this sense, a monumental dedication to Elagabal found at Tarraco stands out because of the symbolic value of an advocacy that is otherwise irrelevant in Hispano-Roman religiosity. The importance of power is also manifested through the use of epithets not only linked to the imperial house, but also with epiclesis that highlight the quality of the protective divinity of the offeror, as in the case of Invictus/a. In this direction, the presence of deities linked to physical strength, such as Hercules, can be understood. Equally relevant is the presence of gods of the underworld and those who facilitate the devotee's communication with the heavens, as in the very interesting case of Ermaeei Devori, which direct our gaze towards the presence of female deities in a space in which, in any case, the enormous production of testosterone would stand out.

Keywords: Amphitheater; epithets of power; loyalty; deities and gender

The Spread of the Cult Epithet Pythios on the Cycladic Archipelago: Insights on the Complexity of Polytheisms Erica Morais Angliker Institute of Classical Studies – University of London – United Kingdom The god Apollo, widely-venerated as the patron of a multitude of sanctuaries in the Cycladic archipelago, was worshiped under various epiclesis such as Karneios, Patroos, Delios and Pythios.. While the worship of Apollo Delios outside Delos is something to be expected in the Cycladic world, the cult of Apollo Pythios comes as a surprising occurrence and requires further examination. By taking the Cycladic archipelago as a case study for the dissemination of the cult of Apollo Pythios and questions of polytheism, this paper explores a topic that has so far received insufficient scholarly attention; namely, the significance of the worship of Apollo under the epiclesis Pythios outside his primary sanctuary at Delphi. Our investigation's main line of inquiry is whether divinities worshipped under the same epithet (in this case ‘Pythios') at different locations possessed the same attributes and functions. Firstly, we present a map of the Cyclades identifying all the islands that hosted the cult of Apollo Pythios; with particular reference to literary sources, inscriptions and archaeological materials. The map furthermore depicts the location of each sanctuary within the spatial extents of its island polis, and identifies mythological narratives associated with the god. In the second part of this paper, we examine the relationship between the cult's ‘original' sanctuaries and those to which it was disseminated later, in order to ascertain whether the various sanctuaries of Apollo Pythios in the Cyclades possessed any characteristics which might indicate that they existed as part of an interconnected network. We then conduct a close examination of each sanctuary of Apollo Pythios in the Cyclades, giving special attention to those located on the islands of Paros, Thera, Ios, Delos, Sikinos, Kea and Kythnos, for which we have enough archaeological evidence to construct a general overview of the social status and gender of the cult's devotees. Particular attention is given to evidence from the island of Kea, which includes a structure built specifically for divination (thus emulating an important characteristic of the cult of Apollo at Delphi); and to the sanctuary of Apollo Pythios on Paros, which has yielded a multitude of votives. The existence, on Paros, of a sanctuary dedicated to Apollo Delios also enables us to compare the cultic activity of two different Apollonian epiclesis located in the same area. Ultimately, this comprehensive study of the cult of Apollo Pythios in the Cyclades will shed further light on the polytheistic system and its multiple varieties and complex interactions by showing the many nuances related to the worship of a divinity under a specific epiclesis. Keywords: polytheism; Pythios; Apollo; Cyclades

How Coroplastic Studies May Contribute to Understand Religious Syncretism & Ethnic Composition in Phoenicia Barbara Bolognani The Hebrew University of Jerusalem – Israel

This paper analyses the coroplastic tradition of the Levantine coast – from Al Mina to Jaffa - dating from the Iron Age and Persian period. The aim is understanding the multiple aspects of the Phoenician cultic practices in a diachronic sense. To do this, three significant aspects are considered: retrieval contexts, spatial distribution, and iconography.

Excavation contexts are presented in order to understand how clay figurines have been used in the cultic sphere and how contexts themselves changed over time. For instance, during the Iron Age, there is a tendency in deposing figurines in funerary contexts, while for the Persian period favissae constitute the most attested place of discovery. As for the favissa, which is considered a clear marker of a cultic context, the analysis of the coroplastic finds can tell a lot about the worshippers. The plurality of coroplastic specimens and their supposed various geographical origin could suggest a mixed ethnic composition of the attendants. How can this be explained from a religious perspective?

The spatial and geographical analyses of finds also allow confirming or denying the presumed existence of major cultural centres (i.e. Sidon, Tyre) and their relationship with other minor Phoenician outposts. For example, is it true that there are some coroplastic subjects, such as the so-called Dea Tyria Gravida or the “Akhziv-type horses”, linked to micro-territorial realities? How can one define this territorial characterisation with certainty and explain this evidence in relation to gods' toponymic qualifiers?

At the same time, the iconographic analysis of some subjects helps to better define the Phoenician pantheon in its semantic complexity. On the one hand, one must understand if it is possible distinguishing between human and divine subjects or between coroplastic representations of daily and cultic scenes. On the other hand, the study of symbols portrayed in the coroplastic microcosm enable to delimit the religious syncretism. What was the relationship between the coroplastic subjects, the sacred place, the worshippers, and the way these last interacted with the divine? The paper also aims at defining the influence of other cultures, mainly Egyptian and Greek ones, on the Phoenician coroplastic whether these can be perceived more in a stylistic or mythologic sense.

Keywords: Phoenicians; coroplastic; religion; Iron Age; Persian period; favissae

Il dio errante: religiosità mobile e rapporto con il divino alla fine dell'Età Antica Riccardo Bongiovanni University of Pisa – Italy

Guardando alle civiltà greca e romana è possibile notare come il rapporto che esse hanno con il divino sia impostato su spazi e strutture ben definiti. A livello di culto civico, o addirittura sovrannazionale, templi e santuari, più o meno grandi e influenti, svolgono la funzione di manifestazione fisica, simulacro della presenza divina nel mondo terreno; il culto locale, o addirittura domestico, non è ugualmente estraneo ai greci e, soprattutto, ai romani, sempre però attraverso la mediazione di strutture fisse e ben riconoscibili, quali sacelli e altari. Questi ultimi, in particolare, risultano essere lo strumento fondamentale per entrare in contatto con la realtà oltremondana.

Tale dimensione “granitica” del rapporto con il divino sembra mostrare, per lo meno a partire dagli ultimi secoli dell'età antica, dei segni di cedimento. A dimostrarlo sono alcuni particolari papiri, provenienti dalla raccolta dei cosiddetti Papyri Graecae Magicae. Tali papiri, contenenti incantesimi e rituali di varia natura, mostrano in alcuni esemplari una realtà assai diversa da quella proposta sopra (nello specifico, i riferimenti sono contenuti in: PGM I, 21-26; PGM III 290-320; PGM IV, 3125-3171; PGM V, 370-399; PGM VII, 866- 879; PGM X, 1-9, cfr. Smith 2001, pag. 13-27). In questi testi, infatti, la comunicazione con il divino non appare più legata né a luoghi appositamente adibiti al culto, né a strutture fisse e riconoscibili. Non si ha un tempio a simboleggiare la presenza del dio e l'altare, pur rimanendo lo strumento privilegiato di comunicazione con gli dèi, perde il suo connotato di struttura fissa, inserita in uno spazio codificato, per divenire una struttura mobile, scomponibile, o addirittura improvvisata. In questa nuova dimensione, il dio non risulta più “confinato” in uno spazio, bensì diventa una realtà errante, legata ai movimenti e alle attività degli incantatori, nuovi “ministri” del culto con cui è legato da un rapporto peculiare, personale e diretto.

Attraverso il mio intervento, vorrei esplorare la realtà alternativa al tradizionale culto civico e domestico che è presentata nei Papyri Graecae Magicae, cercando di analizzare le cause all'origine di un simile fenomeno. Vorrei, inoltre, mostrare il rapporto che lega la divinità sia ai maghi, sia alle peculiarità della loro devozione errante, in particolare guardando a quegli strumenti che permettono di tramutare in qualcosa di mobile una dimensione fissa e legata a luoghi preposti a quello scopo come è il culto nell'età antica.

Keywords: Magic; Religion; Ritual; Egypt; Mobility

Of Wadis, Deities, and Epithets: Osiris as Lord of Ankhtawy at Abydos in the Middle Kingdom Francisco Luis Borrego Gallardo Autonomous University of Madrid – Spain

A fruitful approach to ancient Egyptian religion in its diatopic and diachronic diversity is the analysis of local beliefs and regional forms of deities and their relationships to the landscape. In the case of Osiris, this kind of study still presents many aspects to explore, such as that represented by the epithet nb-ꜥnḫ-tꜢwj ‘Lord of Ankhtawy' in the Middle Kingdom (ca. 2055-1650 BCE). Ankhtawy (‘Life of the Two Lands') is a toponym of the Memphite region (Lower Egypt), attested by inscriptional evidence from the early Fifth Dynasty (ca. 2490 BCE) and only related to lioness goddesses incarnating the Sun's Eye. In a previous study (Isimu 20-21), I could argue that Ankhtawy could designate the Wadi Abusir, located between Saqqara and Abusir, in the very intersection of Upper and Lower Egypt. Significantly, archaeological evidence of cultic activity focused on feline goddesses of the Second to the Sixth Dynasties (ca. 2850-2285 BCE) has been found in a sanctuary in that wadi.

In the Middle Kingdom, Ankhtawy is still associated with goddesses embodying the Sun's Eye. However, it is also related to male deities for the first time, mainly Ptah, chief local god of Memphis (23 documents), and, very prominently, Osiris (70 documents). One reason for that is the increasingly closer association of Ptah and Osiris, as the emergence of composite names Ptah-Osiris, Ptah-Sokar-Osiris and Osiris-Ptah- Sokar suggests. Furthermore, it is remarkable that many attestations of Osiris as ‘Lord of Ankhtawy' in the Middle Kingdom, about a third of the total, comes from the Upper Egyptian locality of Abydos, his main cult place (another third is of unknown origin, with only two examples from Lower Egypt). Given the absence of links between the Osirian theology and cult with the Sun's Eye in the Middle Kingdom, and besides the aspects shared by Osiris and Ptah, one could ask for the reasons for choosing that epithet for Osiris in a place so far away of Memphis in a high quantity. It has been suggested that they would have been deposited by pilgrims of Memphite origin. However, this hypothesis does not account for the complexity of the lordship of Osiris over Ankhtawy at Abydos. In that sense, there is evidence to suggest that the landscape evoked by the toponym Ankhtawy could have been projected into the Abydene environment where the annual procession of Osiris was performed. By combining a philological and textual analysis of the documents and the landscape realities conveyed by that place name, an interesting long-term process of symbolical feedback between deities, landscapes, sacred places and toponyms can be inferred. Thus, while the processional way in the wadi leading from Abydos to Umm el-Qaab seems to have served as a model in the configuration of the ritual landscape of North Saqqara around the Wadi Abusir in the Second Dynasty (Reader, JEA 103), in the Middle Kingdom this process seems to have been reversed, with the Wadi Abusir serving as a reference in the configuration of the Processional Way of Osiris at Abydos.

Keywords: Osiris; Abydos; Memphis; wadi; cultic landscape

Spatialité, corporéité, agentivité divines et humaines : les Charites de Pindare et Bacchylide Michel Briand FoReLL – University of Poitiers

Dans la poésie chorale archaïque et classique, la performance rituelle et spectaculaire (transmédiale, à la fois textuelle, musicale, orchestique, au sens grec de μουσική) construit des espaces religieux et politiques, ainsi que du sacré et du divin, par l'interaction sensorielle, corporelle, affective, donc sociale qu'elle dynamise entre poète, choristes et public, humain, héroïque et divin. Dans la poésie de Pindare et Bacchylide, épinicies, péans et dithyrambes, ainsi que, secondairement chez Ibycos et Simonide, on étudiera les Charites, liées dès leur nom, à la fertilité, la prospérité d'un espace empreint d'excellence humaine et divine et à la belle profusion de l'inspiration poétique et des danses, chants du κῶμος et fêtes (ἀγλαία). Ces déesses sont associées à des évocations spatiales et temporelles, visuelles (floraison), sonores, kinesthésiques, gustatives (miel) ..., et donc synesthésiques ; qu'on a dès χάρις et χαίρω / χαίρομαι, relatifs à : la grâce joyeuse provoquées par l'éloge et la gloire qu'il produit ; la beauté persuasive et puissante du rite ; la gratitude du dédicataire et de sa cité et la faveur des divinités (cf., p. ex., les travaux des cultural poetics appliquées à la poésie mélique, dont L. Kurke sur l'économie du kûdos, et d'autres sur le rapport texte – image – performance et divinités - humanité, au sein du Network for the Study of Greek Archaic and Classical Song, ainsi que sur la polysensorialité, cf. A. Grand-Clément, A. Purves, Sh. Butler).

On observera dans la quatorzième Olympique, l'action conjuguée du rite poétique et des divinités (Charites, soit Aglaé « Splendeur, Fête », Euphrosyne « Esprit joyeux », et Thalie « Floraison, Abondance », mais aussi Apollon Pythien, Zeus Olympien, Perséphone, Écho), à travers divers espaces sensoriels : présent (de la performance, peut-être à Orchomène, en 488) ; passé (proche, l'exploit du dédicataire Asopichos ; plus lointain, pour les « antiques Myniens »), à venir (pour une éventuelle re-performance, voire la publication alexandrine en fin du recueil des Olympiques, et surtout pour un destinataire ultime, le père du vainqueur aux Enfers). Cette onomastique interroge le rapport esthétique, linguistique et spatio-temporel entre personnifications allégoriques, issues de noms et figures cultuelles, dans d'autres emplois d'Αγλαία (Pind. fr. 199.3 et Bacch. 3.6), Εὐφροσύνα (5x Pindare, 3x Bacchylide, dont 11.12 avec Νίκα) et Θαλία (Bacch. 13.187 avec Εὐνομία).

D'autres poèmes invoquent ou évoquent Χάρις (Pindare, 4x) et Χάριτες (Pindare, 26x et Bacchylide, 6x, p. ex. 15.49, avec Eunomia et Themis). On y étudiera le rapport qui s'y éprouve entre deux formes d'agentivité, la kharis, don / contre-don, gratitude, puis splendeur, gloire, richesse (d'un dieu, héros, territoire) et surtout force poétique ; et les divinités la représentant, Charites, mais aussi Muses. Ces quelques quarante exemples montrent le lien que mettent en scène Pindare et Bacchylide entre micro- et macrocosme, entre le sacré et la sensorialité corporelle du spectacle rituel, qui associe et fait jouer entre eux les espaces des Jeux (Olympie, Pythô, Némée, Corinthe), des cités (Syracuse, Égine, Athènes, Cyrène, ...), des lieux mythiques où excellaient les héros, et surtout de la célébration actuelle.

Keywords: agentivité; Charites; corporéité; espace sacré; Pindare

Tra Astarte, Iside e Venere: dinamiche cultuali tra spazi urbani e costieri in Sardegna in età tardo punica e romana Romina Carboni University of Cagliari – Italy

Il periodo di passaggio tra il dominio cartaginese e quello romano nel Mediterraneo occidentale costituisce da sempre uno stimolante campo di studi in particolare per ciò che concerne le dinamiche cultuali. Queste emergono dall'esame dei diversi processi di acculturazione e dei sincretismi religiosi, evidenziati tanto da mutamenti e persistenze all'interno delle aree sacre, quanto dalla suppellettile votiva da esse proveniente. In questo intervento l'attenzione si focalizzerà su alcune divinità femminili, e sui relativi luoghi di culto attestati in diversi siti del Mediterraneo occidentale, il cui ambito di competenza è legato alla protezione di genti e attività connesse con l'ambito agrario-fertilistico e con la navigazione e i commerci.

Un esempio interessante in questo senso è dato dalla diffusione dei culti orientali ed egizi in Sardegna nella tarda età repubblicana, in particolare per ciò che concerne Iside, divinità che sembra sovrapporsi con le medesime competenze ad entità divine di matrice punica ben testimoniate all'interno dell'isola. Questo legame con la sfera isiaca non stupisce se si considera che i principali luoghi di diffusione dei culti orientali sono città e siti costieri, come nel caso di Nora in Sardegna, caratterizzati da una vocazione commerciale che li connota come luogo d'incontro di commercianti stranieri e italici che contribuiscono alla diffusione non solo di beni materiali, ma anche di credenze religiose. L'esempio dato dal culto di Iside, nella duplice sfera di influenza della dea, protettrice della navigazione e divinità tutelare dell'ambito agrario-fertilistico, costituisce la chiave di lettura per comprendere la diffusione nell'isola di luoghi di culto e di manifestazioni private di devozione in suo onore in un'ottica di continuità con il sostrato culturale preesistente.

Per l'analisi di questi fenomeni verranno prese in considerazione fonti epigrafiche, letterarie e testimonianze materiali, alcune delle quali inedite, provenienti da alcuni dei principali contesti cultuali dell'areale di interesse tra l'età tardo punica e quella romana.

Keywords: età punica; età romana; sincretismi religiosi; Sardegna; Mediterraneo occidentale

The Gods of the Others: Images of Greek Deities in the Cult Place of Kharayeb Marianna Castiglione University of Calabria – Italy

The cult place of Kharayeb, who lived for a long period (7th-1st centuries BCE), was a rural sanctuary in the hinterland of Tyre. In the favissa, excavated by Maurice Chéhab between 1946 and 1970, about 16.500 fragments of terracotta figurines were discovered. The objects, actually stored in the National Museum of Beirut, can be dated between the Persian and the late Hellenistic period.

The new project, in which I participate, is directed by Ida Oggiano (ISMA-CNR Rome) and is focused on the re-examination of the whole assemblage, from the technology and the manufacture perspective, but also considering the iconographic issues.

A very high percentage of the terracotta figurines, dated in the Hellenistic period, shows images of children, boys, girls and women. Although we cannot say with any certainty the deity worshipped in the rural sanctuary of Kharayeb, considering the many images here recorded some scholars have supposed that a god linked to the childhood and the motherhood was worshipped in the cult place.

The images of deities found in the favissa, very few in comparison with the many terracotta figurines representing common people, also seem to confirm this assumption.

Some terracottas represent Egyptianising gods, such as Harpocrates, Isis and Bes, inspired by iconographies very common in Alexandria and in other cult places along the Mediterranean.

Greek divine iconographies are also attested, such as Apollo, Artemis, Aphrodite, Eros and Hermes. The reason of their appreciation in Kharayeb, as well as their circulation all over the Mediterranean, was surely the connection with some peculiar aspects of daily life, with habits, culture and feelings.

Beside the diffusion of these Greek images also in a rural Near Eastern sanctuary, the paper aims to point out another interesting aspect related to the deliberate or unconscious choices and adoption of some very famous divine iconographies, widespread in the ancient Greek world by means of other media too, like statues and mosaics. Some information can be also provided by the analysis of ancient Greek literary sources and by the examination of different typologies of archeological materials.

Thus, all the data collected, linked to the Hellenistic terracotta figurines representing gods, will be examined in depth, referring both to Greek and Near Eastern world, in order to shed a new light on the rituality in the sanctuary and on the ways of presenting the gods in a rural Phoenician centre, during the so-called Hellenistic koine.

Keywords: Greek divine images; terracotta figurines; near eastern sanctuary; Greek Hellenistic Phoenicia; Mediterranean connections

Terres d'Iris: lo spostamento attraverso lo spazio come elemento costitutivo del modo d'azione della dea Iride Ombretta Cesca University of Lausanne – Switzerland

La dea Iride, il cui teonimo è del tutto coincidente con il sostantivo che, in greco antico, indica l'arcobaleno (ἶρις), è una puissance messaggera degli dèi. Come l'arcobaleno, Iride disegna una traiettoria tra cielo e terra, connettendo luoghi e immaginari distinti, non direttamente comunicanti tra loro. La mobilità sembra essere un elemento caratterizzante del modo d'azione di questa dea. La poesia arcaica la ritrae in costante movimento: dall'Olimpo e dall'Ida alla terra (Il. II 786-807; III 121-140; XI 185-210; XVIII 165-202; XXIV 117-199), agli abissi del mare (Il. XXIV 77-99), all'isola di Delo (h.Ap. 3,102-114), all'Ade (Hes., Th. 780- 787), dalla piana di Troia alla dimora dei Venti (Il. XXIII 198-212), alla terra degli Etiopi (Il. XXIII 205- 207). L'elemento della mobilità è riflesso nei numerosi epiteti che sono attribuiti alla dea, allusivi in parte della velocità di spostamento (p. ex: ταχεῖα, “veloce”, πόδαςὠκέα, “veloce nei piedi”), in parte del suo rapporto con gli agenti atmosferici (p. ex: ἀελλόπος, “dai piedi di turbine”), in parte di entrambi (ποδήνεμοςὠκέα, “veloce dai piedi di vento”), ma anche nella sua rappresentazione di divinità alata (χρυσόπτερος, “ala d'oro”).

Il presente lavoro si propone d'indagare come s'integra la dimensione spaziale nel modo d'azione di Iride seguendo due piste di ricerca: (1) l'azione di Iride, nelle tradizioni poetiche, descrive la realizzazione di comunicazioni a distanza. In un tale contesto, pensare la comunicazione può equivalere a pensare lo spazio narrativo; (2) prerogativa di Iride non sembra essere solo la capacità di movimento, ma anche la facoltà di trasferimento, da un punto A ad un punto B, di altre entità: Iride trasferisce da uno spazio all'altro dèi (accompagnandoli), parole (ripetendole), cose (l'acqua dello Stige, in una coppa dorata, in Hes., Th. 780- 787). Ci si chiederà, quindi, in che modo le traiettorie disegnate dalla dea e le dinamiche comunicative che contribuisce a instaurare possano modificare, contrarre o espandere l'immaginario narrativo dello spazio. Si tratterà di determinare come la presenza (itinerante) di Iride interagisca con il paesaggio narrativo della guerra di Troia, dell'Inno ad Apollo o con l'universo teogonico esiodeo e, inoltre, di valutare quale sia l'impatto dei trasferimenti che Iride realizza sullo spazio d'arrivo.

Keywords: Iris; mobilité; déplacements; mode d'action; espace narratif

Entre steppe et palais : les lieux de Dumuzi Bénédicte Cuperly Georg-August-University Göttingen – Germany ARSCAN – University of Paris I – France

Le dieu Dumuzi est le parèdre de la déesse de l'amour du panthéon sumérien, Innana. Il s'agit à la fois d'une divinité centrale, puisqu'il est conçu comme le prototype du roi, dans lequel il s'incarne, et à part, dans la mesure où il tire l'essentiel de son pouvoir de son union avec Innana. Le corpus de textes religieux et littéraires du IIe millénaire avant notre ère qui donne à voir cette divinité illustre bien cette double nature : ils célèbrent tous son union avec Innana ou déplorent sa mort prématurée. Il y est présenté comme un berger qui parcourt la steppe sans relâche, élevant son bétail et apportant régulièrement les produits de son travail à son épouse et à la mère de cette dernière, dans les palais de la ville d'Uruk. Si des cabanes ou des enclos sont souvent évoqués à son propos, il n'a, d'après ces textes, ni maison ni temple, et n'habite pas la ville. Son lieu de prédilection est sans conteste la steppe, domaine ambivalent, tantôt présenté comme un lieu champêtre et arboré, parcouru de canaux, tantôt comme une antichambre du monde des morts, dans laquelle on se perd pour n'être plus jamais retrouvé.

On sait cependant, grâce aux textes de la pratique, que ce dieu fait l'objet d'un culte, comportant lamentations et fêtes, et que ce culte est rendu quelque part. Mais où célébrer un dieu par essence errant et sans domicile, voire mort, en somme absent ? Cette question est d'autant plus importante que les divinités du Proche-Orient ancien ont souvent un rapport très étroit à la ville en général et à une ville en particulier, même lorsqu'elles sont présentées comme mouvantes, ce qui est le cas des divinités astrales notamment. L'incarnation de Dumuzi en la personne du roi pose également problème, dans la mesure où le lieu du roi est sans contexte le palais, dont Dumuzi n'est en théorie que le pourvoyeur et pas l'habitant.

La tension, dans les textes religieux, entre les trois pôles que sont le palais, la steppe fertile et la steppe hostile fera l'objet d'un examen approfondi. On mettra ensuite ces données en regard avec les informations que nous apportent les textes de la pratique sur le culte du jeune dieu. Comme beaucoup de divinités mésopotamiennes, la figure de Dumuzi est le fruit d'un long processus syncrétique, dont témoignent en premier lieu ses épithètes. On s'interrogera donc sur la possibilité d'associer ces strates de la divinité à certains domaines géographiques précis, ce qui permettrait de former une image plus claire de la nature de Dumuzi et de ses lieux. Enfin, on étudiera les déplacements de Dumuzi, notamment le sens qu'ils revêtent pour les participants au culte, dans une perspective émique.

Keywords: Mésopotamie; Dumuzi; steppe; temple; culte

Olympia and the Olympieia: The Origin and Dissemination of the Zeus Olympios' in the Greek World during the 6th and 5th Centuries BCE Lilian de Angelo Laky University of São Paulo – Brazil

This paper aims to present the main conclusions on our research on the temples dedicated to Zeus Olympios, also known as Olympieia, built between the 6th and 5th centuries BCE, during the Archaic and Classical periods. Our intention is to provide an account of the importance of the sanctuary of Olympia played in the origin and diffusion of the Zeus Olympios' cult, as well as the character assumed by this cult in other parts of the Greek world. In particular, we intend to deepen the comprehension of the connections of the political power established with this cult during the Archaic and Classical periods, especially regarding its casual political manipulation. In order to reach a sharper appraisal of the cult and meet the other purposes set forth herewith, the research develops a detailed survey of those cities with temples consecrated to this divinity and, associating textual sources with contextualized archaeological data, suggests some themes for discussion as: (1)The use of both the epithet Olympios and the name Olympieion; (2) The spatial configuration of the Zeus Olympios' sanctuaries and the relationship between society and the sacred place; (3) The tyrannical government in relation with the cult; (4) The role played by the cult in the making of the Greek identity.

Keywords: Olympia; Zeus Olympios; Olympieion; Tyranny; Greek identity

Role-Playing with Gender: Hermaphroditus and Performative Space in Domestic Gardens in Pompeii

Brittany DeMone

University of Calgary – Canada

When we think about the dual-sexed Graeco-Roman god Hermaphroditus, the apotropaic nature of the deity frequently comes to mind (Ajootian, 1997). While this may invoke one reading, I argue for a recontextualization of the visual depictions of Hermaphroditus within select Pompeian domestic garden settings linked to the god Dionysus and his retinue. Doing so will allow us to envisage Hermaphroditus as a prop to be used in theatrical performances such as pantomime. I focus on thirteen Julio-Claudian representations (e.g. sculptural, wall-painting, mosaics) of Hermaphroditus situated within, or spatially/visually linked to garden and dining spaces in Pompeian domūs. These visual representations, moreover, have strong parallels with Ovid's rendition of Hermaphroditus and Salmacis (Met. 4.274-388).

Within these contexts, Hermaphroditus is often depicted with both members of Dionysus' thiasus (satyrs, maenads, and Silenus), as well as Dionysian attributes (i.e., thyrsus, tympanum). Spatially, the functions of this association, I argue is linked to communal settings where viniculture, dining, and theatre occurred. Hermaphroditus' relationship with these garden spaces, I propose, served as a prop and signifier for a theatrical and performative backdrop. Hermaphroditus' dual-sexed nature not only marks liminal space where both men and women participated in communal and ritual dining, but also was emblematic of small- scale theatrical performances (i.e., pantomime, recitations, musical performances) that occurred in the garden. In addition, the gender-blurring of the performers are reminiscent of Hermaphroditus' own gender blurring characteristics, sharing certain aspects, which appear both in the visual depictions that are also evidence in our literary sources.

Ovid's Metamorphoses has been linked to the pantomime cultural discourse of the Augustan period by scholars such as Galinsky (1975), Lada-Richards (2013, 2004) and Ingleheart (2008), who have also suggested that the Metamorphoses was easily adaptable into pantomime liberetti. It is therefore not surprising that we find the only surviving mythological narrative of Hermaphroditus in Ovid's Metamorphoses framed within a Dionysian background told by Alcithoë and her sisters who are punished by Dionysus for avoiding his festival. In addition, Ovid's poem shares similar characteristics with pantomime liberetti: interest in the body, eroticism, flux and instability, and a metamorphosis. Using a performance-inflected reading of Ovid's account, I suggest that among the popular mythological accounts adapted into pantomime dance, the story of Hermaphroditus and Salmacis could also have been one of the myths easily adapted into a pantomime performance.

Using a performance-inflected reading of both Ovid's account of Hermaphroditus and the visual depictions and mapping the visual material within their original spatial contexts and Julio-Claudian timeframe, I argue that we can see the interrelationship between Dionysus and Hermaphroditus and their spatial relationship with the domestic garden spaces and dining culture in Pompeii, coinciding with the emergence of the popularity of Roman theater and pantomime.

Keywords: Hermaphroditus; Pompeii; domestic garden spaces; Dionysus; pantomime

Les Quadruuiae, divinités voyageuses des carrefours septentrionaux des confins de l'Empire

Audrey Ferlut

HISOMA – Universities of Lyon II and III – ENS – France

Les Quadruuiae, déesses des carrefours à quatre voies, associées parfois aux Biuiae et aux Triuiae, marquent les confins septentrionaux de l'Empire, le long de la frontière militaire germano-rétique. Les témoignages les concernant ont presque tous été mis au jour dans cette partie septentrionale de l'Empire romain, à proximité de la frontière militaire, dans les Germanies – la Germanie supérieure est celle qui en a livré le plus –, en Rétie, en Norique, en Pannonie supérieure, en Dalmatie, en Dacie, en Mésie et en Thrace. La chronologie des documents, bien que parcellaire et difficile à identifier, met en évidence une circulation de ces déesses et de leur culte depuis la partie Danubienne de la frontière militaire vers les Germanies, au gré des mouvements des armées.

La communication proposera d'identifier la chronologie de la circulation du culte ainsi que le rôle des soldats et des voies de circulation dans son déplacement. La présentation s'attachera également à définir l'identité de ces Quadruuiae dans les différentes provinces où elles sont révérées – le transfert du culte peut avoir des incidences sur la représentation que les dédicants se font des déesses. Enfin, l'objet de l'étude sera aussi de mettre en évidence les types de lieux qui ont vu la pratique d'un culte aux Quadruuiae dans les différentes provinces de l'Empire concernées, et si possible de mettre en lumière les similitudes et les différences.

Keywords: Circulation; épigraphie; divinité féminine; culte; frontière germano; rétique

Death at the Centre of Life: Gods and the Dead, Temples and Tombs in Phoenician Context

Giuseppe Garbati

CNR Rome – Italy

The Phoenician religious dimension as a whole, and the construction of the gods' worls in particular, appear to be strongly characterised by the privileged and widespread link with death and, in general, with the world of the dead. It is well known, first of all, that the morphology and the mythical history of some male deities – such as Melqart and Eshmun – are marked by events of death and resurrection, that portray them as primordial fathers and mythical ancestors; such events and connotations, in a more or less defined way, outline those gods' nature as that of “divine heroes” (as it was brilliantly suggested by Sergio Ribichini). Again, a very close relationship with death – and in this case it is a “special” death, intimate and delicate, that of children – is experienced by the divine couple par excellence in many Phoenician settlements of Central-Western Mediterranean, namely Baal Hammon and Tinnit, the gods of the tophet. The first is even qualified, at least in some sites (e.g. El Hofra), as Baal Addir, the “powerful Lord”, with a title ('dr) that is supposed to be correlated, also in the eastern documentation, to the dimension of life after death. Furthermore, in the Phoenician West some goddesses had to boast a specific chthonic “setting” of their morphology, as in the case of the “Lady, the Ruler of the Underworld (or: of the underground chamber)”, associated in an inscription from Carthage to a mother goddess, thus remembering the much more famous couple composed by the Greek Demeter and Core. To these examples, last but not least, it is possible to add a further interesting case, that, little discussed in the studies, can contribute to demarcate the different solutions adopted by the Phoenicians to manifest the connection between gods and the dead (and therefore between man and death): I refer specifically to the presence of sacred buildings, actually temples, within the necropoleis, functioning together with the tombs; this is a phenomenon well testified, for instance, in Phoenician and Punic Sardinia, where it seems to characterise different settlements. The objective of the present research, therefore, is to analyse the different ways in which the relation between gods and the deceased, between divine powers and death, was declined in Phoenician context. Particular attention will be paid to the presence of cult places within funerary areas, which can be observed as testimony and result of a process of interpretation of the settlement space: such process should be based on a complex set of links between the urban fabric formation, the divine world conception and the physical and ideological construction of the Hereafter.

Keywords: Phoenicians; Gods; Death; Sanctuaries; Necropoleis

Fragrant Deities: Divine Space as Scented Space in the Ancient Mediterranean

Anne Katrine Gudme

University of Oslo – Norway

The sense of smell played an important role in ancient Mediterranean religious ritual, both in relation to interactions with the gods and in relation to mortuary ritual. This presentation focuses on the former and it takes a broad approach to the ancient Mediterranean cultural zone, including texts and artefacts from Egypt, Greece, Mesopotamia and Syria-Palestine.

The importance of smell is documented in the material culture, where incense altars, braziers and perfume containers of various kinds are frequent finds in cultic contexts. This impression is corroborated by literary texts such as the Hebrew Bible, which seems to formulate its own olfactory cultic theology (cf. Gudme, “A Pleasing Odour for Yahweh”, 2018), and by ancient Greek poetry, where the fragrant character of the sanctuaries of e.g. Aphrodite and Apollo is accentuated (cf. e.g. Detienne, Les jardins d'Adonis, 1972).

The purpose of the presentation is to demonstrate how fragrance and aromas create a divine scent trail that identifies space as the space occupied by the gods, and to examine different ways in which divine space is mapped and named using olfactory codes and messages. The presentation includes reflections on the sensory experience of divine presence, on scent symbolism as a divine epithet, and on the overlap between scent and sexuality in a cultic context.

Keywords: Scent; Ritual; Incense; Sacrifice; Olfactory Theology

Ishtars and Internationalism: The Politics of Divine Multiplicity in the Ancient Near East

Elizabeth Knott

Institute for the Study of the Ancient World – New York University – United States

“Where is not your name, where are not your sanctuaries? Where are not your rites, where are not (your) designs put into effect?” -KUB 37, n°36 Akkadian Prayer to Ishtar, from Hattusha

Cuneiform texts of the second millennium BCE identify the goddess Ishtar as an internationally recognized and worshipped deity. According to these texts, Ishtar's name and rites are widespread, making the goddess a “lady of the whole inhabited world” (KUG 37, n°36). Such assertions appear to match the ethos of ancient Near Eastern Late Bronze Age “internationalism.” Indeed, scholars have understood the spread of deities like Ishtar to places like Egypt as demonstrative of the broad appeal of foreign culture and identified the recognition of foreign deities as part of the rhetoric and ideology of political alliances. But what does it mean for a goddess like Ishtar to be worshipped internationally? How was the goddess envisioned by local communities, what role(s) did her worship play in the interaction between cities and polities, and how do we account for the variety of differently-named Ishtars that appear in the textual records?

To address these questions, this paper will examine the phenomenon known as “divine multiplicity” in the ages of internationalism through two sets of evidence: the textual records of the city and kingdom of Mari in the Middle Bronze Age (ca. 2000-1600 BCE) and those of the city of Emar in the Late Bronze Age. Mari and Emar, both located in modern-day Syria, were deeply tied to the international politics of the second millennium BCE. Moreover, both cities provide evidence for the recognition of multiple Ishtars on a local level. Mari was one of a dozen or more kingdoms in the Middle Bronze Age, and the different sets of Ishtars recognized by Mari's kings reflect changing ideologies. Emar, by contrast, was a city on the frontier of the Late Bronze Age Hittite State with clear local traditions, and the Ishtars mentioned in the textual records represent a response to the past and present identities of the Emar community, seen through the lens of a Hittite-appointed ritual official.

Working from my earlier analysis of the Mari evidence, and comparing this evidence with the later material from Emar, this paper will offer a vision for the political significance of Ishtar multiplicity in periods of cross-cultural exchange—moving from a broad examination of the uniqueness and plurality of divine beings in the ancient Near East to an analysis of the development of divine naming practices that tie together the socio-political world of people with the world of the gods.

Keywords: one vs. many; divine multiplicity; ancient Near East; Ishtar goddesses; politics of religion

The Divine Ubiquity of Tetrarchic Legitimacy

Elizabeth Parker

University of California Riverside – United States

Diocletian's legacy was ending the instability of the crisis period of the 3rd century CE through drastic political programs which altered the map of the Roman Empire. From the time he was proclaimed emperor in 284 and continuing into the 4th century CE, the ever-changing structure of the imperial office from a single ruler to the Tetrarchy and back again, made it critical that the imperial persona be presented to the people through propaganda which emphasized unity and power. The Panegyrici Latini, a collection of 12 epideictic speeches, many of which were delivered during this transition period, are a rich resource which demonstrates how both the rhetoric of geography and of the divine played a significant role in strengthening this new form of rule.

Through innovations of panegyric genre, the speakers used a network of associations between the emperors themselves, their counterparts in the Roman pantheon, and liminal spaces on the edges of Roman territory to reassure their audience of the divinely-ordained power of their rulers and the stability of the empire. It was the intent of these speeches, in order to praise their addressees, to elevate the emperor(s) to the level of the gods through presentations of their victories. These victories are portrayed within the text as voyages and campaigns in the borderlands between known and unknown geography. These unknown spaces – situated as the mysterious geography of the island of Britain and the surrounding seas – are characterized as liminal and divine in the texts.

As Desnier (Le passage du fleuve, 1995) stated, in ancient traditions crossing a body of water at the site of a battle symbolically confirmed the legitimacy of a ruler. And in the tradition of the Panegyrici Latini, the waters surrounding Britain, personified as the divine Oceanus, play an essential role in characterizing the island as a powerful foe to the emperor, and thus enhancing his victory. His command of Oceanus beyond the limits of human geography confirms his legitimacy as a leader capable of reaching across the vast distances of the Roman Empire.

For my paper, I explore how the speeches of the Panegyrici Latini, particularly those addressed to the Tetrarchy, express a transcendent unity between the emperors by mapping their divine personas onto the liminal geography of the Roman Empire. I also argue that the emphasis on the significance of these borderlands as symbolic/sacred when praising the emperor was not only an innovation within the panegyric tradition, building on existing traditions such as the metaphorical meaning of water, but a response to the intersection of a number of political changes with geographic consequences which were initiated by Diocletian – including the establishment of regional capitals, the strengthening of defenses at weakened borders, the adoption of Jovius and Herculius as imperial signa, and the constantly moving itineraries of the emperors which were characterized as divine omnipresence. The plurality of the emperors became the plurality of the divine on the edge of the world for the spatial security and salvation of the Roman Empire.

Keywords: Panegyrici Latini; Tetrarchy; Political Geography; Liminal Space; Oceanus

Gods, Mountains and Temples: Some Insights into the Religious Landscape of Ancient Mesopotamia

Anna Perdibon

The Hebrew University of Jerusalem – Israel

In ancient Mesopotamia gods were dwelling within the landscape as much as in their urban temples and shrines. Mountains were a favorite abode of the anthropomorphic deities, but they also recur as sacred places imbued with divinity, as deities per se with a specific agency in the cultic and ritual life. My contribution wishes to take into account all these entangled aspects in the light of some anthropological theories from the so-called school of new animism, in the attempt to shed new light into the religious landscape and material religion of the ancient Near East. In particular, the case study of the mountains Šaššar and Bašār (modern Jebel Bishri) attested in the cuneiform sources offers us an intriguing glimpse into the connections between anthropomorphic deities and topographical elements of the Mesopotamian cosmos. These two mountains recur as cosmic and divine mountains, ‘other-than-human' persons in the ritual performance, and deeply intertwined with herder gods of the West Semitic horizon. Moreover, a newly founded text, the Song of Bazi, provides evidence for a sanctuary established in the mountainous setting and for a seasonal festival for its god, Bazi, who was also worshipped in the urban temples, featuring an intriguing dialectic between mountains and temples.

Keywords: Gods; Sacred Mountains; Sanctuaries; Religious Landscape; Material Religion; Ancient Near East

The God Assur's Cruise to Cyprus: Assyrian Royal Stelae and the Transformation of Religious Landscape

Barbara N. Porter

The Harvard Semitic Museum – United States

Scholars recognize the ancient building of a temple in a new region as symbolically expressing the expansion of that god's territory, the area in which he or she was worshipped. If that god were the patron god of a particular people, the new temple also represented the expansion of the territory that people claimed to control, and asserted the gods' approval. A new temple often was used to represent and legitimate political expansion.

Although less widely recognized, erecting massive stone monuments called stelae on newly conquered lands was another approach to claiming and legitimating territorial expansion by changing the religious landscape. As the Assyrian empire grew, Assyrians typically marked its expanding boundaries by erecting such stelae at the farthest edges of the empire. Each carried a carved image of the king, setting there an imposing image of the new ruler for all time to mark Assyria's presence and influence. Also on the stelae were carved symbols of Assyria's great gods, making them eternally present in stone in the newly conquered space. An inscription proclaimed the king's name, conquests and gifts to the world and named the gods by whose power he had conquered. In conclusion, the text asked future kings to protect the stele, read its account of royal achievements and divine support, and offer a libation to the gods depicted and named there. These stelae simultaneously asserted the expansion of Assyria's domain and of its religious landscape, marking territory Assyrians hoped would now be theirs and their gods' forever. Such Assyrian stelae were simultaneously political propaganda, showing intimidating images of Assyrian might, and also prayers, reporting the king's fulfillment of his gods' command to conquer ever more lands. The stelae were also libation opportunities, arranging the eternal worship of Assyria's gods in the new territory, and the eternal recalling of the king and his gods.

I will focus on an unusual Assyrian stele, erected on the distand island of Cyprus by King Sargon II. It does not describe a conquest, but a voluntary journey by seven Cypriote kings to Sargon to offer their gifts and submission, after which they apparently continued to rule on Cyprus. It does not impose religious imperialism; at its conclusion “the gods who dwell in the midst of the great sea” are asked to join the Assyrian gods represented on the stele in punishing anyone who might harm or move or alter the stela. This unusual stele does not mark conquest but a new collaboration in which distant Cyprus, formerly unknown to the Assyrians in its ocean isolation, was to become part of the Assyrian sphere of influence. The gods represented on its face are now gods of a suddenly expanded territory. Assur, Assyria's patron god, is transformed from god of a landlocked empire to a god whose power crosses the ocean. The Assyrians' arrival on Cyprus, and the stele that marked it, make Assur a more universal god, one to be remembered and worshipped forever in a suddenly much wider world.

Keywords: Assyrian religion; Sargon II; Cyprus; stelae; religious landscapes

Tutulina, Messia, Sessia, Matuta... : divinités fonctionnelles liées aux travaux de la terre

Francesca Prescendi

ANHIMA – EPHE – France

Par l'appellation indigitamenta, ou, en suivant Hermann Usener, Sondergötter, nous entendons des divinités ayant des tâches ponctuelles, dont le nom révèle la fonction, comme Iugatinus le dieu du joug (iugum), ou Segetia la déesse de la moisson (seges). Elles ont été souvent réunies sous forme de listes par les Pères de l'Eglise, qui, pour montrer la supériorité du Christianisme, les utilisaient comme preuves de l'absurdité du morcellement du divin dans la religion romaine. Derrière ces listes se cache cependant une réalité plus complexe et variée. Ces divinités en effet ne sont pas seulement des « noms parlants ». Certaines d'entre elles disposent au contraire d'un arrière-plan cultuel comme l'indique la mention des lieux de culte propres dans d'autres textes ou inscriptions et leur inclusion dans les plus anciennes prières liées aux travaux agricoles. Un texte d'Augustin (civ. 4, 8) constituera le départ pour étudier plus en détails quelques déesses, comme Tutulina, Messia et Sessia, dont d'autres auteurs relatent qu'elles ont des représentations statuaires au Cirque. Tutulina donne en outre le nom à un quartier de la ville selon Varron. Un cas d'études particulier est représenté par Matuta présente dans ce texte d'Augustin. Matuta indique la divinité liée à l'aube, à la lumière du matin, mais, comme l'indiquent certains passages de Festus, son nom est aussi lié à « tout ce qui arrive à maturation ». Ce théonyme peut être rapproché du théonyme au datif pluriel maatuis qui se trouve dans la Table d'Agnone, une inscription en osque regroupant des divinités des céréales et datée probablement du IIIe siècle av. n.è. C'est un exemple qui montre la pertinence de mettre en perspective ces divinités de la ville de Rome avec celles de l'Italie antique pour comprendre le fonctionnement de ces petits dieux fonctionnels, que nous considérons comme un des traits les plus caractéristiques de la ville de Rome et qui pourtant existent aussi en contexte italique. Cette recherche approfondie qui constitue la première étape d'une recherche plus vaste que je suis en train d'accomplir sur les dieux fonctionnels de Rome devrait permettre de nuancer notre connaissance du tissu polythéiste et des modes d'actions de ces divinités et en souligner davantage leurs rapports avec le contexte italique.

Keywords: divinités fonctionnelles; indigitamenta; agriculture; terre; théonyme

Spaces of Reinvented Religious Traditions in the Danubian Provinces

Csaba Szabó

Lucian Blaga University of Sibiu – Romania

A large part of the Roman material heritage of the Principate in the Danubian provinces - a contemporary, spatial notion which needs a reconsideration too - was used as tools and even agents in Roman religious communication. While this significant materiality of Roman history was examined mostly from a positivist approach in this area of the Empire, current studies focusing on Roman religion emphasized the important role of these in religous communication too. The first part of the paper will focus on a methodological model for space sacralisation, a process which is presented here as a strategy and facet of religious communication. Following the definition of H. Cancik and the spatial archaeology model of D. Clarke, the paper propose a new spatial taxonomy for the lived ancient religion approach, which gives a much deeper view on the spatial aspects of religious communication. Space is never sacred by itself, but it is "sacralised" by human and material tools, religious knowledge, experience and memory. In this definition, space is a dynamic, constantly changing tool and rarely, even agent in the success of religious communication.

The second part of the paper will discuss a particular element of space sacralisation, which is particularly present in the Danubian provinces: the reinvention of religious traditions. The Hobsbawmian notion represents a very useful tool in the interpretation of several case studies from the Danubian provinces, where various indigenous and pre-Roman religious traditions were reinvented and transformed, which resulted in new divine names, spaces and other tools of religious communication. The paper will discuss the case study of Jupiter Karnuntinus, Jupiter Teutanus, the so-called Danubian Riders (Domnus et Domna) and several other case studies, where the presentation of divine agents in space was a result not only of space sacralisation, but also reinvention of religious traditions. The paper will present shortly also the major points and aims of a larger project, which will result in the first map of sanctuaries in secondary and public spaces from the Danubian provinces.

Keywords: space sacralisation; Danubian provinces; Iuppiter Karnuntinus; Iuppiter Teutanus; Domnus et Domna; Mithras

Divine Mobility in the Ancient World in Light of the New Mobilities Paradigm: Strengthening Our Research Methods

Eric Trinka

The Catholic University of America – James Madison University – United States

Few, if any, present works on divinity in the ancient world integrate findings from modern mobility studies. Failure to do so has left noteworthy lacunae in researchers' epistemologies of movement and place that require redress.

A key contribution of this paper is to provide a more solid theoretical grounding for discussing the processes of human movement and contact, as well as the attendant processes of cultural exchange and translation, that undergird the activities of naming deities, locating them in space and time, accounting for their movements and activities, and constructing space in response to assumptions of their personhood and capacities as location-related mobile entities.

It is well-accepted that space is socially-constructed. Accounting for the now widespread “spatial turn” in ANE studies, this project asserts that mobility is to movement as place is to location; social construction lies at the core of their distinction from, and relationship to, one another. Thus, we cannot fully understand anthropomorphized renderings of deities, their embodied movements, their associations with particular places, and their interactions across time and space without accounting for the “ideological codings of mobility” (Cresswell, 2006) that obtained in the ancient world. To this end, this project integrates findings from the new mobilities paradigm in order to better understand ancient perceptions of the embodiment, emplaced-ness, movement, and related naming practices of deities in the ancient world.

Conceptions of divine embodiment and mobility are rooted in human experiences of embodiment and mobility. Mobility does not simply occur in space, but is rather a constituent element of spatial production. The texture and contents of space, including the identification and explanations of deities that reside and function within it, are bound up with human movements that constitute that space. Furthermore, socially- coded understandings of the person as a mobile entity are reflected in the perceived capacities of deities. Gods who move (i.e. who are actors in space and time) are accounted for using human cognitive frameworks of personhood and mobility. Humans accomplished this analogical task in part through practices of naming (locating deities in relation to the self and society) and mapping (locating deities in relationship to place and time). Human conceptions of divinity change across time and space. Thus, understanding cosmic and physical cartographies of divinity requires refining our methodologies of mobility.

This paper will bring these various research methods to bear on the discussion of the multiplicitous personhood of YHWH as represented in the evidence from Kuntillet ‘Ajrud. Many scholars have argued the case that the distinct geographic epithets for YHWH of Shomron/Samaria and YHWH of Teman indicate that we are witnessing two different YHWHs. This paper does not dismiss this hypothesis outright, but argues that, when viewed through the lenses of mobility and migration studies, the evidence from Kuntillet ‘Ajrud can be understood in alternative ways that clarify several key misconceptions about early Israelite religion. Our understandings of the ways humans journeyed to and moved about at Kuntillet 'Ajrud can illuminate the ways they perceived of YHWH doing the same.

Keywords: Mobility; Religious translatability; Toponymy; Divine anthropomorphism; Critical spatial theory

Phōs semnou puros: Dionysus, Space and Time

David Van Schoor

Rhodes University – South Africa

The Greek god of drama – polyonomos Dionysos– the god of ‘many names', a figure who is said to travel continually between and to the cities of the wider world, may be fruitfully understood as a god of katastasis: instituting. In Euripides he introduces himself both by mapping his wide travels and asserting his unseverable connection with his birth city of Thebes. His relationship to space may be seen as parallel with that to time and we may helpfully read Dionysus through the anthropology of ritual of Maurice Bloch, where ritual connects the vital and material of the phenomenal world with the transcendent and objective order of the cognitive.

Dionysus' principle value is his elasticity, versatility semiotic openness: he is a divine and mortal bastard available across physical space and ideological space and in a variety of forms for the given ends of a particular local community, religious need or artistic objective. The plasticity of the person of Dionysus finds a corollary in his mastery over spatial orders: he effaces distance while also making his physical presence and proximity central to his meaning. What becomes evident in the polymorphic and charismatic figure of Dionysus in Athenian drama by the late 5th century BCE is that he may come to serve as that super agency by which human community may trace its own capacity to localise and temporalise and persist: to link transcendental or abstract orders with real, present orders. From this perspective Dionysus represents both the limitation upon and vehicle for human agency.

In typically paradoxical fashion, Dionysus is seen both to articulate the features of a broad geographical horizon and to efface distance and space: in our foremost document for the god, Euripides' Bacchae, he is seen at once to lay great emphasis on his local provenance and attachment to his birthplace and to efface distance, eliding the significance of spatial extension. He moves like a catchy, contagious meme or epidemic (nosos) effortlessly traversing and thereby unifying different points in space as he does individual agents participating in or falling victim to his worship and magnetic presence.

At Athens, Dionysus, son of Zeus and grandson of Kronos, is the god of rhythmically, calendrically organised appearances, an immortal inscribing himself in the historical world and, uniquely in tragic drama, moving amongst humans in the historical order. In his person he extends and re-establishes spatial and temporary boundaries. He delineates and institutes orders of time while fusing orders of space and time, both expanding and relativising parameters of temporal and spatial imaginaries. Drawing on Bloch and on Harvey Whitehouse's cognitive theory of modes of religiosity, I explore how the identity of Dionysus in late 5th century Athens is one formed on the structurationally, momentarily perceptible axes of spatiality and temporality with its implications for reappraising the nature of the agency of human collectives and individuals.

Keywords: Dionysus; katastasis; spatial effacement and re-articulation; special agent; Maurice Bloch; Harvey Whitehouse; Modes of Religiosity

Gods of the Gymnasion: The Fluid Identities of Hellenistic Ruler Statuettes

Tobias Wild

Albert Ludwig University of Freiburg – Germany

Small scale representations of Hellenistic rulers illustrate how the ancient polytheistic world was open for adaption and change. In the rapidly changing landscape of Hellenistic socio-religious networks, worshippers strove to establish the rulers as gods, by means of visual representations, spaces, names and epithets, to name but a few. Despite their potential to elucidate the cult of Hellenistic rulers in domestic and votive contexts, statuettes (sculpture in the round, H up to ~1,5m) have not yet been extensively studied; scholarship up to this point has focused on the specifics in ‘official' media at the expense of intimate religious encounters. A case study of the corpus of Hellenistic ruler statuettes (~150 objects) in combination with literary and epigraphic evidence offers insights to bottom-up processes of the dynamic identity negotiations located in the Hellenistic gymnasion from the 4th century BCE onwards.

Though the contexts of the statuettes are rarely known, the iconography offers opportunities to explore imagined spaces where the worshippers situated the rulers. In this medium the rulers strongly resemble youthful gods and heroes – especially Hermes and Herakles – in unique ways that diverge from specific forms of other media. In these images the worshippers create an intended ambiguity which avoids making them specifically ‘ruler-like'. This phenomenon was omnipresent as attested by Hellenistic epigrams. Additionally, rulers from different dynasties were represented using the same visual strategies. In contrast to prevailing views in scholarship, such visual strategies indicate that on the one hand, statuettes could refer to one specific king through inscription/context, while on the other hand, it was more important that they stress visually the godlike qualities that kings in general were supposed to embody.

Written sources suggest that the reason for individual worship was driven by personal benefit. According to this model, it seems likely that a focal point for veneration were gymnasia, which received generous support by the rulers. In those contexts, the rulers are elevated on the same level as the traditional gods of the gymnasion ritually and through naming practices: they are integrated into existing festivals, named after at gymnasia and specific kings are strongly connected to ephebic group names. Within this framework, the statuettes provide a set of plural affordances to users: rather than marked as specific kings, they generally evoke Hermes and Herakles in language and style and perform practices linked to the gymnasion. In this way, kings and gods could become prefigurations and role models for the young men of the polis. However, during the second half of the 2nd century BCE the picture changes: now athletes can be called ‘new Herakleis' while their representations follow the visual strategies developed for rulers. In the space of the gymnasion gods, kings and men have become indistinguishable. Thus, a case study of small-scale ruler representations illuminates how in a specific medium the permeable boundaries between humans and the divine were negotiated in charged civic spaces.

Keywords: Hellenistic ruler cult; gymnasion and polis; affordances of theomorphic portraiture; media studies; negotiating identities

Espèces d'espaces divins dans la céramique attique de la période archaïque et classique

Vasso Zachari

ANHIMA – EHESS – France

Le culte des dieux et la notion de l'espace sont étroitement liés dans la religion des anciens Grecs, selon les sources textuelles et les données archéologiques qui nous sont parvenues. D'un côté, le culte se définit par une série de pratiques de nature variée, stables ou provisoires (comme le sacrifice, la libation, la prière, parmi d'autres), destinées à rendre hommage aux puissances divines ; elles ne peuvent être performantes que quand elles s'inscrivent dans l'espace. Les lieux de cultes, de l'autre, se désignent par une pléthore de termes techniques, d'après les principales sources sur le lexique religieux, telle que la Périégèse de Pausanias ou l'Onomasticon de Pollux. Certains de ces termes soulignent, par exemple, l'aspect consacré de l'endroit (hieron) ou la notion de découpage (temenos). D'autres sont plutôt ambivalents et leur utilisation par les modernes pour décrire des espaces dont la fonction n'est pas claire, pourrait mener à de mauvaises interprétations. Néanmoins, dans certains cas, l'intersection entre le divin et l'espace est très éloquente grâce aux désignations qui caractérisent les puissances divines. Tel est l'exemple d'Aphrodite Kôlias, dont l'épithète retrace le récit de la fondation de son lieu de culte : un corbeau bômolochos a volé et déposée un morceau de la victime sacrificielle, de la cuisse (kôlê) plus précisément, à cet endroit marquant ainsi la sélection d'un espace pour rendre hommage à la déesse ; un choix qui n'est pas fortuit, soulignant ainsi le lien indissociable entre le culte et l'espace.

La question de l'intersection entre le divin et l'espace est pour autant intéressante du côté des images peintes sur les vases attiques des périodes archaïque et classique et elle s'inscrit dans un autre registre que les données textuelles et archéologiques. Nous avons choisi d'aborder cette question en étudiant plus précisément les images avec un autel, l'élément qui est indispensable au culte et habituellement la première construction d'un sanctuaire, ainsi que l'élément architectural le plus répandu sur la céramique attique tant à figures noires qu'à figures rouges. Construction fondée, liée directement au sol, l'autel détermine l'espace dans lequel s'accomplissent les rites en hommage de dieux. Il est destiné à indiquer l'espace physique, mais surtout à souligner la nature sacrée de cet espace. La spatialité dans la céramique est également conditionnée par la présence d'autres objets construits (statue, fontaine, colonne, entablement, etc.) et d'éléments naturels (arbres, rochers, etc.) dont les combinaisons avec l'autel sont très variables et significatives. Cependant, la tentative de les associer à un espace ou à une divinité précise s'avère une affaire complexe. Nous allons étudier ce dossier en présentant les rares vases où un nom divin affecte l'espace sur les images avec autel (coupe Rome 121110 ; fragments de coupe Berlin F 2280, F 2281 et Vatican ; pyxide Berlin F 3308, etc.), ainsi que les associations visuelles de l'autel avec les autres éléments construits et/ou naturels afin de comprendre comment les choix opérés par les peintres mettent en valeur l'espace où les relations entre hommes et dieux se manifestent.

Keywords: vases attiques; sanctuaire; autel; éléments architecturaux; éléments naturels

Is the Most High the Highest? The Concept(s) behind the Divine Name / Epithet Elyon in Northwest Semitic Sources

Anna Zernecke

Christian-Albrecht University of Kiel – Germany

The divine name / epithet Elyon (Most High) is used in biblical and extra-biblical sources. It is an epithet of the God of the Hebrew Bible, but is also used for deities in ancient Israel's neighbouring cultures. It denotes a superlative spatial dimension, the placing above. But in very few attestations, Elyon is conceived as being placed in heaven or is otherwise associated with something above. The paper discusses Elyon as divine name or epithet and investigates the space where Elyon is located in the few instances where this is possible. It aims at a coherent interpretation of the development of this divine designation in northwest Semitic sources in relation to the conceptualisation of the divine in space.

Keywords: Name; epithet; semantics of divine names; Elyon; Northwest Semitic

Posters

Les représentations d'Héraclès dans l'art grec : les pérégrinations d'un « héros voyageur »

Clara Granger

HISOMA Lyon – France

Héraclès est le « héros voyageur »[1] par excellence ; il arpente et connaît les espaces qui composent le paysage grec et même au-delà. À travers ses représentations, le héros parcourt le Péloponnèse, le monde grec et se rend jusqu'aux confins du monde connu, en passant par les territoires colonisés, qu'il marque du souvenir de son passage. Reflet de son immortalité à venir – ou de son éternelle jeunesse précisément – Héraclès se rend aux Enfers et dans le jardin des Hespérides.

Ces multiples localités visitées par Héraclès participent à la construction de sa geste et de son identité. Elles peuvent être seulement des lieux de passages, mais le plus souvent sont rattachées à ses exploits ou travaux, voire même symbolisent les caractéristiques qui lui sont propres.

Ces différents types de localité peuvent se trouver regroupés sur une même œuvre. Sur un cratère attique à figures rouges[2] par exemple, le Peintre de Cléophradès renvoie à des localités clés, traversées ou parcourues par le héros : le Péloponnèse avec l'hydre de Lerne, l'Asie Mineure avec les Amazones, l'espace au-delà de l'Océan avec Géryon et les confins de la mortalité avec les Hespérides. Affichant plusieurs niveaux de lecture, ce vase est particulièrement développé. Celui qui nous intéresse montre Héraclès, au fil de sa geste, parcourir le monde civilisé et sauvage, se rendant même jusqu'à ses confins et ce n'est pas un hasard si la dernière scène se clôture avec Atlas – qui est d'ailleurs le seul personnage du cratère à regarder le spectateur de face.

[1] L'expression, largement utilisée, a été employée par Léon Lacroix en 1974 (Lacroix L. (1974), « Héraclès, héros voyageur et civilisateur », Bulletin de la Classe des Lettres et des Sciences morales et politiques de l'Académie royale des Sciences des Lettres et des Beaux-Arts de Belgique, n°60, p. 34-59). [2] Fragments partagés entre 3 musées : Paris, Musée du Louvre (Cp674b) ; Florence, Musée archéologique national ; Malibu (PD507), The J. Paul Getty Museum (77.AE.11) : ARV, 124.44, 137.101 ; ARV², 187.52, 206.130, 1963 ; Add, 94 ; Add², 188 ; LIMC, V, Herakles, n. 1702, pl. 9 ; LIMC, VII, Peleus, n. 176, pl. 200.

Keywords: Héraclès; voyage; espaces; iconographie; symbolisme

Epiteti o teonimi? Nuove considerazioni sul tempio di Qal'at Kalota (IGLS 376)

Giuseppina Marano

MAP – PLH – University of Toulouse II – France

Il tempio di Kalota è noto per essere uno dei cinque templi montani del Massiccio Calcareo o del Belus nel nord della Siria (insieme ai templi di Zeus Madbachos sullo Sheiḫ Barakāt, di Zeus Tourbarachos sullo Srîr, di Zeus Bomos a Burg Bâqirhâ e di Zeus Koryphaios ad El Ḥoṣn), ma è l'unico ad aver creato difficoltà sull'identificazione della dedica. Le due iscrizioni (IGLS 376; IGLS 383) ritrovate nei pressi del villaggio di Kefer Nabo, ai piedi del tempio di I/II secolo d.C., testimoniano l'esistenza di tre culti locali, quello di Seimos/Seimios, di Symbetylos/Symbaitylos e di Leon, "divinità ancestrali" non diversamente note nella regione. La presente proposta scaturisce dal riesame delle iscrizioni e da un lavoro comparativo della presenza dei medesimi culti in altre regioni. L'ipotesi corroborata è che queste tre denominazioni appartengano tutte a sfaccettature diverse della figura gioviana, riccamente presente nella regione nord- siriana. Quello di Qal'at Kalota non sembra differire molto dagli altri templi montani attestati nel Massiccio Calcareo e si può ritenere che riceva, nella stessa misura, influenza dai culti anatolici a nord e da quelli eliopolitani a sud. Un attento studio della natura e dell'incidenza di questi culti fuori dalla regione nord- siriana porta a ritenere che essi, talvolta utilizzati come veri e propri teonimi di divinità, ma più frequentemente come epiteti di Zeus o di altre divinità, possano aver avuto tale diffusione da imporsi in età imperiale in un contesto di forte interesse romano, evidente nella costruzione di importanti arterie viarie, per collegare le città dell'entroterra con quelle costiere, e dei templi montani a Zeus tra il I e il III secolo d.C. Nello specifico, il culto di Zeus Seimos/Seimios ha attestazioni già nella penisola anatolica, ma due iscrizioni rinvenute nelle campagne di scavo del 1994-1995 a Qal'at Kalota riportano in maniera sicura la lettura dell'identificazione (SEG 47 1922-1923 del 135 d.C. riportano la dedica a Διὶ Σειμῳ). I due restanti culti sono di definizione più complessa e di molteplici associazioni con altre divinità. Nel caso di Symbetylos la già dubbia derivazione del termine rende difficile una definizione sicura: sostenendo l'analisi linguistica per cui betylos sia da rapportarsi al temine semitico da cui deriva baitylos/baetulos, cioè la pietra divina, di materiale meteoritico, di cui parla Damascio (Vita Isidori 203), la dedica “di quelli dell'Oronte” a Dura Europos a Zeus Betylos (SEG 43 1030) assume una luce differente, su cui è bene porre attenzione. Infine, il culto del leone è ben attestato in tutto l'Oriente antico e specialmente nella penisola anatolica, dove, associato con Eracle, Apollo o Helios, ha caratteristiche solari e con questo carattere diventa uno dei principali simboli della triade eliopolitana a Baalbek e così si diffonde in tutta l'area siro-libanese. In questo caso epiteti e teonimi, nonché attributi divini comunicano dialetticamente tra loro e svolgono funzioni diverse a seconda dell'utilizzo cultuale che ne viene fatto dai diversi agenti sociali.

Keywords: épithètes de Zeus; fonctions cultuelles; Zeus Betylos; Zeus Seimos; Zeus/Lion

Putting the Gods and Places in Equation

Papers

Two sons (sic) over Thebes: An Appropriation of a Local Tradition?

Bartłomiej Bednarek

University of Warsaw – Poland

An anonymous hymn to Dionysus preserved on papyrus (P. Ross. Georg. 1.11, now in Tbilisi) found— almost certainly—in Fayum, offers an unusual glimpse of the Greek religion in the process of making. The text, written in the second or third century CE, is a first draft of a cult song, whose content indicates its clear connection to a mystery cult. Thus, it is tempting to call it a hieros logos of Dionysian initiation (discussion: Zumbo, Furley), a late cousin or offspring of the religious literature that flourished in Egypt under the rule of Ptolemy Philopator (as results from his famous edict in which he demanded the submission of all Dionysian hieroi logoi that were in use).

Although we know that the hymn under discussion was composed in Egypt and it is reasonable to assume that it was designed for the use of a local community of Dionysus worshippers, it contains a number of allusions to two far-away places: the Thebes in Asia Minor and its Boeotian namesake. This was clearly intended to inscribe the content of the hymn into a wider context of Dionysian myth known from mainstream literature (such as the Attic tragedy and Homeric epics). At the same time, however, the author introduces bold, if subtle changes into traditional myth. To quote but one example, he substituted the name of Lycurgus' son Dryas with its anagram Ardys, a personal name attested to in the region of Hypoplacian Thebes. Too precise to be a coincidence, too conspicuous to have gone unobserved by the audience (although, modern scholars seem to have ignored it), this strategy may result either from a literary game, or, as I would like to argue, from the author's intention of appropriating a local tradition of a far-away place. Whether he was Egyptian or a foreigner in Egypt, it seems that he tailored the myth in such a way that it permitted him to show the mainstream traditions as different from, but related to it. As such, these traditions could be dismissed as the result of a misunderstanding of what the poet presented as authentic. Thus, the “product” he offered (mysteries) in the highly competitive environment of the Egyptian religious “market” was advertised as deriving from a genuine (local in some “exotic” place) tradition.

Keywords: Dionysus; local tradition; cult hymn; hieros logos; Lycurgus

From the Occupation of a Territory to the Representation of an Identity: The Polysemy of the Epithet ἀρχηγέτης/ἀρχηγέτις

Claudio Biagetti

University of Münster – Germany

The epithet ἀρχηγέτης/ἀρχηγέτις, which occasionally occurs as a proper epiclesis, is usually assumed to describe the colonial projection of the Delphic Apollo, whose responses would have endorsed – or just inspired – a number of expeditions all over the Mediterranean world. Indeed, the cults of Apollo Ἀρχηγέτης/Ἀρχαγέτας near Sicilian Naxos (Thuc. VI 3, 1) and at Cyrene (Pind. Pyth.V 55-62; GHI2, nr. 5, l. 11) represent well-known examples of these colonial inferences. Later evidence from colonial contexts upholds this allusive use of ἀρχηγέτης/ἀρχηγέτις that has been assigned not only to Apollo (Halicarnassos, Hierapolis, Attaleia, ...), but also to other gods as Dionysos (Teos) or Artemis (Magnesia). It is therefore no surprise that the title ἀρχηγέτης was also associated to quintessentially colonial heroes as Tlepolemos (Pind. Ol. VII 77-80) or Battos (GHI2, nr. 5, ll. 26-27).

However, archaic and classical sources – as well as later ones – seem to blur this view, as ἀρχηγέτης/ἀρχηγέτις mainly occurs in connection with the worship of a deity (or a deified hero) who was purely perceived as a tutelary figure. Gods like the Apollo of Delos (Pind. fr. 140a, 58 S.-M.; cf. ID 1506) or the Athena of Athens (Ar. Lys. 642; cf. IG II/III31, 900) figure as ἀρχηγέται nearly by right of birth or conquest. In such cases, the epithet does not imply Greek notions like ἀποικία or κτίσις straightforwardly, but rather entails the idea of ἀρχή as a distant origin of a community and – at once – as a ‘regulative' principle of a social aggregation. In political and religious discourse, in other words, the divine presence of the ἀρχηγέται is meant to define a spatial background for the emergence of a socially structured community, foreshadowing – and legitimising – the human occupation of that space. Similarly, the ten epichoric ἀρχηγέται introduced by Clisthenes with Delphic approval did recall the mythical roots of the Athenian tribes, but they also embodied the new isonomic order following the social inequalities of the Peisistratids' tyranny (Hdt. V 66; Ar.fr. 135 K.-A.; Arist. AP 21, 6). In a way, the Clisthenic heroes resemble those kings of the Athenian theatre that bear the epithet ἀρχηγέτης, as if they would represent the ultimate source of the social hierarchy (see e.g. Aesch. Sept.999 [Eteocles]; Soph. OT 751 [Laios]; Eur. Troad. 447 [Agamemnon]).

Through these and other cases, this paper aims to shed new light on the epithet ἀρχηγέτης that, far from merely suggesting the dynamics of Greek colonisation, seems to be associated in a broader sense with the name of divine and heroic figures establishing a social order in a previously chaotic and deregulated space. Once acknowledged as protectors by a group, the ἀρχηγέται come to subsume the main traits of a shared identity not only in the Hellenic communities, but also – more interestingly – among populations coming in contact with the Hellenic world (see Hdt. 2, 123 [Osiris/Dionysos and Isis/Demetra]; IG XIV 600 and ID 1519 [Melqart/Heracles]).

Keywords: Greek colonisation; Delphic oracle; Apollo; social order; divine/heroic patrons

Reconsidérations sur les espaces sacrés giblites

Amel Bouhafs

ASM – University of Montpellier III – France

Cette communication a pour but d'aborder la question de l'identification des divinités des temples de Byblos à travers les sources hiéroglyphiques du IIe millénaire mises au jour dans les deux ensembles cultuels principaux de l'acropole. Le premier a été attribué, de manière certaine à la Baalat Gebal, « la Dame de Byblos », divinité poliade. De nombreux chercheurs ont tenté de savoir qui se cachait derrière la Dame de Byblos mais cette recherche est peut-être vaine car la Baalat Gebal semble être une entité divine à part entière. Si son identification à Anat, Astarté ou encore Hathor est probable, elle a très bien pu être tour à tour chacune d'entre elles au cours de la longue période d'attestation de la déesse. Par ailleurs, on peut se demander si, sur le modèle sémitique, elle n'était pas accompagnée d'un dieu parèdre. On s'efforcera d'explorer ces questions à la lumière des sources hiéroglyphiques.

Quant au second ensemble cultuel il a anciennement été attribué à Reshef, mais cette attribution se fonde sur une lecture erronée du nom d'Hérichef sur un relief en hiéroglyphes. Quelle autre hypothèse peut-on proposer ?

En outre, de nombreux autres théonymes égyptiens sont attestés sur ces mêmes documents : Nout, Rê- Horakhty, la Grande Ennéade et la Petite Ennéade. En s'aidant des textes phéniciens plus tardifs on peut comprendre ces théonymes comme une « interpretatio aegyptiaca » des dieux sémitiques par une population sémitique égyptianisée. On pourrait donc en réalité avoir à faire à Anat, Shamash, et « l'assemblée des dieux saints de Byblos » (KAI 4).

Ces textes questionnent également sur l'existence d'une aire sacrée égyptienne au Levant et ce bien avant la politique expansionniste des pharaons du Nouvel Empire. Outre nous interroger sur la nature de la présence égyptienne à Byblos pour cette époque, ils mettent aussi en avant des problèmes chronologiques concernant la construction des monuments qu'ils évoquent.

L'étude du matériel archéologique mis au jour associée à ces textes devrait permettre de clarifier la situation. Le plan du temple peut-il aider à élucider certains de ces questionnements en mettant en exergue des hypothèses ? Les obélisques du temple ne seraient-ils pas la clef de l'énigme ?

Keywords: Byblos; Egypte; interculturalité; temple; divinités

The Islands of Artemis in the Cronian Sea

Filip Budic

Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences – University of Zagreb – Croatia

In the 3rd century BCE, Apollonius of Rhodes left a distinct geographic version of the Argonauts coming back home from the Colchis in the fourth book of an epic poem, Argonautica. According to his account, Greek heroes decided to escape from the Black Sea following the stream of the Istros River. Geographically fantastic way brought them to the shores of the Cronian Sea. Not far from the mouth of the river, the sailors caught sight of two islands that belonged to the Brygoi people and were dedicated to Artemis (Apoll. Rhod. IV, 330). On one of them, stood the temple of the goddess, where Jason, shortly afterwards, killed Medea's brother Apsyrtos. For his eternal resting place, the islands changed their name and had since been called the Apsyrtides (Apollo Rhod IV, 480 - 481).

Apart from Apollonius', two more accounts give us similar information. Variation of the content is known from the Fabulae written by the Roman mythologist Hyginus, and De Mirabilibus Auscultationibus attributed to Aristotle. Hyginus (Fab. 23) stated that Apsyrtus was killed on Minerva's island, where the Colchians in the memory of the prince established the city by the name of Apsorus. In De Mirabilibus Auscultationibus (105a), Pseudo-Aristotle mentioned several altars Jason erected in the districts as he was passing by. The conclusive evidence for the fantastic journey of Jason's companions is a Temple of Artemis built by Medea on one of the Adriatic islands.

Another record contains additional intriguing data related to toponymy and mythography of the area. The author is Phlegon of Tralles, a Greek historian who lived in the 2nd century CE. Although not directly related to Apsyrtides, he mentioned a cave, somewhere in Dalmatia, named after Artemis, where numerous and large bones were deposited (FGrH 257 F 36, 12).

Although several older traditions claim that Apsyrtos was slain in some other areas (for instance: schol. ad Apoll. Rhod. IV. 223; 228; schol. ad Eur. Med. IV. 1334; Lycoph. 1318), Apollonius of Rhodes was the first one to imply that the assassination happened on the island of the goddess in the Cronian Sea, i.e. the Adriatic - following the ancient commentators and the context of the poem. According to the Roman geographers, such as Pomponius Mela (II, 114) or Claudius Ptolemy (II, 16, 8), the Apsyrtides were the islands in the Northern Adriatic, that are have been in the recent literature equated with Cres and Lošinj in the Bay of Kvarner.

With no doubt, the mythological context of the sacred island was a crucial element for the murder of the Colchian prince. The existing sources show us a dynamic evolution of the spatial and cultic data regarding the cult of either Artemis or Minerva. In the same time, they raise a question about the development of Greek and Roman knowledge about the region. Also, the aim is to discuss the possible interconnections with the indigenous cults of female deities attested on the North Adriatic coast.

Keywords: Apollonius of Rhodes; the Argonautica; the Adriatic; Island of Artemis; Abstyrtides

Placing Human Honorands as Gods and Heroes: In search for the Ritual Space(s) for Hellenistic Political Leaders and Benefactors

Stefano Caneva

University of Padua – Italy

This paper aims at providing an innovative overview of the organization and naming of spaces related to ritually honoured humans (living and dead) via an unprecedented variety of written and archaeological sources spanning rulers, benefactors, and elite members of the Hellenistic period.

The relationship between the religious life of a community and the design of new ritual honours for human beings has been increasingly engaging scholars interested in the social, cultural, and religious history of the Hellenistic Mediterranean and is at the core of my ongoing project ‘The Practicalities of Hellenistic Ruler Cults' (www.phrc.it). Creating a new god/hero implies a deep awareness on the part of the community establishing honours about the practical and conceptual toolkit of its religious system. The study of this process therefore raises fundamental questions pertaining to (1) the way a human honorand should be named and ritually dealt with in order for his honours to be integrated among those of the recipients of cult in a given community; (2) the specific choices about the architectural organization, cultic facilities, funding methods, and the role of ritual agents (and their sub-groups) that the community is faced with at the moment of selecting which existing models could fit best the socio-political and cultural purposes underpinning the establishment of cultic honours for a human being.

Within this general framework, the conference's focus on the link between space and name provides a highly suitable perspective to explore the patterns of augmentation of local pantheons via the adding of new human recipients of cult. Moreover, since the spatial organization of a community reflects its social composition and internal equilibrium (or lack thereof, resulting into a competitive appropriation of spaces by distinct sub-groups), the conference also offers the chance to exploit the study of ritual honours for human beings to investigate the interaction between public and private space and agency, civic institutions and non-official groups and associations, local traditions and the integration of new ‘travelling' solutions, and the affirmation of elites in the Hellenistic city via the diffusion of heroic cults for deceased members of aristocratic families.

While the discussed evidence is prominently Greek, a great effort will be made to provide comparanda from areas of cultural contact such as Egypt, the Near-East, Cyprus and inner Anatolia. The discussed topics include the construction (or renaming) of public (sacred or administrative) and other monumental buildings after the name of political leaders and benefactors; the comparison between the creation of new ad hoc spaces and facilities dedicated to ritually honoured humans and the embedding of these honours within existing sacred spaces, which makes the new honorands ‘synnaoi/symbomoi' of gods and heroes; a comparative analysis of the way space and names contribute to shaping a flexible hierarchical relationship between new and old recipients of cult; the interaction/competition between different social layers of the community, from civic institutions to the household level passing by travelling groups such as royal armies and international professional associations.

Keywords: ruler cults; heroic cults; Hellenistic period; ritual space; cultic denominations

Protection maritime aux confins de la Méditerranée : les logiques d'implantation d'un réseau de sanctuaires à Gibraltar

Benjamin Caparroy

UPPA Pau – France

Dans la continuité des travaux de thèse portant sur “la géographie et la morphologie des lieux sacrés maritimes du détroit de Gibraltar” nous nous proposons dans notre communication de revenir sur la question de la mise en place des espaces sacrés maritimes.

Depuis le IXe siècle av. n.è. les Phéniciens sont installés dans la zone du détroit de Gibraltar. Du sud de l'Espagne, au nord du Maroc, en passant par les côtes portugaises, ils profitent des ressources minières de la zone, nouent des contacts avec les populations locales, développent une économie agropastorale locale, tout en installant le long des côtes une série d'espaces portuaires destinés à favoriser la récupération et l'exportation des différentes ressources qu'offre le détroit. Cependant, si les eaux de ce dernier sont bien connues des populations qui le fréquentent, elles ne sont pas sans danger pour autant. On assiste donc, au cours des siècles suivants, à l'implantation de sanctuaires en divers points de la côte, une implantation dont le but est d'assurer la protection de la navigation (euploia) mais aussi de favoriser les échanges commerciaux en offrant un espace sûr.

Au travers de cette communication, il s'agira d'aborder les logiques d'implantation qui participent au choix d'emplacement des espaces sacrés, on pourra tour à tour évoquer la question de la présence divine dans le paysage naturel ou encore les questions de morphologie des espaces. En interrogeant les données archéologiques, les plans des sites ou encore des données littéraires, on ouvrira le dialogue autour des caractéristiques « maritimes » des sanctuaires et des cultes, avant de dégager les logiques d'agencement des différentes structures, leurs fonctions et leurs interactions (on pense notamment à la question de l'eau).

Le point de vue sera bien évidemment maritime, ce qui permettra de mettre en lumière les liens entre la mer, le monde de la navigation et les phénomènes religieux et divins qu'il a pu générer. Comment établir le lien entre un dieu et l'espace marin ? Quels rites ? Quels types d'espaces ?

La communication a pour objectif de présenter les sanctuaires du détroit (Lixos, Cadix, La Algaida, la Gorham's Cave, etc.) comme autant d'exemples servant de base à la réflexion et au dialogue. Une réflexion autour des moyens, des outils dont dispose le chercheur pour mettre en évidence ces logiques d'implantation et les réseaux qu'elles tissent peu à peu dans le paysage quotidien des gens de mer et des locaux qui fréquentent Gibraltar et les confins occidentaux de la Méditerranée.

Keywords: Gibraltar; religions maritimes; monde phénico-punique; réseau; euploia

Sacred Places and Spaces in Central Italy between pre-Roman and Roman Times

Massimiliano Di Fazio

Department of Humanities – University of Pavia – Italy

Le mie ricerche degli ultimi anni si sono concentrate su alcune divinità dell'Italia centrale a cavallo tra preromano e epoca romana. Nel corso di queste indagini, ho iniziato a constatare in che misura gli spazi e i luoghi possano avere una rilevanza costitutiva nell'ambito del profilo religioso di una divinità. Sembra infatti chiaro che le scelte dei luoghi di culto fossero tutt'altro che casuali, ma che anzi si possano rivelare capaci di fornire ulteriori elementi per una migliore comprensione delle caratteristiche di un dio. È indicativo al proposito il caso di Feronia, con i suoi luoghi di culto che sono regolarmente boschi sacri ben collegati a grandi viabilità, il che è funzionale alla caratteristica di luoghi di mercato che questi santuari avevano; inoltre altri elementi come la collocazione geografica suggeriscono per questi santuari anche la funzione di punti d'incontro tra diverse culture. Caratteristiche analoghe sono riscontrabili per altre dee dell'Italia centrale come Diana, Ferentina etc.

Questo tipo di indagine va ora proseguito prendendo in considerazione i luoghi di culto collocati su montagne e alture. Si può infatti vedere come questi costituiscano un vero e proprio sistema religioso in connessione con i boschi sacri, coi quali non casualmente sono di norma in contatto visivo reciproco. Sull'altura troviamo regolarmente un dio dai caratteri apollinei o (posteriormente) assimilato ad un Giove giovane: Soranus sul Soratte, Iuppiter Anxur a Terracina, Iuppiter Atratinus in Ciociaria, ed altri. Questi luoghi suggeriscono alcune funzioni e caratteristiche del dio, come un legame con la sfera dei giuramenti etc.

La mia indagine si propone dunque di completare il quadro di questo sistema centroitalico e di provare a trarne alcune conclusioni di tipo non solo religioso ma più ampiamente storico e sociale.

Bibliografia precedente:

Di Fazio M. (2013), Feronia. Spazi e tempi di una dea dell'Italia centrale antica, Roma. Di Fazio M. (2012), “I luoghi di culto di Feronia: ubicazioni e funzioni”, Il fanum Voltumnae e i santuari comunitari dell'Italia antica, atti del XIX Convegno (Orvieto, 12/2011), Roma, p. 379- 408.

Keywords: preroman Italy; mountains as cult places; religious "romanization"; religion and society

Les Nymphes entre centre et périphérie : espace divin et espace sacrificiel dans l'Électre d'Euripide

Doralice Fabiano

University of Geneva – Switzerland University of Milan– Italy

Les Nymphes sont considérées les « divinités de la nature » par excellence du panthéon grec, car elles seraient des personnifications des éléments naturels (Larson, Parker). Que ce soit dans les récits, dans les pratiques ou dans les images, elles se montrent liées aux paysages « sauvages », comme les montagnes et les forêts. Leurs lieux de culte se trouvent à l'extérieur de la cité, dans des grottes ou près des sources, presque jamais dans un temple bâti.

Par conséquent, on regarde les Nymphes comme des puissances liées à la végétation et à la fertilité de la nature, vénérées notamment par les bergers et les paysans ainsi que par les femmes, en tant que protectrices de la fertilité féminine et de la petite enfance (Nilsson, Larson). Vivant dans les espaces marginaux, elles seraient étrangères à la dimension citoyenne, au monde masculin, au pouvoir politique. En réalité, une analyse historiographique du dossier des Nymphes montre que ces interprétations dérivent d'une convergence des lectures de la religion grecque faites à la période du Romantisme (Grimm, Preller) et de celles développées au tournant anthropologique du début du XXe siècle (Tylor, Frazer, Nilsson), dans laquelle Mannhardt recouvre un rôle clé. Cette analyse invite donc à remettre en question ce portrait désormais classique.

Je vais problématiser le rapport des Nymphes à la « nature » à partir du sacrifice qu'Égisthe célèbre pour les Nymphes dans l'Électre d'Euripide (vv. 774-858). Euripide met en scène les déesses dans une situation qui n'est pas attendue, où elles agissent au cœur de la cité, au centre des problématiques concernant le « politique » et non pas la « nature ». En instituant un parallèle avec l'Odyssée, je vais suggérer qu'ici les déesses montrent une compétence politique par rapport à l'espace, grâce à laquelle elles intègrent à la cité des éléments provenant de l'extérieur et légitiment leurs revendications au pouvoir. Dans ce cadre, l'excentricité spatiale, loin d'être expression d'une infériorité hiérarchique et d'une marginalité par rapport à l'espace du politique, est fonctionnelle à construire le mode d'action de ces puissances qui, de la périphérie, gèrent l'accès légitime au centre du pouvoir.

Cela est montré par les stratégies rituelles qui mettent en adéquation la représentation symbolique de l'espace de la ville et celle des viscères de l'animal sacrificiel dans l'Électre : dans les deux espaces, l'élément de la porte (réelle du palais et métaphorique du foie) ainsi que l'action d'entrer jouent un rôle primordial.

Cette analyse permet donc de lire l'association entre Nymphes et « nature » non pas à travers la catégorie de personnification d'éléments naturels, mais comme une stratégie émique permettant aux Anciens de créer et de conceptualiser le lien à l'espace qu'ils habitent, en tant que partie intégrante de celle que Marcel Détienne a appelé la « façon grecque de faire du territoire ». Loin de se constituer comme une opposition, l'espace du sauvage et celui du politique se révèlent au contraire étroitement solidaires, dans une logique étrangère à l'opposition entre « nature » et « culture » que l'anthropologie de ces dernières décennies a dénoncée comme insatisfaisante (Descola).

Keywords: Nymphes; nature; territoire; sacrifice; Euripide

Le « culte des eaux » dans la péninsule ibérique romaine : enjeux, limites et perspectives d'une notion

Alexandre Gouverneur

ARSCAN – University of Paris I – France

Des articles de José María Blázquez sur « le culte des eaux dans la péninsule ibérique » (1957) au IVe tome du Manuel d'archéologie gallo-romaine (1960) d'Albert Grenier faisant la part belle aux villes et sanctuaires des eaux, la littérature archéologique de part et d'autre des Pyrénées abonde d'exemples de « sanctuaires des eaux », une catégorie aujourd'hui largement remise en question. Tributaire d'une longue histoire de représentations issues tant des folkloristes que de la pensée romantique, et plus récemment reprise à son compte par un courant de la phénoménologie religieuse, le concept de « culte des eaux » fait aujourd'hui l'objet d'une défiance légitime comme l'a notamment montré John Scheid en 2008 dans son cours au Collège de France sur « Le culte des eaux et des sources dans le monde romain, un sujet problématique, déterminé par la mythologie moderne ».

Le réexamen des données a ainsi permis de faire la distinction entre, d'une part, la présence commune de l'eau dans un sanctuaire, à des fins notamment utilitaires (entre autres la « cuisine du sacrifice » ou encore le nettoyage des souillures causées par les animaux sacrifiés) ou pour des ablutions sommaires à l'image des labra/perirrhanteria, ces vasques au seuil des sanctuaires, et, d'autre part, la centralité d'une source ou d'un dispositif hydraulique dans l'organisation d'un culte.

C'est cette deuxième catégorie que cette communication se propose d'étudier, à l'échelle de la péninsule ibérique romaine (à partir du Ier siècle av. n.è.), au moyen d'un croisement des sources archéologiques, épigraphiques et littéraires : peut-on légitimement parler de cultes liés à des divinités aquatiques en Hispanie ? Sur quels critères les définir, et quels en seraient alors les modalités, rites, aménagements, dans quels lieux, pour quels dieux ?

Pour ce faire, on s'intéressera tant aux lieux de culte entendus comme espaces bâtis et anthropisés qu'aux sanctuaires « naturels » : résurgences, sources, gués ou grottes, caractérisés par des dépôts d'offrande, des aménagements hydrauliques ou architecturaux mais pas systématiquement par la construction d'un temple ou de tout autre édifice cultuel.

Qu'il s'agisse de supposés dépôts d'offrandes en milieu humide (Muriel de la Fuente, Huelva), d'aménagements de résurgences karstiques (la « Fuente redonda » d'Uclès, consacrée au deus Aironis, la Fonte do Ídolo à Braga) ou de sanctuaires rupestres (Clunia), on s'efforcera d'opérer une distanciation vis- à-vis des constructions théoriques anciennes de la recherche sur les « sanctuaires de source » et « sanctuaires des eaux » pour procéder à un réexamen critique des dossiers en croisant les sources documentaires disponibles.

Keywords: Culte des eaux; Sanctuaires de source; Sanctuaires naturels; Péninsule ibérique; Hispanie

The Cult and Crisis Project: How the Analysis of Epicleseis could Help Identify a Crisis in the Hellenistic Sacred Landscape of Attica

Constanze Graml

Institute of Classical Archaeology – Ludwig Maximimilian University of Munich – Germany

This paper aims to give insight on the structure of the research project “Cult and Crisis. The Sacred Landscape of Attica and its Correlation to Political Topography”. Besides the underlying research question, the first steps of mapping a specific sacred landscape with regard to a holistic approach on Hellenistic Athenian religion shall be presented.

From a political point of view, third century BCE Athens represents a shattered unity. Parts of the Athenian countryside and even the city itself were occupied by foreign Macedonian troops from time to time. Since Cleisthenic times, interrelations between the political units (demes, trittyes) and religious communities became institutionalised through specific cults, e.g. for the Eponymous heroes. Other cult places of superordinate relevance for the entire community, e.g. Eleusis, were also affected, as they lay within the occupied territories. With the partial inaccessibility, the fulfilment of religious duties was at risk of being inhibited.

The project aims to identify potentially affected cult places by analysing their placement in relation to the military infrastructure. Apart from a GIS-based analysis of fixed sacred points (sanctuaries and shrines), the temporal sacralisation of landscape through practised rituals (processions, races, etc.) is of high relevance as these rituals often connect several cult places and are equally compromised by the political topography. Alterations in rituals can plausibly be detected in a shift in ritual practice, be it e.g. cessation or diverting the movement routes and establishing substitute cult places. As these “solutions” are rarely referred to in written sources, an archaeological approach on the material originating from ritual practice in the potentially affected sanctuaries is intended. The diachronic statistical analysis of the votive spectrum aims to detect changes, such as in the quantity or in the types of votives. Particular attention will be paid to the use of epicleseis, such as topography-bound by-names or by-names referring to a divinity´s involvement in critical situations (Soter, Soteira, etc.). By combining the archaeological material of cult practice with the epigraphical and literary evidence for specified deities, light shall be shed on phenomena of religious life in Hellenistic Athens.

Keywords: Cult Topography; Athens and Attica; Hellenistic Period; Macedonian Occupation; Altered Cult

Choreography of Divine: Architecture and Rite in the Sanctuaries of Palestrina and Nemi

Lorenzo Grieco1,2 and Vanessa Mingozzi2

1 University of Kent – United Kingdom 2 University of Rome Tor Vergata – Italy

Nowadays we have almost lost the cinematic value of rites: contemporary liturgies often call for a static participation of the faithful, the only movement being limited to kneeling, sitting, or little walking. Processions, passages through woods, ascents, descents, dances, were instead a significant part of ancient worships. Besides the witnesses of texts and anthropological studies, the mobility of ancient rituals can be traced from the analysis of architecture. This is the case of two sanctuaries of Lazio, the sanctuary of Fortuna Primigenia in Praeneste (now Palestrina) and that of Diana Nemorensis in Aricia (now in Nemi), which are the objects of our study. Both temples showed a deep connection between the architecture, the landscape and the religious cult for which they are built. Such a holistic unity of aesthetical visions, geographical consciousnesses and symbolic languages, was expressed through architecture, which guided the faithful in a multisensorial experience.

The sanctuary of Palestrina (2nd century BCE), laying on the Mount Ginestro, was dedicated to the Fortuna Primigenia, a Thyche Protogeneia of Greek origin. Its layout implied an ascendant movement of the pilgrims who, through a series of terraced spaces, arrived till the top of the temple. The recurring spaces formed a theatrical architecture, used to emphasise focal points, such as the dwell where the sortes, wooden tables used for divination, were said to be found. The almost symmetrical structure of the sanctuary pushed the visitor into a continuous movement which implied a choice between more directions and favoured, on the contrary, an asymmetrical movement through the architecture. The choices of the visitors made their trip to the fate. At the bottom of the sanctuary, near the actual cathedral of Palestrina, in the so-called aula absidata, a mosaic with Nilotic scene was found. Its subjects related to the changes of the Fortune/Fate as well as to its identification with Isis, the Egyptian goddess of fecundity, whose worship in Praeneste has been certainly testified.

The vestiges of the Sanctuary of Diana Nemorensis (2nd century BCE), dedicated to the roman goddess of hunting, constitutes a half-forgotten and half-hidden evidence of an ambiguous and seducing cult whose movements were deeply connected with the natural landscape. Its position itself, at the foothills of an ancient volcanic crater, on the shore of Lake Nemi and surrounded by the woods, already implied a processional dimension of the ceremonies. For the pilgrims coming from the city, reaching the sanctuary was a physical and metaphorical descent into the primordiality of the origins: Diana was here celebrated as a threefold divinity looking after the regeneration processes of nature and rituals, such as the ferocious duel for succession of the Rex Nemorensis, evoked a primitive dimension not subjected to the civil laws. The fragmentary remains give us the suggestion that the sacred elements of the goddess, water and vegetation, pervaded the architectural complex and were given a significant and scenographic role configuring for the devoted an immersive and regenerating experience both during the journey and their permanence in the sanctuary.

Keywords: Roman Sanctuaries; Sacred Landscapes; Roman Architecture; Movement; Architecture

Entre espace et puissance(s) : les constructions du Shéol et la persistance de structures polythéistes dans la Bible hébraïque

Hélène Grosjean and Christophe Nihan

IRSB – University of Lausanne – Switzerland

Cette communication se propose de reprendre la notion de « Shéol » dans la Bible hébraïque, dans une perspective à la fois historique et comparatiste. Dans la plupart des textes bibliques, le Shéol semble désigner un espace, qui correspond au séjour souterrain des morts dans l'Israël ancien. Cet espace semble entretenir des rapports complexes avec le dieu principal d'Israël, Yhwh : alors que certains textes soulignent la distance, voire l'opposition, entre Yhwh et le Shéol (p. ex. Ps 6,6 ; 30,10, etc.), d'autres suggèrent une agentivité limitée de Yhwh dans le Shéol, voire évoquent un espace plus ou moins sous le contrôle du dieu. Par ailleurs, un certain nombre de textes bibliques suggèrent que le Shéol lui-même dispose d'une forme d'agentivité (voir, entre autres exemples, És 14,9). Enfin, certains textes pourraient faire allusion à l'association du Shéol avec d'autres puissances que Yhwh.

Espace complexe, le Shéol apparaît ainsi comme un objet adéquat et pertinent pour interroger les constructions de la spatialité dans la Bible hébraïque et l'Israël ancien, ainsi que les rapports que cet espace entretient avec différents types de puissances, notamment chtoniennes. Si plusieurs études ont déjà été consacrées au Shéol, ces études présentent deux limites importantes. D'une part, elles ont eu tendance à se concentrer sur la problématique des rapports que cet espace entretient avec Yhwh, mais se sont moins intéressées à la nature de cet espace lui-même ; la question des rapports que Yhwh entretient avec le Shéol demande au contraire à être (ré)intégrée dans une réflexion plus large sur cet espace, qui intègre les principaux axes de réflexion énumérés ci-dessus. D'autre part, ces études ont eu également tendance à organiser les données disponibles selon un schéma de développement linéaire, selon lequel le dieu Yhwh aurait acquis une forme de souveraineté exclusive sur le Shéol dès la fin de l'époque perse ou le début de l'époque hellénistique (IVe/IIIe siècle av. n.è.). L'étude des données à notre disposition suggère toutefois que les choses sont plus complexes, et que les rapports entre Yhwh et le Shéol se caractérisent au contraire par la coexistence, aux mêmes époques, de représentations et de pratiques diverses.

Dans cette communication, et en lien avec les axes mentionnés ci-dessus, on cherchera notamment à définir plus précisément (1) le type d'espace qu'est le Shéol ; (2) les rapports qu'il entretient avec Yhwh et, éventuellement, avec d'autres puissances ; et (3) ses rapports avec le culte funéraire de l'Israël ancien. On intégrera dans cette enquête les données de la culture matérielle susceptibles d'apporter un éclairage sur les constructions du Shéol dans les textes bibliques (p. ex. les plaquettes d'argent de Ketef Hinnom). On se demandera également dans quel mesure l'espace du Shéol, dans l'Israël ancien, se situe en continuité avec les représentations et les pratiques du séjour des morts dans le reste du Levant.

Keywords: Séjour des morts; dieux chtoniens; culte funéraire; polythéismes du sud; levant; espace/agentivité

Akhenaten and His Aten Cult in Abydos and Akhmim

Briana Jackson

New York University – United States

In 1352 BCE, in Egypt, a king named Amenhotep (IV) succeeded his deified father, Amenhotep (III) to the throne. Almost immediately traditional Egyptian art was changed by decree of the new king to display grotesquely shaped human figures, grand compositions of daily life and ceremonies, and, most importantly, the elevation of a “new” god called Aten, the sun-disc, seemingly to the exclusion of all other gods. Large temples dedicated to this god were erected in the state cult site, Thebes (Luxor), in and around the Karnak temple precinct. Later, Amenhotep changed his name to Akhenaten, “He who is effective for the Sun-Disc”, and startlingly moved his capital to a virgin site in central Egypt, and called it Akhetaten, “Horizon of the Sun Disc”, modern Tell el-Amarna. Here, he and his family worshipped his personal god according to newly established practices that are pictorially described in wall reliefs in private tombs, as well as on the uniquely sized blocks (talatat) that formed the Amarna temples and palaces themselves. The practice and definition of Akhenaten's new religion and god continue to be hotly debated today, as scholars struggle to label Akhenaten as a monotheist, henotheist, atheist, or others. Most scholarship on the Amarna Period focuses exclusively on the Aten temples constructed at Amarna and Thebes, examining only the evidence at these sites to attempt to explain Akhenaten's religion. However, as I shall argue, this limits our understanding of who or what Aten was, how he was worshipped by the royal family, and whether he was worshipped by the common people. In order to expand our knowledge and inform interpretations of this religion, it is imperative to explore the evidence of the worship of Aten at the various sites outside Tell el- Amarna and Thebes where architectural evidence is found.

Standing temples, fragmentary remains of temple architecture, stelae, and other objects related to worship of Aten appear at many sites throughout Egypt and Sudan. My overall study examines the widespread dissemination of Aten worship in all of these cities, but this current paper focuses on the evidence of Aten cult buildings in the cities of Abydos and Akhmim. In this paper I shall present the evidence that suggests the construction of Aten cult buildings at these sites and offer possible interpretations that may help to increase our understanding of how Aten worship spread across space and across the social strata. One possible interpretation of the evidence I shall present is that the erection of Aten cult buildings may have functioned as a network that incorporated the worship of traditional deities (Osiris and Min) formerly worshiped at Abydos and Akhmim, and that these buildings were linked to specific cult buildings and architectural elements at Tell el-Amarna, the possible “hub” of Aten worship.

Keywords: Egypt; Akhenaten; Akhmim; Abydos; Amarna

Deities on Curse Tablets and Their Attribution to Sacred Places

Michaela Kellová

Institute of Classical Archaeology – Charles University – Czech Republic

It happens that the site with sanctuary is excavated, but the deity is not recognised by any inscription of dedication or statue etc. There are other possibilities on how to find out the divinity. One of them could be also naming god or goddess on a curse tablet found in a temple area or in a vicinity of the area. Curse tablets (lat. Defixiones) are sheets of lead inscribed with a curse. They were deposited mainly in graves, water reservoirs, sports facilities or sacred areas. They may invoke gods or demons by names. The tradition came from Greece to Italy and to Roman provinces. These tablets are very informative artefacts, as they are epigraphic, archaeologic, religious and cultural sources of knowledge. Their number in total overlap one thousand and seven hundred in Latin, Greek and other languages.

The paper aims to answer the questions if and how solidly a deity could be recognised from curse tablets found near or within temple area.

As one of the examples, the site of Lydney (GB) could be mentioned. The god Nodens in various versions is written down on three artefacts and in abbreviation on one mosaic from the site of the temple in total. The inscriptions were in Latin. One of these artefacts is a curse tablet, in fact it is a so-called ‘prayer for justice'. That kind of curses usually asks to deliver a criminal to the god to punish him. Mostly the reason to make the tablet is that the writer was robbed by a thief. Is the number of the artefacts with this name the real proof, that the site was dedicated to the Celtic god? Was he the only deity who stayed in this temple in Roman times? Can we compare it to other tablets?

However, there are plenty of curse tablets invoking gods which are not connected to the place of divination, but the place of deposition, e.g. curse tablet from Chagnon (FR). It was found in a grave and Pluto and Proserpina were invoked. The chthonic gods are often connected to cursing and black magic. Therefore, it is obvious that the deposition of defixio plays definitely an important role in choosing the god or goddess to demand the action of the curse. How could this fact influence the deposition in sacred areas? Are the chthonic gods mentioned on curse tablets from temples?

The paper will focus on Latin tablets from the Roman Empire, especially from temple precincts and areas nearby (e.g. eroded soil).

Keywords: Curse tablets; Roman Empire; Sanctuaries; Inscriptions; Votives

Hatra de Shamash : comment inscrire la cité au pouvoir de la divinité ?

Aleksandra Kubiak-Schneider

MAP – PLH – University of Toulouse II – France

La cité de Hatra se montre comme un centre religieux important de la Mésopotamie du nord pendant l'époque parthe. Au centre de la ville ancienne se trouve un grand tenemos dédié aux divinités poliades nommées : Maran - notre Seigneur, Martan - notre Dame et Barmarin - le fils de nos Seigneurs. Les légendes des monnaies hatréennes se référent à Shamash, le dieu identifié dans une inscription avec Maran. Sur une monnaie figure une inscription : Hatra de Shamash qui tourne l'attention vers la cité sous la protection divine particulière. Cette présentation a pour but de montrer comment une ville ancienne peut être devenue un espace particulier de la divinité, dans et au-delà du sanctuaire. L'exposé est fondé sur les occurrences épigraphiques : inscriptions (de Hatra et en dehors de la ville comme Dura-Europos) et légendes des monnaies, mais aussi sur l'architecture et le plan de la ville.

Keywords: Hatra; araméen; monnaies; épigraphie; religion; Mésopotamie; dieux

Noms divins et fonctions des gardiens de porte et des lieux de passage dans le séjour des morts et dans les temples en Égypte ancienne

Giuseppina Lenzo

IASA – University of Lausanne – Switzerland

Durant l'Antiquité, les Égyptiens ont fourni de nombreuses descriptions du voyage et du séjour des morts dans le monde souterrain appelé Douat. Attestés aussi bien sur les parois de tombes, les papyrus ou les sarcophages, les textes funéraires présentent de nombreuses entités bénéfiques ou hostiles qui peuplent la Douat. Le but de ces textes était de permettre au défunt de passer avec succès plusieurs étapes et de bénéficier des offrandes pour sa survie après la mort. De nombreuses représentations viennent compléter les textes, mettant en scène ces différentes puissances. Parmi celles-ci, les gardiens de porte ou des lieux de passage ont a priori un rôle bien défini de protection de divers emplacements. Ils sont représentés de manière anthropomorphe ou avec un corps humain surmonté d'une tête d'animal (par exemple serpent, crocodile ou lion). Ils adoptent également une posture menaçante, notamment en tenant un ou deux couteaux, permettant ainsi d'accroître leur efficacité pour effrayer les forces hostiles. Afin de passer ces étapes et continuer son parcours pour arriver dans le domaine d'Osiris, le défunt doit connaître leur nom et le prononcer. Ces noms ont souvent une signification explicite en lien avec leur rôle (par exemple « maître de crainte ») et ils sont parfois suivis d'un titre ou d'une épithète. La distinction entre nom, titre et épithète devient ainsi difficile à distinguer. En outre, quelques cas semblent montrer que le défunt pouvait s'adresser à eux également afin de pouvoir bénéficier d'offrandes ou il pouvait consacrer des offrandes à certains d'entre eux. Il convient dès lors de s'interroger sur leur statut, notamment à partir de leurs divers noms, titres et épithètes. Les Égyptiens leur donnent parfois le terme générique de netjer, traduit par « dieu », et le fait de recevoir des offrandes les placeraient dans cette catégorie. Toutefois, ils ne bénéficient pas d'un espace cultuel sur terre, ce qui ne les met pas au même niveau que des divinités majeures, c'est-à-dire des dieux attestés dans les temples ou pour lesquels un culte est rendu par les vivants.

Pourtant, ces gardiens sont également attestés dans quelques temples. Dans ce cas, ils peuvent aussi bien être placés sur des montants de portes (Deir el-Médineh) que sur des registres principaux (Dendera). Le choix de ces entités dans ce contexte s'explique par leur fonction de protection, comme dans le domaine funéraire. Leur présence dans les temples ne leur confère donc pas le statut de divinité majeure car ils ne bénéficient pas d'un culte dans un espace consacré à cet effet.

À travers ces exemples, il s'agira de s'interroger plus globalement sur les noms divins en Égypte ancienne en prenant en compte deux questions principales : (1) s'il est possible de distinguer le nom divin d'un titre ou d'une épithète et de définir leur relation avec les fonctions de la divinité, (2) si on peut percevoir une différence dans les noms, titres et épithètes de divinités présentes dans des espaces différents, tel que le domaine funéraire et celui des temples.

Keywords: textes funéraires; séjour des morts; gardiens de porte; tombes; temples

Nommer les dieux dans la Sicile romaine : les déesses d'Enguium

Beatrice Lietz

ANHIMA – EPHE – Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa – France, Italy

Le problème de comment nommer les dieux est récurrent pour les polythéismes, surtout dans les contextes où plusieurs cultures différentes se rencontrent. Souvent, des considérations spatiales sont prises en compte dans la recherche d'une solution. Par exemple, lorsque le nom d'une divinité est étroitement associé à un lieu de culte, mettre ce lieu en relation avec d'autres est un moyen facile d'associer la divinité en question à d'autres cultures et d'arriver à en traduire le nom. Si ce processus a déjà été étudié pour de nombreuses périodes et aires géographiques différentes dans le cadre de l'Antiquité classique, très peu d'attention a été accordée à la Sicile romaine pendant la période républicaine. En effet, cette époque a été souvent décrite comme un moment de déclin et de somnolence pour la culture de l'île : une prise de position qui n'a été que récemment remise en question dans l'historiographie. Dans les dernières années, en effet, plusieurs recherches ont montré que la région continua de prospérer après la conquête romaine, quand les nombreuses influences culturelles encore présentes sur place finirent par se fondre dans le plus large cadre de la « koiné » hellénistique. Dans cette communication, je présenterai une étude de cas provenant de ce contexte d'exception : le sanctuaire local des déesses d'Enguium, une localité non identifiée de la Sicile centrale. Ces divinités plurielles étaient fortement associées à la Crète et s'appelaient en grec « Μητέρες » ; cependant, dans ses discours contre Verrès, Cicéron fait référence à leur sanctuaire comme à un lieu de culte de Magna Mater. À travers une analyse attentive de tous les témoignages disponibles, je tâcherai de montrer que cette interpretatio latina dépendait, entre autres, de considérations d'ordre géographique. D'un point de vue plus général, je soutiendrai l'hypothèse qu'il ne s'agissait pas là tout simplement d'une astuce de Cicéron pour rapprocher ce lieu de culte du public romain des discours. Au contraire, on peut y voir la trace d'un processus en cours au niveau local pour adapter ce culte à la nouvelle identité de l'île comme province romaine : la Sicile d'époque républicaine n'abritait pas une culture grecque immobile et vouée au déclin, mais une vivante dynamique d'échanges culturels.

Keywords: Sicile; république romaine; interpretatio; Μητέρες; Magna Mater

The Space of “Paganism” in Early Medieval Rome: Continuity and Obliteration of the pre-Christian Past in the Real and Imaginary 7th/9th Centuries Topography

Nicola Luciani

Ca' Foscari University of Venice – Italy Georg-August-University Göttingen – Germany

The presentation deals with the perception of areas and buildings associated with the Pre-Christian religions within the urban fabric of Early Medieval Rome. The aim is to highlight those cases where the memory of the Polytheistic religions was not eradicated, and could still be part of the dialogue established between the topography of the city and the communities inhabiting it. Nearly all the Early Medieval sources tend to put the emphasis on Christian elements, presented as pivotal points of the landscape, downplaying civic buildings and the former “pagan” temples. Neverthless, as agreed upon by the scientific community, the presence of such elements was still prominent within the city fabric, and several areas were still associated, through legends and myths, with the memory of the religious past of the city. The paper proposes a topographical approach, using as a starting point the pathways included in the four known Itineraria, the main contemporary sources primarily dedicated to the description of Rome. Due to their nature of guides for pilgrims visiting the city, the Itineraria present a series of paths, highlighting churches and basilicas on the way, and contributing in creating the image of Rome as Urbs Christiana. Following the same itineraries, the paper aims to show how the actual perception of the cityscape along the paths could have been more mixed, enriched not just by the new Christian creations, but, above all, by the massive temples inherited fromthe ancestors. Thus, along the pathways, will be presented all those cases where the perception of polytheistic deities is not limited to the visibility of their votive shrines, but is handed down to the collective perception through traditions and hagiographies connected to specific places (of which the Capitoline Hill is undoubtedly the most famous). Indeed, the same Christian topography of the sources could appear affected by the real or perceived presence of the “pagan” elements, capable of influencing the pathways of the visitors, in the case of pilgrims following the Itineraria, or even in that of Emperor Constans II's brief stay in Rome in 663. Lastly, using few interesting sources (as the correspondence of St. Boniface), I will try to demonstrate how unorthodox “cultic practices” were still taking place even in sites unanimously associated by the sources with the absolute dominion of Christianity over Rome, thus challenging the very same topographical narrative of the Church.

Keywords: Rome; Religious Topography; Early Middle Ages; Itineraria; Real/Imaginary Landscape

Quand les Érinyes transforment : actions et espaces dans l'Orestie

Anaïs Marchiando

University of Geneva – Switzerland

Cette communication a pour but d'analyser à la fois la manière dont les Érinyes surgissent et s'installent dans un espace, et les relations qu'elles viennent à entretenir avec lui, à l'intérieur de l'Orestie d'Eschyle.

Les Érinyes s'installent dans le palais des Atrides à la suite de l'égorgement des enfants de Thyeste, acte qui altère en profondeur le statut des différents agents (les enfants deviennent alors des bêtes sacrificielles) et de l'espace (le palais, marqué par le sang, voit naître une succession de meurtres). Par leurs actions les Érinyes affectent le palais de diverses manières. En s'abreuvant du sang versé elles investissent le palais de qualités qui leur correspondent. Leur traque transforme le palais, devenu un espace de chasse, et brouille toute frontière entre intérieur et extérieur.

Nous souhaiterions donc interroger ces diverses transformations de l'espace. Comment un ensemble de relations et d'actions humaines marquant un espace peut-il induire des puissances à s'y établir, les affecter, les construire ? Réciproquement, comment les actions des Érinyes agissent-elles sur le statut des espaces dans lesquels elles évoluent ? Il s'agira pour nous de réfléchir sur l'interaction entre puissances et espaces et leur mise en adéquation, qui suppose une gestion rituelle des entités divines. Aussi esquisserons-nous une comparaison avec la fin des Euménides qui explore les relations entre Érinyes et espace de la cité. Plus spécifiquement, nous souhaiterions regarder les stratégies, relatives aux Érinyes avec qui toute cohabitation s'avère impossible, explorées à la fin des Euménides : transformation en Euménides, détournement de leur colère et gestion opérée par la cité.

Keywords: Eschyle; Érinyes; sang; transformation; palais

Rethinking Jupiter Victor: Assessing the Coin of Ventidius Bassus in Local Socio-religious Contexts

Carly Maris

UC – Riverside – United States

After Ventidius Bassus, general under Antony, defeated the Parthian king Pacorus in the battle of Gindarus (38 BCE), an honorific coin was minted in West Asia. This coin, though rare, provides some of the only remaining material evidence of Ventidius' campaign, and as such can elucidate how the general expressed victory over localities in West Asia. This provides a clearer insight into how Roman imperialism was negotiated on-site on the eastern limes.

On the reverse side of the coin, an unnamed nude figure leans upon a scepter and holds an olive branch. Encircling the figure are the abbreviated words “PONT IMP P. VENTIDI,” or “Pontifex Imperator Publius Ventidius.” While several scholars have attempted to identify the figure, the most convincing argument to date compares the similarities between the image on Ventidius' coin and a depiction of Jupiter Victor found on a denarius of Scipio Africanus. There are contemporary cases of Romans, Parthians and Ptolemies using coins as a way to disseminate imperial propaganda in the Eastern Mediterranean and form alliances with localities. As such, it is plausible that Ventidius had opted to use Jupiter Victor imagery on his coins in West Asia as a way to propagate the message of Roman victory on the eastern border to local people. This argument, however, depends entirely upon viewing the coin through the Roman perspective, and does not take into consideration local customs, including religious and cult imagery, and ask if Jupiter Victor took this form in first-century West Asia. How did local people view and understand the figure on Ventidius' coin, and does local interpretation change the message of military conquest?

To answer this, I compare the figure with local religious imagery on coins and statuary, and argue that from the West Asian perspective, he is not Jupiter Victor, but a Victorious Youth, a common motif in the Eastern Mediterranean at this time, whose figure signifies success in athletic competitions rather than triumph on the battlefield. This reidentification, however, complicates the message of Roman military domination to local audiences, who would have seen Ventidius as an athletic victor rather than a military general. This changed message thus creates space to pose a series of questions about the relationship between Rome and localities during this period of Roman imperialism. Were Romans intentionally adapting to local customs in West Asia, or was there a cultural miscommunication surrounding the religious and social identity and significance of Victory? Did Ventidius successfully bring Rome's Jupiter Victor into West Asia? Or did local customs, which had a different perception of Victory, prevail?

Keywords: West Asia; Jupiter Victor: Athletics; Mobility; Imperialism: Roman Empire

Regional Religious Networks in the Hauran (southern Syria) (200 BC- AD 300)

Francesca Mazzilli

Department of Archaeology – University of Cambridge – United Kingdom

Recent scholars, such as Elizabeth Frood and Rubina Raja, have considered religions and religious identities in the Roman Near East as dynamic entities that responded by circumstances and various factors including political and socio-economic powers. Ted Kaizer has pointed out that in the Near East, acculturation is not only based on interactions between Greek/Roman and local cultures but also on contacts within different regional cultures.

This paper aims to re-evaluate cult sites as the product of movements of people and ideas through an increasingly popular computer-based methodology: social network analysis. Anna Collar has been the pioneer in the study of religious ideas in the Roman Empire through social network analysis: she has used it to discuss the diffusion of specific cults across the Empire (the cults of Jupiter Dolichenus, Theos Hypsistos and Zeus Kasios, and the Jewish Diaspora) associated with movements of people. Her work is followed by the recent GEHIR project at Masaryk University on formalised modelling and computational simulations to also study the diffusion of specific cults (Isiac cults, Mithraism, Hellenistic Judaism and early Christianity).

My study will, instead, focus on regional religious interactions between 60 cult sites in the Hauran (in Southern Syria) on a multiple level, as it will not only take into account deities worshipped in cult sites but other elements, like their architecture. The network analysis will consider, in particular, 29 attributes organised into the following categories: the script of inscriptions (e.g. Greek, Aramaic), major deities based on inscriptions and statues (e.g. Zeus, Tyche), dedicators (e.g. Roman soldiers), main temples' plans (e.g. Graeco-Roman cella) and decorations (e.g. Corinthian capitals). The use of this multidisciplinary comprehensive dataset is essential to counterbalance the fragmentary nature of the data and to have a more complete picture of cult sites. I will use an application of two-mode and one-mode network analysis successfully used in the regional study of Northern Etruria by Raffaela da Vela. My study will be based on the relational link between the group of cult sites and the different elements of each category mentioned above. It will enable us to evaluate, for the first time, regional connectivity in the religious landscape of the Hauran by visualising the evolution of cultural religious transmissions and movements of dedicators (e.g. soldiers), and the relations between the two.

Keywords: religious architecture; Near East; networks; gods; soldiers

On Gods and Caves: Comparing Cave-Sanctuaries in the Ancient Mediterranean

Adriano Orsingher

Institute of Biblical Archaeology – Aberhard Karls University of Tübingen – Germany

Sanctuaries were at times established near a natural feature such as a spring, river, pond, lake, woods, outcrop, mountain or cave. Although these natural places can become sacralized spaces without any need of construction activities, they have sometimes developed into built sacred areas, where these elements may even have been monumentalized. This rarely occurred in the case of cave-sanctuaries, which often preserved their original (and sometimes already monumental) aspect, especially when these caves were in remote locations or accessible only by sea. Whatever their position, caves are liminal spaces, zones marked off from the world, but their boundaries are nonetheless permeable. Going into a cave means crossing a threshold, which represents the border between the worlds of the familiar and the unknown. Why was such liminality required? What type of deities inhabited these spaces? What rites were performed there?

This paper aims at carefully exploring the historical, social and topographical context which influenced the establishment of certain cave-sanctuaries in the ancient Mediterranean. Three case studies will be considered: (1) Gorham's cave (ca. 8th – 2nd century BCE) in Gibraltar; (2) es Culleram (ca. 5th-2nd century BCE) in Ibiza, and (3) Grotta Regina (ca. 5th-2nd/1st century BCE) near Palermo. These three caves show different characteristics with regard to their position, landscape, sensescape, provenance and type of finds, presence/absence of inscriptions and clear evidence for a titular deity. All of them are located within Phoenician/Punic territories and were probably established by Phoenician/Punic speaking groups. The goal is to determine why, by whom and for what purpose these sanctuaries were established, by whom they were frequented, what cultic activities may have been performed inside these caves and to what types of deities they were dedicated. By comparing their features, it will be possible to identify common elements and peculiarities, and, consequently, determine their possible association with certain types of deities.

Keywords: Iron Age Mediterranean; Phoenicians; cave sanctuaries; liminality; sensescapes

Etrusca disciplina and the Orientation of Etruscan Religious Structures

Diana Pavel

Max Weber Centre – University of Erfurt – Germany

One of the main aspects acknowledged in regards to the Etruscan religion especially through the literary Roman discourse is the importance of the so-called Etrusca disciplina, a set of books and norms governing the elements of religious behaviour within the Etruscan world, meaning the organization of cults, the unfolding of rituals or the consecration of religious structures, to name just a few. Furthermore, proposed as part of the Etrusca disciplina is the spatial organization and cosmic division of the sky into sixteen different parts, each part being populated by named gods or goddesses residing within the cosmic space. This elaboration of the cosmic division of sacred space is proposed by a series of Roman authors, such as Cicero (De divinatione 2.18.42), Pliny the Elder (Historia Naturalis 2.55.143) or Martianus Capella (De nuptiis Mercurii et Philologiae 1.45-61), and corroborated by late Republican archaeological evidence such as the liver of Piacenza dated to the 2nd-1st centuries BCE. Given the aforementioned sources, the Etrusca disciplina seems to be attested through the written sources in the 1st century BCE at the earliest, but its existence is retroactively proposed by a series of researchers throughout the Etruscan times and more specifically in the assumption that the orientation of religious structures attributes them to the specific divinity or divinities pertaining to the relevant part of the sky.

This paper brings into question the use by researchers of the Late Republican discourse into the Etruscan religion and investigates the historical accuracies of this theory by the potential corroboration of the archaeological documentation. As such, the line of investigation starts from the archaeological record with the examination of the orientation of Etruscan religious structures, namely Etruscan temples, as cult places of the divine, and altars, as ritual objects enabling the communication with the divine. The analysis will afterwards try to answer how much of the evidence suggests an identification of the divinity worshipped at a temple or altar by the "naming" of the god or goddess residing in one of the divisions of the sky as shown by the orientation and how much leads to this interpretation being mainly a product of the Late Republican discourse. The paper will focus particularly on religious structures found in the southern region of Etruria stemming primarily from the 6th to the 3rd centuries BCE.

Keywords: Etruscan religion; Etrusca disciplina; temples and altars; orientation of temples; orientation of altars

The Sanctuary of Olympia: Towards a Microtopography of Sacred Space

Oliver Pilz

Department of Archaeology – University of Jordan – Jordan

If space is produced by social interactions (G. Simmel), sacred space is a product of ritual practices linked to the communication with supernatural elements. As a consequence, in any sizable Greek sanctuary, sacred space is not a homogeneous dimension, since the intensity of ritual activity significantly varies between the different areas of the precinct. This is all the truer for major sanctuaries accommodating numerous cults of divinities and heroes. The sanctuary of Zeus at Olympia is a striking example for the latter phenomenon, hereafter referred to by the notion of “cultic plurality”. It features, in addition to the cult of Zeus, the principal deity, a whole array of secondary cults. From the 5th century BCE onwards at the latest, the sanctuary of Olympia was characterized by a considerable cultic plurality, including, among others, cults of Artemis, Herakles, Pelops, Demeter, Kronos, Eileithyia and Meter. Investigating the spatial distribution of these cults in the sanctuary, which originally covered an area of up to 25 hectares (a veritable city of gods!), the paper aims to shed new light on the microtopography of sacred space in a major extra urban sanctuary.

Keywords: Olympia; cultic plurality; sacred space

Panic Landscape and Apollo/Augustus: a Contest for the Control of Ideological Space in Ovid's Metamorphoses XI

Gabriele Roccella

University of Calgary – Canada

In the minds of the ancient Greeks, mountains were wild, dangerous places. Outside of the controlled environment of the polis, the mountains and their woods were places at the fringes of the human world where one could risk to encounter the unrestrained divine (centaurs, nymphs, even gods) or even regress to a bestial, pre-civilized state. Mountains were the realm of Pan, whose music brings joy and also relief to lovers in pain but whose grotesque appearance, as well as the disturbing echoes heard in his domains, could cause the aptly named “panic” fear. The Romans too had little trouble recognizing the similarities between Pan and their own Faunus (whether a god, as in Ovid, or a deified – euhemeristically – ruler of Latium, as in Virgil), as well as being no strangers to conceptualizing the powers of these gods as specifically linked to the landscapes they inhabited, to the point where savage forests and mountains become synonyms and metonyms for these deities and their mythical entourage of Nymphs.

Whereas H. Parker and J. Fabre-Serris have shown the deep political discourse underlying the choices in the characterization of both these gods in Virgil and in Ovid especially, in this paper I will show how details in the landscape may become a vehicle of subtle details enriching the political subtext of the musical contest between Pan and Apollo in Ovid's Metamorphoses book XI. Echoing Orpheus' own legendary abilities mentioned earlier in that same book, the music of the gods causes mount Tmolus (modern-day Bozdağ) to be animated, anthropomorphized and sitting as judge between the supremacy of Apollo or that of Pan. F. Hadjittofi recently explained how Midas is truly concealing the personality of Antiochus IV Epiphanēs, and Apollo's Augustan symbolism represents the Roman superiority over the Hellenistic kingdoms.

However, I argue that the discourse runs deeper: it invests the specific Ovidian descriptions of the mountainous landscape, too, with a richer ideological meaning. I suggest reading Apollo's victory as an allegory for the ideological relegation of pastoral poetry, embodied by Pan, to a minor genre compared to the more noble, serious and definitely Augustan epic: the rustic and uncultured world of the pastoral is domesticated by being subjected to the pre-eminence of the urban, refined epic, celebrating the great deeds of the civilizing effort. What is more, pastoral elements are subsequently co-opted and – subtly and indirectly - the former rival Pan becomes an ally of Apollo: the reeds themselves, the same harundo out of which Pan's instrument is made and which is favoured by Midas, will bring about the final humiliation of the king.

In conclusion, I intend to show that the Augusto-Apollinean Empire conquered all of the symbolic space: Ovid's epic subsumes different literary genres with their loci and re-semantizes the actual, physical loca as well.

Keywords: Space; Pan; Apollo; Augustus; Ovid

L'articulation de l'espace religieux et de l'espace civique : l'exemple du sanctuaire de Zeus sur l'agora de Thasos

Natacha Trippé

Ausonius – University of Bordeaux III – France

L'élaboration d'un Système d'Information Géographique de la Thasos antique, menée sous l'égide de l'École française d'Athènes depuis 2015[1], illustre une nouvelle approche des sanctuaires de la cité, envisagés dans une logique topographique globale, qui permet de saisir la place du divin dans l'espace urbain. La cité de Thasos constitue à ce titre un cas d'étude privilégié. Les nombreuses inscriptions touchant aux res sacrae témoignent du souci constant des autorités de réglementer la vie de la cité, tant sur le plan civique que religieux : souci de codifier les rituels ; de réglementer les comportements aux abords et dans les sanctuaires ; de lier la gestion de l'espace public et de l'espace religieux. L'agora, cœur politique de la cité, n'échappe pas à la règle et le sanctuaire de Zeus Agoraios Thasios, situé dans le voisinage immédiat des édifices civiques, concentre sans nul doute un faisceau de questionnements quant à l'« inscription du divin » dans un espace bien spécifique, l'espace civique.

En dehors des résultats de la fouille qui furent publiés dans la Chronique du Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique, le sanctuaire de Zeus sur l'agora thasienne n'a pas fait l'objet d'une étude architecturale complète à l'issue de sa découverte en 1950. Dans le cadre du programme « Archépolis : Archéologie et histoire de l'espace public à Thasos », le dossier a été repris il y a trois ans. La communication se propose ainsi de présenter les nouvelles recherches portant sur ce sanctuaire, constitué d'un autel et d'un petit temple, enceints dans un péribole à claire-voie, coupé dans son angle nord-est par une enceinte circulaire (GTh 34 et 35)[2]. Elle abordera, dans une approche croisée des sources épigraphiques et archéologiques, les questions que posent l'emplacement du sanctuaire : le dialogue entre ce dernier et les édifices civiques voisins ; l'évolution de cet espace sacré au gré du développement de la place publique et les changements de circulation occasionnés ; la question du nom du dieu doublement épiclésé, Zeus Agoraios Thasios, et la place du culte dans la construction de l'identité thasienne.

[1] Trippé N. (2019), « Nouvelles recherches sur l'agora de Thasos : de la topographie à l'histoire », BCH, n°143.1, à paraître. (Le SIG a également fait l'objet de communications, dans le cadre du premier atelier de l'Association des Membres et Anciens Membres de l'EFA [AMEFA] « Le SIG du centre monumental de Thasos : étude, veille et mise en valeur » [octobre 2017], ainsi qu'à l'Université Laval à Québec et à l'université de Montréal [avril 2019]). [2] Il s'agit du numéro des édifices tels qu'ils apparaissent dans Grandjean Y., Salviat F. (20002), Guide de Thasos, Paris.

Keywords: Thasos; agora; topographie; Zeus; espace civique

Sanctuaries and the Emergence of Towns

Papers

Que faut-il pour faire un sanctuaire ? Une approche anthropologique et philosophique

Philippe Boissinot

TRACES – EHESS – France

Quand on ne le sait pas d'avance, parce que le contexte historique est mal connu, parce ce que nous n'avons aucune information sur la manière dont certains dispositifs (et les pratiques qui leur sont associées) ont été nommé (e)s, est-il possible de reconnaître par la seule archéologie l'existence, et quelques bribes de fonctionnement des sanctuaires du passé ? Il y a certes d'utiles comparaisons pour nous guider, dans des contextes proches du cas envisagé, selon une étude régressive, ou encore, à sélectionner dans l'encyclopédie ethnographique. On peut également suivre les enseignements des études cognitives, qui interrogent, et la rationalité, et les contradictions qu'elle "impose" à l'ontologie (P. Boyer). Il s'agit là de quelques pistes pour une enquête sur des cas relevant très tôt de la préhistoire, ou à l'origine de l'émergence du phénomène urbain au sein de sociétés plus récentes mais encore mal renseignées par les premiers textes. On ne peut alors faire l'économie d'une clarification des concepts usités (religion, sacré, rite, divinité), et d'un souci de la preuve, des questionnements épistémologiques cruciaux pour ces périodes les plus anciennes, que nous illustrerons néanmoins par des exemples concrets pris dans le Paléolithique, le Néolithique et l'Âge du Fer.

Keywords: Epistémologie; sanctuaire; longue durée

Raddoppiare Nemesis: il sogno di Alessandro, l'oracolo e la rifondazione di Smirne

Daniela Bonanno

University of Palermo – Italy

Nel VII libro della Periegesi, dedicato all'Acaia, Pausania dedica una lunga digressione alla migrazione ionica in Asia minore, soffermandosi brevemente sulla storia travagliata della città di Smirne, il cui territorio, identificato nella cosiddetta città antica, originariamente appartenente ai coloni eoli, era poi stato occupato, all'inizio del VII secolo, dagli Ioni della vicina Colofone (VII 5, 1-3).

L'arrivo di Alessandro nella regione segna l'inizio di una nuova fase per la storia della città. Racconta infatti Pausania che il Macedone, nel corso della sua spedizione d'Asia, di ritorno da una battuta di caccia sul monte Pago, giunse al santuario delle Nemeseis che si trovava nei pressi di una sorgente e di un platano. Qui, gli apparvero in sogno le divinità che dissero al sovrano macedone di fondare in quel luogo una città e di condurvi gli abitanti della polis antica. Gli Smirnei, a loro volta, inviarono i theoroi a Claro per interrogare il dio che li rassicurò sulla buona riuscita dell'operazione. Pausania conclude il suo resoconto, ricordando il felice trasferimento degli Smirnei in quel luogo, ma accenna però a una controversia sulla natura e sulla genealogia delle divinità, implicate nell'iniziativa. Precisa infatti: “Gli Smirnei ritengono che ci siano due Nemeseis invece di una e che esse siano figlie di Notte, come gli Ateniesi affermano che il padre della dea di Ramnunte è Oceano”.

La notizia di Pausania riprende uno schema che, con piccole varianti, troviamo in uso anche in altre occasioni come, per esempio, nel caso della rifondazione di Messene (369 a.C.). Anche qui la costruzione di una nuova polis è parimenti legittimata da una potenza divina, il cui volere trasmesso in sogno, trova poi conferma in un responso oracolare.

Il caso di Smirne presenta però un aspetto peculiare, che ha a lungo costituito una crux interpretativa: la rifondazione della città è infatti promossa da una divinità che si sdoppia, rispetto alla tradizione corrente. Diverse, e ormai abbastanza datate, sono state le proposte avanzate per spiegare la duplicazione della figura di Nemesis in area smirnea, ora adducendo come motivazione la volontà di celebrare l'aspetto positivo e quello negativo della giustizia retributiva rappresentata dalla divinità; ora, ipotizzando l'aggregazione in un'unica area santuariale di una Nemesis della città antica e di un'altra della città nuova; ora, infine, proponendo di identificare nel doppio profilo della divinità di Smirne, la Nemesis europea e quella asiatica (cf. C.J. Cadoux, Ancient Smyrna, Oxford 1938).

Una ripresa del dossier che tenga conto della vicenda storica di Smirne, di confronti puntuali con altri casi analoghi e, più in generale, dei dispositivi messi in atto nei processi di costruzione della tradizione in altri casi analoghi di fondazioni o rifondazioni di città, consentirà di meglio comprendere le peculiarità del culto di Nemesis in quest'area, nel tentativo di definire la funzione aggregante assegnata a questo santuario nell'operazione promossa da Alessandro.

Keywords: Smirne; Claro; Alessandro Magno; rifondazioni

Sanctuaires, villes et territoires en Ibérie : un paysage religieux spécifique ?

Angélique Guigner

ASM – University of Montpellier III – France

La religion des Ibères est étudiée depuis le XIXe siècle à travers leurs productions manufacturées et artistiques. Les manifestations architecturales sacrées le sont cependant beaucoup moins. Depuis quelques décennies, l'analyse des sanctuaires ibères font l'étude d'une nouvelle approche, afin d'approfondir nos connaissances et interrogations, grâce à l'essor des différentes disciplines sur la religion en Méditerranée. Les lieux de culte ibères n'échappent pas à la règle.

Mes recherches doctorales s'articulent ainsi autour de l'étude des mutations socio-culturelles des sociétés de l'Âge du Fer (VIe siècle av. n.è. – IIe/Ie siècle av. n.è) et de l'intensité des apports méditerranéens dans la sphère religieuse à travers les espaces sacrés, leurs architectures, leurs manifestations rituelles et cultuelles. Elles ont pour objectif de définir et caractériser ce que l'on peut entendre par le terme sanctuaire dans le monde ibérique, mais aussi de comprendre l'implantation des lieux de culte dans le territoire.

Cette communication présentera mes premières données concernant les lieux de cultes urbains en étroite relation avec l'émergence des territoires ethniques et des villes, comme centres de pouvoir. Il s'agira de traiter le paysage religieux urbain ibère, en essayant de se demander comment les sanctuaires organisent l'espace. Mais aussi quels sont leur rôle dans le territoire et la communauté ? Cette implantation particulière témoigne de la volonté des élites d'affirmer leur autorité sur leur territoire (politique, économique, social), l'agglomération qu'elles dirigent et bien sûr la communauté. Il s'agira ainsi de comprendre le poids de l'élite aristocratique, alors garante du culte et de l'ordre social, dans le développement des sanctuaires urbains.

L'analyse des sanctuaires urbains nous mène à s'interroger sur les apports des populations méditerranéennes avec l'émergence de modèles spécifiques, choisis pour répondre à la religiosité ibère. Le choix et l'assimilation d'éléments culturels méditerranéens afin d'être adaptés à la religion ibérique, montrent la flexibilité de la religion et la porosité des transferts culturels. Comment les sanctuaires peuvent-ils alors nous rendre compte des contacts culturels établis entre plusieurs communautés (Ibères, Grecques et Phénico-Puniques) ? Ces contacts nous invitent donc à analyser les processus identitaires qui se développent, par l'expression et l'affirmation d'éléments culturels spécifiques.

L'étude des lieux de culte permet l'analyse du paysage religieux en monde ibérique. En effet, en passant par une méthodologie multi-scalaire, il est possible de reconstituer l'environnement cultuel des populations du second âge du Fer. L'analyse du sanctuaire, de ses aménagements, ses productions manufacturées et artistiques, ses vestiges rituels, puis son emplacement topographique et enfin son implantation territoriale permettent une étude approfondie de la religion des Ibères. Il sera question de la mettre en perspective dans un territoire plus ample, celui de la Méditerranée.

Les sanctuaires deviennent alors inévitables dans la compréhension de l'émergence des agglomérations et des territoires du monde ibérique, thématique développée par le projet ERC MAP, avec une analyse enrichie par l'archéologie de la religion et du paysage.

Keywords: Ibérie ; Sanctuaires ; Territoires ; Identités ; Influences méditerranéens

Sanctuaries and the Emergence of the Polis Corinth

Sarah Herzog

Institute of Classical Archaeology – Heidelberg University – Germany

Sanctuaries and shrines played a key role in the urbanisation process of the Greek poleis they belonged to.[1] They functioned, for example, as meeting points for different social groups (such as men, women, politicians, locals, travellers), markers of the territory or places of memory and, therefore, could have a major impact on the consolidation process of a polis community and its territory.

This paper aims to analyse the sanctuaries and shrines of Corinth during the Geometric and Archaic period as a case study. The emergence of Corinth as a polis is usually placed somewhere within this long period.[2] Despite the fact that much of the urban area of Corinth is still unexcavated – a problem that also applies to many sites in its territory – the excavations of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens as well as those of the Greek Ephorate of Antiquities already provide an ample basis for further research. In Corinthia, a wide spectrum of cult places with different architectural (or non-architectural) settings, types of votives and probable functions is preserved. Besides well-known monumental sanctuaries such as Isthmia, Perachora or the inner-urban temple of Apollo, they include a great number of smaller sanctuaries and shrines emerging on hilltops, at springs, along main roads or in places with predating ‘ancient' graves or houses.[3] Each cult place had the potential to contribute to the emergence and consolidation of the polis by different means which even could differ for one cult place throughout its lifespan. On the basis of archaeological evidence (architecture and votive practices) and literary sources, I will study the sanctuaries both from a diachronic perspective, outlining their development and their changing functions in the urbanisation process, and from a synchronic perspective, outlining their complemental functions within the Corinthian cult topography. In particular, I will address the following questions: What kind of sanctuaries are attested in Corinthia? Why did these sanctuaries emerge at their respective location? Which gods were worshipped at the sanctuaries and why these, in particular, and not others? Who engaged in the cult practices? How did the sanctuaries contribute to the urbanisation process of Corinth?

[1] Cf. de Polignac F. (1995), Cults, Territory, and the Origins of the Greek City-State, Chicago; Malkin I. (1996), “Territorial Domination and the Greek Sanctuary”, Religion and Power in the Ancient Greek World, Uppsala. P. 75-81; Schachter A. (1992), “Policy, Cult, and the Placing of Greek Sanctuaries”, Le Sanctuaire Grec, Geneva, p. 1–57; and others. [2] Cf. Morris I. (1987), Burial and Ancient Society. The Rise of the Greek City-State, Cambridge, p. 185– 187; Dickey K. (1992), Corinthian Burial Customs, ca. 1100 to 550 BC, PhD-Thesis Bryn Mawr College, p. 138. [3] Cf. N. Bookidis N. (2003), The Sanctuaries of Corinth, Corinth XX, Princeton, p. 247-259; Williams C.K. II (1981), “The City of Corinth and Its Domestic Religion”, Hesperia, n°50.1, p. 108-121.

Keywords: Corinth; polis; sanctuaries; topography; cult practice

100

Towards a Diversity of Roman Temples in Republican Italy

Anne Kleineberg

Christian-Albrecht University of Kiel – Germany

Roman sanctuaries have been an essential component shaping and designing public spaces of ancient cities and the festivals and rituals associated with them are constitutive elements of public roman religion generating cultural identities.

In this context, the emergence of cult places in the 2nd an 1st century BCE as part of newly founded cities or in cities that came under roman rule in republican Italy is in principle well known. However, previous research often focused on these temples as central part of the urban development of roman towns and their main architectural features. However, a systematic analysis of the function and significance of the characteristic architectural decoration of roman temples with regard to the context of specific actions, notably ritual performances, is missing. In consequence different aspects as architecture and layout, different features of the interior design (e.g. cult statues, pavements, wall decoration), the urban setting of the temple as well as the framework of action, that of ritual performances must be taken into account. Indeed, these are central aspects of my postdoc project dealing with “Decorative Principles of Roman Temples in Italy (2nd to 1st century BCE)”, being part of the ERC Grant at Kiel University concerning “Decorative Principles in Republican and Early Imperial Italy (DECOR)”.

This case study will provide a comparative analysis of four roman temples dating to the late second and first century BCE: the Capitolia at Luni, Verona, Pompeii and the sanctuary at Brescia dedicated to four different goddesses. In this way it is possible to compare the decorative principles of a specific group of Roman sanctuaries, which are characterized by a similar central location at the forum of the city. In many cases, the temples are placed within purposefully designed areas that are framed and therefore demarked by porticoes. Instead of a postulated architectural model dependent on Rome, the differences of their architectural decoration will be emphasized. These differences are particularly evident in the design of the interiors, which have so far been given less attention.

Keywords: Roman temples; architecture; ritual performances

101

The Phoenician Santuaries of Gadir in Space and Time: New Insights on the Insular Cult Areas of the Bay of Cadiz

Antonio Saez Romero1, Aurora Higueras-Milena Castellano2 and Ricardo Belizon Aragon1

1 University of Seville – Spain 2 IAPH – Centro de Arqueologia Subacuatica – Spain

Strabo and other classical authors of the Roman period, when referring to the Cadiz islands and the millenary history of the city of Gades, place some cult areas in the northern part of the archipelago and at its western end. The toponymy linked to this northern island (called Aphrodisias or Erytheia), associated to Venus in Roman times, has traditionally been related to the existence in this area during the Phoenician- Punic period of a sanctuary dedicated to the goddess Astarte. However, the archaeological research carried out in this sector of the current city of Cadiz throughout the last half-century has not unearthed remains related with the sanctuary, and only limited finds on land sites dating to the Phoenician-Punic and Roman republican periods (mostly graves and artisanal facilities). On the contrary, numerous amphorae, incense burners, miniature vessels, terracottas and other objects have been found beneath the waters of La Caleta and the shallow areas to the northwest of the island of Erytheia. Most of the finds have been interpreted as offerings related to a maritime cult of Astarte developed along the ancient coastline or on board. Unfortunately, the majority of these items lacks a clear archaeological context and have generally been dated between the 5th and the 3rd centuries BCE. Since 2008 we have carried out various projects: an underwater survey, studies of material stored in local museums and archaeological excavations conducted in various spots in the northern part of Cadiz. Altogether, we have brought to light significant fresh data with regard to the topography of the ancient town and the evolution of the uses given to the maritime strip and port areas of this insular sector. Recently these findings have been partially published, extending the chronology of the early use of the maritime façade to the 7th century BCE. On land, in the coastal band some recent salvage excavations have revealed the existence of structures that indicate the development of diverse activities in the vicinity of the ancient port canal, not far from the urban core located first in the area of the Teatro Cómico (9th-6th centuries BCE) and later underneath the current districts of El Pópulo and Santa María (6th-1st centuries BCE). This paper presents an updated overview of the evolution of this sacralized littoral milieu based on these fresh data, examining numerous geo-archaeological indicators and proposing a renovated view of the relationship established between the Phoenician-Punic city, the coastal sanctuaries (and gods) and the underwater finds.

Keywords: Seascape; Geoarchaeology; Astarte; Votives; Urban planning; Romanization

102

Nippur: A City Shaped by its Sanctuaries

Bernhard Schneider

University of Innsbruck – Austria

The city of Nippur was shaped for about three millennia (3rd-1st BCE) its sanctuaries, mainly the Ekur and the Inana-temple. The longue durée of these two examples of Ancient Mesopotamian temples give an opportunity to look at a multitude of developments outlined in this paper. The comparison between these two temples in space and time will give a representative model for the Southern Mesopotamian cultic development during this time span.

Keywords: Nippur; Ancient Mesopotamia; Enlil; Ekur; Sumer; Babylonia

103

La création d'un paysage religieux : l'exemple d'Ai Khanoum (Bactriane)

Laurianne Sève

HALMA – University of Lille – France

Mon propos sera de présenter les choix qui furent ceux des rois séleucides lorsqu'ils créèrent un panthéon et des sanctuaires pour accompagner la fondation de la ville d'Aï Khanoum en Bactriane au début du IIIe siècle, puis ceux des rois gréco-bactriens qui se réapproprièrent ensuite la ville. Il s'agira d'étudier les formes architecturales qui furent alors retenues et contribuèrent à façonner le paysage religieux de la cité, tout en imprimant la marque du pouvoir séleucide puis gréco-bactrien dans l'espace urbain. Nous examinerons aussi si, en l'absence de toute source écrite, ces formes architecturales aident à identifier l'identité et la personnalité des dieux de la nouvelle ville.

Keywords: Ai Khanoum; paysage religieux; sanctuaire; fondation; pouvoir royal

104

The Taula Sanctuaries in Protohistoric Menorca (6th-2nd century BC): Towards a Socio-economic Approach to a Historical Process

Octavio Torres Gomariz1, Joan Carles De Nicolás Mascaró2, Helena Jiménez Vialás3 and Fernando Prados Martínez1

1 University of Alicante – Spain 2 Centro de Estudios Fenicios y Púnicos – Spain 3 University of Murcia – Spain

The human groups that lived in Menorca from the middle of the 1st millennium BCE underwent important socioeconomic changes that have their reflection in a new materiality up to now. One of these most relevant manifestations is the construction of the so-called taula enclosures, large cult buildings characterized by a big vertical stone slab topped by a quadrangular lintel, forming a huge “T”, that has remained in the popular Menorcan culture as a table (taula in Catalan) worthy of giants. Inside the sanctuaries, the remains of ritual banquets where wine and meat consumption played a fundamental role, have been found. Likewise, the finding of bronze and terracotta figures with closer parallels in the western Punic world illustrates the colonial contact between these communities and the protohistoric Mediterranean. These sanctuaries occupy a central place in the insular settlements, characterized at this time by the erection of walls and the appearance of grouped domestic units. Historiography has often addressed the possible religious connotations of these spaces, but its social and economic dimensions remain to be elucidated. The appearance of these sanctuaries can play a fundamental role in the articulation of a concrete society that needs these places for a new ideological reproduction, a symbolic infrastructure that sustains the new organizational scheme. Also, these sites were key to the development of a new type of settlement, composed of various elements that make up a new and true urban pattern. The durability over time of these sanctuaries, beyond the Roman conquest, reaffirm the importance of these spaces for the Menorcan protohistoric society, in the construction of their particular identity and in their way of dealing with the new integration processes carried out by the great Mediterranean powers, Punic first and Roman after.

Keywords: Minorca; Protohistory; Taula enclosures; Sanctuary; Urbanism

105

« Un réseau de rapports symboliques » : sanctuaires, territoire et pratiques collectives dans la Sparte archaïque

Lucio Maria Valletta

EPHE – France

Apres avoir brièvement fourni une reconstruction de type topographique de la position des sanctuaires plus remarquables dans le territoire où originairement devaient être présents les petites agglomérations qui auraient constitué la cité de Sparte dite kata komas, aussi bien qu'une analyse du patrimoine des récits – à partir des généalogies des personnages mythiques présents en Laconie, qui dans leur ensemble légitimaient la présence de la communauté des Lacédémoniens en l'identifiant en tant que telle, mais qui dans leur articulation interne nous montrent aussi le caractère pluriel de cette identité et nous introduisent à la question du processus des synécismes des groupes humaines plus petits – ma communication vise à étudier et à décrire les divinités principales (e.g. Apollon, Artémis, Aphrodite, Héra, Athéna) installées dans l'espace de Sparte ainsi devenu politique à l'époque archaïque et les fonctions que chacune satisfaisait dans le cadre de la société des Lacédémoniens – à la suite de l'analyse de leurs épiclèses et des pratiques rituelles que cette même communauté célébrait dans le contexte social des fêtes consacrées à chacune de ces divinités.

Tout en récupérant la notion de « paysage religieux », donc, aussi bien qu'une définition du sanctuaire comme « lieu de communication » – dans une perspective verticale (avec les divinités dont la présence se reflète en termes de puissances dans des différents endroits, et avec les héros qui dans ces endroits ont été présents auparavant) aussi bien que horizontale (en tant que contexte de plusieurs types d'interaction parmi plusieurs groupes humains) – nous nous proposons d'analyser le système des rites attestés à Sparte comme complémentaires entre eux, au but de renouveler périodiquement le lien avec ces divinités du territoire dont les mythes gardaient la mémoire et, dans le cas, d'introduire les nouveaux individus à l'intérieur de la communauté des citoyens qui partageaient ce même système identitaire de pratiques rituelles socialement reconnues.

Si on considère, par exemple, le cas d'Hélène, on voit que, d'après les témoignages textuels elle est clairement liée à des sanctuaires et des lieux de culte spécifiques sur le territoire de Sparte (le sanctuaire d'Athéna Chalkioikos, le sanctuaire d'Artémis Orthia, l'Amyklaion consacré à Apollon et Hyakinthos, le Ménélaion de Thérapne), auprès desquels elle est titulaire d'un culte ou impliquée dans le culte d'autres divinités (souvent définies par des épiclèses locales spécifiques) – de manière que nous pourrions voir une sorte de complémentarité de tous ces cultes pratiqués par Hélène ou adressés à elle, pas seulement au but de la définition d'Hélène comme un personnage tout entier mais aussi – et surtout – de la formation des futurs citoyens.

Il y aura, donc, aussi la possibilité de réfléchir – par rapport au cas particulier du panthéon de Sparte – sur des définitions des dieux des Grecs qui ont été données dans les études modernes sur le polythéisme grec, telle que celle de « système de notions » (Gernet 1932) ou celle de « Puissances, non des personnes » (Vernant 1965).

Keywords: paysage religieux; épiclèses; mémoire; identité; société

106

Posters

107

Osiris : motivations et stratégies politiques de la diffusion d'un nouveau culte dans l'Égypte pharaonique

Jean-Baptiste Poussard

ASM – University of Montpellier III – France

Nous sommes tous plus ou moins familiers avec Osiris et son mythe : un dieu juste et bon ayant régné sur l'humanité à ses débuts, mais assassiné par son frère jaloux Seth et ressuscité par sa sœur-épouse Isis pour devenir le roi et juge des défunts en tant que « dieu des morts ».

De nombreuses sources datant du Ier millénaire av. n.è., tant égyptiennes que grecques ou romaines, nous informent sur le mythe et les cultes dédiés à Osiris. À cette époque, chaque temple majeur du pays est censé posséder au moins une chapelle dédiée au dieu et à ses rites, ce qui peut illustrer sa popularité et son importance au sein du vaste panthéon égyptien. Mais ce phénomène d'implantation est bien plus ancien.

En effet, Osiris apparaît pour la première fois à l'Ancien Empire, au cours de la Ve dynastie (vers 2450 av. n. è.), bien après l'édification des pyramides de Gîza, sur les parois des tombes de quelques membres particuliers de l'administration pharaonique. En l'espace de quelques dizaines d'années, Osiris connaît une expansion fulgurante, s'implantant sur l'ensemble du territoire égyptien. Plusieurs sanctuaires, rites et cultes locaux se voient alors réappropriés et/ou adaptés à ce nouveau dieu, tandis que sont érigés des temples exclusivement osiriens.

Cette diffusion rapide sur l'ensemble du territoire ne peut qu'être le fait du pouvoir central, qui conçoit Osiris, son mythe, son dogme et ses cultes, comme une nouvelle réforme politico-religieuse, un mode de gouvernement qui s'appuie entre autres sur les élites sacerdotales des métropoles majeures de l'Égypte.

Cette communication a pour but de mettre en évidence les motivations politiques du pouvoir central qui peuvent expliquer la diffusion et l'implantation de ce nouveau culte religieux à travers l'ensemble du territoire égyptien. Nous tenterons de comprendre, à travers l'étude de textes dits "religieux", le choix des lieux retenus et les stratégies mises en place pour implanter localement Osiris, entre la Ve dynastie et la fin du Nouvel Empire (vers 1000 av. n.è.).

Keywords: Égypte dynastique; topographie religieuse; Osiris; réforme religieuse; politique

108

Urban Religions

109

Papers

110

The Public Performance of Temple Rituals in Ancient Babylonian Cities

Rocio Da Riva

University of Barcelona – Spain

In this paper I would like to offer some reflections on the dynamics and performance of temple rituals on the basis of some cuneiform tablets from the Babylon Collections of the British Museum. As far as our present knowledge goes, the temple rituals texts were preserved in the library of the Esagil of Babylon, dated in the last centuries of the 1st millennium BCE. These documents deal with rites and festivals performed around this temple and its gods, either inside the precinct of the sanctuary, or outside of the sacred complex, in different locations of the city, and thus provide new insights on social and spatial aspects of Mesopotamian religion: cult topography, the activity of the practitioners and the roles of the different gods in the rituals. Of particular interest is the existence of rites and ceremonies performed in open spaces such as streets, canals and city-gates, which points to the involvement of the citizens of Babylon in the rituals and provide a new and lively image of the Babylonian official cult. In ancient 1st millennium BCE Babylonia, many temple rituals were held inside the temples for they were directly related to that specific space, for example clothing ceremonies, ritual meals, opening of the gate ceremonies, etc. But there were rituals not directly connected to a specific place since the cultic event involved movement and displacement of deities (statues) and cultic performers from one location to another, such as it was the case in processions or cultic journeys. Some texts provide an extremely dynamic and vivacious picture of Mesopotamian religious festivals and rites, which contrast with the traditional image of a static cult spatially limited to the inner rooms inside the temples. At the same time, these rituals contain new data on Babylonian urban and cultic topography and on the dynamics of cultic journeys and the networks of communication that form the backbone of contact between different religious centres in Babylonia during the 1st millennium BCE.

Keywords: Babylonian gods; Temple festivals; public ceremonies; processions; ritual performance

111

Roman Mithraism and Religious Choice in Imperial Rome

Joshua Littell

University of Exeter – United Kingdom

Mithraism, as understood in the environs of Rome, developed from its eastern origin in Mazdaism (Cumont, 1956. p. 4) within the framework of the Roman Imperial religious market. Indeed, Roman Mithraism exhibited growth and development throughout the Roman world, such as the eastern frontier and the cities of Roman Italy, which would have placed importance on differing religious needs. This paper explores the potential religious value of Roman Mithraism to its adherents within the city of Rome and, by contrast, its value to adherents in more typical contexts. Indeed, I will explore the conceptual differences between urban Mithraism and frontier Mithraism. In the Roman religious economy, exponential grow of a cult with effective means of peer-to-peer transmission was more than possible, as evident with regards to contemporary early Christianity. Unlike Christianity, Mithraism's transmission was benefitted by its ability to fit within the established polytheistic pick and choose religious formula. The exponential growth of the mithraic cult in the city of Rome is remarkable when considering the cult's more typical military context at the limits of the Empire, e.g. the many mithraea of Magna Germania. It is in this frontier context, expectedly, that the majority of research pertaining to the mithraic cult's value within the Roman religious economy has been focused, despite the prevalence of mithraea in the Roman urban context. This value being the cult's preoccupation with duty, bellicose masculinity and the camaraderie of adherents. In Rome, the religious needs of an individual would have been markedly different to those of soldiers in units such as XV Apollinaris or II Adiutrix at the sometimes-belligerent edges of the Roman world (Beck, 1998. p. 121). However, there was a persisting urban popularity dedicated to the military-affiliated deity. Indeed, if attempts to estimate the prevalence of Mithraism in the environs of Rome are to be accepted, it is possible that almost 400 mithraea could have existed inside the Aurelian Wall's 1,373 hectares during the height of the cult's significance (Martin, 1989. p. 4). It is, therefore, important to note that the cult had a major foothold in the city of Rome, despite being removed from its military context. In this way, mithraic cult belief and ritual participation must offer a different religious value to the individuals of Rome's urban environs to have worth and be marketable. What was Roman Mithraism's marketable quality to the adherents of the urban environ of Rome? The cult's value resides either in the potential to utilise the heterogeneous social group that the cells may form for one's own benefit, acting in a similar to an informal collegium, or for the actual beliefs in cult doctrine that the group's adherents espouse, the potential to find a form of salvation of the soul through piety and ritual performance (Pelzer Wagener, 1960. p. 79). This paper comprises of a detailed analysis pertaining to the aforementioned potential value urban Mithraism offered to its adherents, contrasted with those of frontier Mithraism.

Keywords: Mithraism; Cult; Rome; Urban; Religious Choice; City; Belief; Imperial; Late Antiquity; Military

112

Translating and Spatializing ‘New Gods' in Athens

Sabine Neumann

Philipps University of Marbug – Germany

Various influences characterize ancient Greek religion. Religious innovation and the introduction of new cults and gods have often been studied based on a concept of diffusion and a core-periphery model. However, is this the only way to think ‘newcomer' gods? Such a concept neglects that the ancient people selected and appropriated ‘new gods' and thus integrated them into their social-religious environment. Recent studies attempt to understand new cults in their respective places. Then, rather than on any ‘original' meaning, the focus is on the functions and spatial intersections of the ‘new gods' in their Greco-Roman contexts.

In my paper, I examine how ‘newcomer' gods entering ancient Athens from the late Archaic until Roman times were spatially translated and imagined into the urban space. I analyze these translation processes based on a multitude of sources: iconographic representations of deities, archaeologically verifiable votive practices, the design of sanctuaries, and the association of ‘newcomer' gods and local deities at particular cult places. It becomes clear that there was no translation of ‘entire' gods, cults, and religions, but individual religious signs. Hence, any new cult is the result of the religious creativity of individuals, which manifests in space. The locations of the sanctuaries to neighboring shrines provide evidence of the functions and facets of the deities worshipped in these places. For instance, the shrines of Isis and Sarapis as healing deities are located on the southern slope of the Acropolis of Athens in the temenos of the healing god Asclepios. Some ‘newcomer' gods, like Pan, Adonis, and Aphrodite Ourania, were imagined with natural elements such as caves, gardens, or with proximity to the sea. The connection with natural elements expressed certain aspects of the gods and shaped the urban space of Athens. Some of these imaginations even originated in Athens and might have been influenced by the Athenian concept of urbanity. By their invention, these imaginations have been linked closely to the individual deities. Later on, they were transferred to other areas in the Greco-Roman world, too.

In my paper, I will address the following questions: how were the ‘newcomer' gods integrated into the social-religious environment of Athens? Where do we find their sanctuaries in the ancient topography and the mental maps of its inhabitants? How did the new cults shape the urban fabric of Athens through the creation of new social spaces? Which spatial strategies of creating a specific identity or even ‘otherness' of the ‘newcomer' gods and their cults can be detected? What effects do transmissions and integration into the new Pantheon have on the naming of the deities? When will they be translated and when will they remain as trademarks? Does the entanglement between gods and space mean that, for a local pantheon, relationships between two gods of the same name cannot be transferred elsewhere?

Keywords: Athens; Ancient Greek religion; New gods; Translation; Social imaginary

113

Gods in the City

Jörg Rüpke

Max Weber Centre – University of Erfurt – Germany

Recent research has pointed to the space-sensitivity of action, religious practices and ideas included. This “spatial turn” is highly relevant for the understanding of Ancient Mediterranean polytheisms and their constructions of the divine, too, as the overall argument of this conference highlights.

Within that wider framework, the talk proposed here will address the narrower field of religious changes that can be seen as results of and factors in processes of urbanisation. The constellation of many people and a densely built environment leads people to experience a specific atmosphere of cities that is described as ‘promise' or ‘security'. The numerous services provided and the publicity offered are a contrast to the countryside, the non-urban. The city promises the control of the natural environment. This starkly contrasts with the specifically religious ascription of agency and even whimsy to divine agents. For observers of religious actions, the gods are an element beyond the controlled environment. Consequently, in the city, religion itself becomes a target of control. The gods, otherwise invoked by names, are represented in images and spaces and thus controlled. At the same time this enables access by others and counters urban control. My talk intents to analyse polytheistic practices and ideas regarding the divine against the background of these tensions. My argument will start from general reflections and will plausibilize the claims made by examples taken from the ancient city of Rome.

Bibliography:

Urciuoli E., Rüpke J. (2018), “Urban Religion in Mediterranean Antiquity: Relocating Religious Change”, Mythos, n°12, p. 117-135.

Keywords: Urban religions; Agency; Rome; Space Sensivity

114

Jumping among the Temple Towers Snapshots of an Early Christian Critique of Polytheism as Urban Religion

Emiliano Urciuoli

Max Weber Centre – University of Erfurt – Germany

“The distinction between them [scil. gods and demons], I really suppose, depends on difference of place; so that, where a temple is in the story, you reckon them to be gods, though elsewhere you do not call them gods; so that if a man leaps among the temple towers he has a different sort of insanity from one who jumps from roof to roof of his neighbours' houses”.

This passage from the Apology of Tertullian sounds like a sarcastic rendition of Greco-Roman polytheism as urban religion. The worship of several special agents as gods, suggests the Christian polemicist, demands the presence of many temples within the same area – a requirement which is most practically met in a city. The concrete prospect of religiously-ritually leaping from one dedicated cult building to another is what makes polytheisms possible as forms of fixating gods to specific sacralised places. When sanctuaries are scattered all over in sparsely populated areas, or when worshipping places are not recognizable as such and look all like clustered houses, then the very structure of polytheism lacks visibility and clarity.

Tertullian's mockery of the pagan logic for allocating gods in a city is not the only evidence for an early Christian insight into the Others' urban religion. From Luke's Acts to Augustine's City of God, this paper will survey the literature of early Christians to seek out evidence for further close-by insights into the urban religious quality of polytheism.

Keywords: Tertullian; Apology; early Christians; paganism; Christian critique

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Posters

116

Cibele e Attis dalle rupi frigie alla città. Storia, luoghi e forme del culto della Magna Mater a Roma

Fulvio Coletti1 and Francesca Diosono2

1 Parco Archeologico del Colosseo – Italy 2 Institute of Classical Arcaheology – Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich – Germany

È ormai accettato nella storia degli studi come il Santuario della Magna Mater sul Palatino sia sorto nel luogo dei culti primigeni del popolo romano, esito finale di una lunga serie di riedizioni di culti femminili che dal tardo Bronzo si avvicendano nell'area a rappresentare il vero e proprio museo delle origini di Roma. Così a Pales, Ops e Fauna, celebrate nelle capanne-tempio rinvenute sotto il grande santuario metroaco, si avvicendano nel corso del tempo Acca Larentia/Larunda, Angerona/Tacita Muta o Mater Larum, e Volupia presumibilmente a rappresentare la fase proto-urbana della città palatina e di una società che si va facendo più complessa. In età medio-repubblicana sul luogo di questi culti primigeni subentranoi grandi templi di Iuno Sospita, Victoria e Magna Mater. Concentrandoci sul culto palatino di Cibele, esso rappresenta il punto di arrivo di una lunga evoluzione che attraversa il Mediterraneo in diverse direzioni. L'intervento che si propone vuole fare il punto della situazione dopo quarant'anni dalla pubblicazione del Corpus Cultus Cibelae Attidisque da parte del Vermaseren, aggiornandolo con i nuovi dati e le nuove prospettive di ricerca relative a Roma.

I recenti scavi presso il tempio palatino hanno rivelato come fin dall'origine il culto della Magna Mater fosse associato a quello di Attis, divinità paredra maschile, il giovinetto che si evira dedicandosi così a Cibele. Infatti, già dai depositi votivi pertinenti alla fase originaria del santuario emergono chiaramente statuine di fanciullo dal tipico berretto frigio ma anche rappresentazioni indirette di attributi riferibili ad Attis, quali la siringa e il galletto. La figura di Attis non abbandonerà mai la Grande Madre e, collegata nel tempo ad associazioni come quelle di dendrofori e cannofori, giungerà fino alla prima metà V secolo d.C. L'arrivo di Cibele a Roma è complesso è passa dalla mediazione che gli Attalidi fanno del culto, trasportandolo dai monti della Frigia, dove la dea regnava sulla forza creatrice e distruttrice della natura selvaggia in forma di betilo aniconico nel santuario di Pessinunte, a Pergamo, dove era invece la divinità che proteggeva la città e il potere che in essa regnava. Da qui giunge nel 204 a.C. nella Roma in cerca di protezione contro Annibale. Ma la dea nella sua forma primitiva era già giunta dalla Frigia in Sicilia, dove a Palazzolo Acreide ne è attestato il primitivo culto rupestre. A Roma Cibele ha diversi appellativi come tanti sono i luoghi legati a lei e ai vari aspetti del suo culto: il Palatino, dove è dea dell'acropoli; il santuario presso il fiume Almone, dove la statua giungeva per la lavatio all'interno del suo festival di primavera; il Phrigianum, dove sovraintendeva alle iniziazioni dei membri dell'aristocrazia; la Basilica Hilariana, dove si conservava il pino sacro di Attis. Anche ad Ostia, il campus Matris Magnae rappresenta un complesso sacro del tutto peculiare. Analizzare i luoghi del culto di Cibele a Roma diventa il modo con cui comprendere la lunga evoluzione del suo culto, che va di pari passo con quella delle forme della stessa religione romana nei secoli.

Keywords: Cibele; Attis; Palatino; Hilaria; Dendrophori

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La naissance de Juturne : fête, récit, dies natalis templi

Alessandra Scali

University of Salerno – Italy University of Geneva – Switzerland

Dignus Roma locus, quo deus omnis eat Ovide, Fastes 4.270

Dans cette intervention, je voudrais mettre l'accent sur la connexion espace-temps qui existe à la naissance des dieux de Rome. Dans le cadre de la recherche doctorale qui part des Fastes d'Ovide, j'essaie d'analyser ce nœud indélébile qui se déroule à la naissance de chaque dieu, où l'espace, le récit, le passé et le futur se cristallisent dans le présent cyclique constitué par le calendrier. Je suggérerais donc de me concentrer sur un des exemples les plus représentatifs : la fête des Iuturnalia du 11 janvier à l'occasion du natalis de l'Aedes Iuturnae in Campo Martio. Dans le Fastes, Ovide consacre à Juturne un long passage du premier livre, dans lequel l'étiologie mythique du culte de la déesse contient la référence à une autre naissance mythique, celle des Lares. Du commentaire de Servius à l'Énéide, on sait que le temple de Juturne fut fondé par Lutatius Catulus et que sa fête est célébrée par qui artificium aqua exercent, ceux qui travaillent avec l'eau. L'hypothèse la plus accréditée c'est d'identifier Quintus Lutatius Catulus comme le fondateur du temple, après la bataille navale qui a conclu la Première Guerre Punique aux îles Égades en 241 av. n.è.

On veut réfléchir donc, en suivant un des exemples d'Ovide, sur l'événement natal des dieux romains qui implique la connexion entre espace et temps, et que les Romaines ont pensé comme un anniversaire. La fondation d'un temple ou d'un aedes, c'est à dire la limitation d'un espace sacré qui constitue une sorte de domus divine, est étroitement liée à la création d'un moment dans le temps de la ville. Surtout à l'époque du grand impérialisme, apparaissent les indications relatives aux dies natales templorum dans les calendriers de Rome (Estienne, Rüpke). Elles représentent des traces tant dans le temps cyclique que dans l'espace des épisodes que des personnalités marquantes de l'histoire de Rome ainsi que des vœux qu'elles ont accomplis (Orlin). Le jour de la fondation de ces temples est célébré chaque année par une fête et constitue, comme le confirment nombreuses sources, l'anniversaire (surtout Ovide, Fastes). Au cours de la République et des premières années de l'Empire, le paysage religieux (Scheid, De Polignac) de la ville de Rome s'est élargi et modifié, en raison notamment d'une politique expansionniste et militaire qui a trouvé sa légitimité dans le sacré (Scheid). La réverbération temporelle de cette superfétation des lieux dédiés aux dieux est fixée dans le calendrier romain à travers lequel un tel paysage, que je définirais horizontal, est tracé entre les lignes verticales des fastes monumentaux, peints ou sculptés. En d'autres termes, les fastes constituent une cartographie qui enregistre au fur et à mesure les noms des dieux comme au service d'état civil d'une ville.

Keywords: Juturne; Anniversaire; Naissance; Temple; Calendrier

118

Off Session

119

Posters

120

RefDivinités : bilan d'un projet collaboratif d'harmonisation des dénominations

Sébastien Dalmon and Alyx Taounza-Jeminet

Bibliothèque de la Sorbonne – BIS – University of Paris I – France

La BIS, bibliothèque délégataire CollEx pour les Sciences de l'Antiquité, signale ses riches collections dans ce domaine dans le catalogue collectif SUDOC et utilise le référentiel de l'ABES IdRef. Elle s'est rapprochée du réseau FRANTIQ (Fédération et Ressources sur l'Antiquité), qui dispose de son propre catalogue collectif indexé (CCI) en utilisant le thésaurus spécialisé PACTOLS (Peuples, Anthroponymes, Chronologie, Toponymes, OEuvres, Lieux, Sujets), en cours de réorganisation et de rapprochement avec des bases de données produites par des chercheurs. Le périmètre des divinités et héros du monde antique a été choisi par les deux parties pour débuter un travail de rapprochement entre leurs deux référentiels, tout en les enrichissant. Ce projet a été mené en collaboration avec un comité scientifique composé de spécialistes des religions anciennes, permettant un dialogue fructueux entre chercheurs et professionnels de la documentation.

Keywords: Noms des dieux; index; thésaurus; bibliothèques

121

MAP posters

Élodie Guillon, Antoine Laurent and Sébastien Plutniak

MAP – PLH – University of Toulouse II

The proposed posters will present the MAP project (ERC Mapping Ancient Polytheisms - MAP 741182), which focuses on the denominations of ancient gods in the Greek and Semitic worlds of the West, from the perspective of the tools it uses. The project lists and studies the divine names by means of epigraphic, papyrological, numismatic or glyptic testimonies left by those who name them. Given the large amount of data that the MAP project is dealing with - spread over a wider Mediterranean and a chronology of more than 1,000 years - it was necessary to envisage suitable tools to collect, classify and interrogate them. These tools, which are linked to digital humanities, respond to the challenges of the project but also represent new perspectives for studying the impressive, disparate and heterogeneous documentation. Through a few examples, we will attempt to show the tools, their use and the questions they try to answer. Keywords: History of Religion; Mediterranean Antiquity; digital humanities; big data; divine names

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Author Index

123

Alvar Jaime 38 Angliker Erica Morais 39 Bachvarova Mary 4 Bednarek Bartłomiej 69 Belizon Aragon Ricardo 102 Benedetti Ginevra 27 Biagetti Claudio 70 Boissinot Philippe 97 Bolognani Barbara 40 Bonanno Daniela 98 Bongiovanni Riccardo 41 Borrego Gallardo Francisco Luis 42 Bouhafs Amel 71 Bouillot Kévin 28 Briand Michel 43 Brulé Pierre 5 Budic Filip 72 Caneva Stefano 73 Canopoli Micaela 24 Caparroy Benjamin 74 Carboni Romina 44 Castiglione Marianna 45 Ceccarini Patrice 30 Cesca Ombretta 46 Chiai Gian Franco 6 Coletti Fulvio 117 Cuperly Bénédicte 47 Dalmon Sébastien 121 Da Riva Rocio 111 Danielson Andrew 7 de Angelo Laky Lilian 48 De Nicolás Mascaró Joan Carles 105 DeMone Brittany 49 Diosono Francesca 117 Di Fazio Massimiliano 75 Dubosson-Sbriglione Lara 8

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Fabiano Doralice 76 Ferlut Audrey 50 Filoni Andrea 9 Gaetano Fabrizio 29 Garbati Giuseppe 51 Gasparini Valentino 10 Giuseppetti Massimo 11 Gouverneur Alexandre 77 Graml Constanze 78 Granger Clara 65 Gregori Gianluca 10 Grieco Lorenzo 79 Grosjean Hélène 80 Gudme Anne Katrine 52 Guigner Angélique 99 Guilhembet Jean Pierre 30 Guillon Élodie 122 Herzog Sarah 100 Higueras-Milena Castellano Aurora 102 Jackson Briana 81 Jiménez Vialás Helena 105 Kellová Michaela 82 Kleineberg Anne 101 Knott Elizabeth 53 Kubiak-Schneider Aleksandra 83 Laurent Antoine 122 Lebreton Sylvain 12 Lenzo Giuseppina 84 Leonard Timothy 13 Lichiheb Houda 30 Lietz Beatrice 85 Littell Joshua 112 Luciani Nicola 86 Macedo José Marcos 14 Maillard Pauline 15 Marano Giuseppina 66

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Marchiando Anaïs 87 Maris Carly 88 Mazzilli Francesca 89 Miano Daniele 16 Mingozzi Vanessa 79 Neumann Sabine 113 Nihan Christophe 80 Oggiano Ida 31 Orsingher Adriano 90 Parker Elizabeth 54 Pavel Diana 91 Perdibon Anna 55 Pilz Oliver 92 Plutniak Sébastien 122 Poirier Jean Michel 17 Porter Barbara N. 56 Poussard Jean-Baptiste 108 Prados Martínez Fernando 105 Prescendi Francesca 57 Ragab Mohamed 34 Rivault Joy 18 Roccella Gabriele 93 Rüpke Jörg 114 Saez Romero Antonio 102 Sassù Alessio 35 Scali Alessandra 118 Schlatter Emrys 32 Schneider Bernhard 103 Sekita Karolina 19 Sève Laurianne 104 Szabó Csaba 58 Taounza-Jeminet Alyx 121 Torres Gomariz Octavio 105 Trinka Eric 59 Trippé Natacha 94 Urciuoli Emiliano 115

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Valletta Lucio Maria 106 Van Schoor David 60 Vasselin Audrey 21 Vergados Athanassios 22 Wild Tobias 61 Zachari Vasso 62 Zernecke Anna 63 Økland Jorunn 22

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