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Journal of Anthropological Archaeology

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jaa

Technological change and interior settlement on western Santa Rosa Island, California

Christopher S. Jazwa⁎, Richard L. Rosencrance

Department of Anthropology, University of Nevada, Reno, NV 89557, United States

  • A R T I C L E I N F O
  • A B S T R A C T

Keywords:

We use data on site distributions, chronology, and artifact assemblages from a large, flat upland landscape on Santa Rosa Island to better understand the relationship between coastal and interior settlement patterns on California’s northern Channel Islands. This region, Pocket Field, was an important hub of occupation during the late Pleistocene/early Holocene (before 7550 cal BP) and throughout the late Holocene (3600–168 cal BP). A radiocarbon chronology for the region suggests that settlement patterns are consistent with what has been observed in coastal locations, with an increase in site density throughout the late Holocene. Groundstone is an important component of the late Holocene archaeological record, although it decreases in importance following the droughts of the Medieval Climatic Anomaly (MCA; 1150–600 cal BP). Olivella biplicata shell bead production at dense midden sites indicates that occupation of the region was not just for access to terrestrial resources. An increase in sites with projectile points during the MCA may reflect an increase in interpersonal violence and indicate that increasing territoriality that occurred on the coast may have extended into the island interior. Our study demonstrates that interior sites were integral components of island settlement and subsistence patterns, even when diet is heavily marine-oriented.

Site chronology Coastal archaeology Mobility patterns Territoriality Artifact typologies Medieval climatic anomaly

1. Introduction

et al., 2015; Thakar, 2014), but the long-term tradition of archaeological research on the NCI has largely focused on the coast. Orr
Although islands are frequently considered laboratories for archaeological research (e.g., Fitzhugh and Hunt, 1997), there are often important differences in the subsistence and settlement patterns of island inhabitants from those who live in mainland coastal settings. This may include limited access to certain types of resources, particularly terrestrial ones. An example is California’s northern Channel Islands (NCI). Although recent paleobotanical studies have shown that terrestrial plant resources were varied and abundant on the NCI (e.g., Gill,

2013, 2014, 2015; Gill and Hoppa, 2016; Hoppa, 2017), island in-

habitants did not have access to large terrestrial game like deer that were available to their mainland coastal neighbors (Erlandson, 1994). Furthermore, the relatively small size of the NCI prevented the formation of large drainages like on the adjacent mainland, making fresh water scarcer (e.g., Jazwa et al., 2016a).
(1968) discussed “Highland Sites” in the island interior, mostly between the deep drainages on the coastal terrace in the northern part of the island. The sites he discussed were primarily larger interior sites, many of which contained house depressions and human burials, and the few radiocarbon dates he obtained were mostly from the middle Holocene. Orr’s Highland Sites do not seem to explicitly include the smaller sites investigated in this study.
Walker and DeNiro (1986) showed that in the Santa Barbara
Channel region, coastal mainlanders consumed more terrestrial protein than islanders, reflecting the relative availability of marine and coastal resources. Although inland occupants of the NCI certainly had access to terrestrial plant resources, they would nonetheless have had a close relationship with the coast (see Jazwa et al., 2015), likely involving seasonal or short-term movement. Therefore, it is not possible to fully understand settlement and subsistence strategies without considering sites both on the coast and in the interior. This includes questions about whether territorial settlement patterns that became more prevalent on the NCI beginning during the Medieval Climatic Anomaly (MCA; 1150–600 cal BP; Jazwa et al., 2017b) extended into island interiors.
One region of western Santa Rosa Island, Pocket Field, provides an
It is for these reasons that most of the largest archaeological sites on the NCI and all of the historically documented and named villages are located on the coast, usually at the mouth of one or more prominent

drainages (Johnson, 1993; Kennett, 2005; Glassow et al., 2010). Recent

work has focused on understanding the role of interior sites in patterns

of island occupation (e.g., Perry and Glassow, 2015; Gill, 2015; Jazwa

⁎ Corresponding author.

E-mail address: [email protected] (C.S. Jazwa).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2019.04.007

Received 11 December 2018; Received in revised form 8 April 2019

0278-4165/©2019ElsevierInc.Allrightsreserved.

C.S. Jazwa and R.L. Rosencrance

Jou r n a l o f A n t h r o po l o g i c a l A r c h a e o l o g y 5 4 ( 2 019 ) 2 35–253

opportunity to better understand the chronology of interior settlement on the NCI. This region, which ranges from Pocket Field Road to the west to Garañon Canyon to the east (Fig. 1), is one of the largest interior flat areas on the NCI unbroken by a deep canyon. A series of dense residential shell midden sites line northwest-southeast trending dune fields interspersed with groundstone and lithic scatter sites. These sites contain surface scatters of abundant diagnostic and undiagnostic lithics, groundstone, and shell bead production debris. Together, these cultural materials suggest long-term or repeated occupation of Pocket Field, indicating that it may have been an important region for settlement and accessing interior resources like plant foods including geophytes and other small or large seeds (Gill, 2013). Fresh water today accumulates seasonally in depressions in the landscape between dunes and may have been more readily available as fog water than at lower elevations along

the coast (Gill et al., 2019).

when sea levels were lower during the late Pleistocene (Erlandson et al.,

2011; Rick et al., 2013).

At the time of European contact in 1542, population density in the
Santa Barbara Channel was among the highest for hunter-gatherers

globally (Moratto, 1984; Johnson, 1988; Kelly, 1995; Gamble, 2008;

Winterhalder et al., 2010). Mainland villages were large, with estimates ranging from 800 residents (Johnson, 1988) to more than 1000 (Gamble, 2008). Their complex economy was heavily maritime based. This included subsistence on coastal resources including shellfish, fish,

and sea mammals (e.g., Erlandson, 1988, 1994, 2001; Erlandson et al., 2008; Glassow, 1993b, 1997, 2005; Glassow et al., 2007, 2010; Jazwa et al., 2012, 2013, 2016b, 2017b; Jazwa and Perry, 2013; Kennett, 1998, 2005; Raab et al., 2009; Rick et al., 2005; Walker and DeNiro,

1986). Craft specialists manufactured plank canoes (tomols) that had restricted ownership and were used for trade and accessing offshore sea

mammal and pelagic fish species (Arnold, 1992a, 1995, 2001; Gamble,

2002; Fagan, 2004). Specialists also made Olivella biplicata1 shell beads that were exchanged widely and chert microdrills that were used to

drill holes for the beads (Arnold, 1987, 1990, 1992a, 1992b, 2001; Arnold and Munns, 1994; Munns and Arnold, 2002; Kennett, 2005; King, 1990; Rick, 2007).

In this study, we develop a chronology for inland settlement of
Pocket Field based on survey data collected from 2014 to 2018. We present the distribution and chronology of settlement and the artifact assemblage for 111 recorded sites in this region. This includes evidence of Paleocoastal (before 7550 cal BP) occupation based on the presence of crescents, Channel Islands Barbed (CIB) points, and Amol (CIA)

points (Rick et al., 2013; Erlandson et al., 2011; Braje et al., 2013).

Middle Holocene (7550–3600 cal BP) occupation is possible, but there are no dates or diagnostic artifacts away from the terrace edge confirming it. An increase in population density in Pocket Field during the late Holocene (after 3600 cal BP) is supported by radiocarbon dates, the abundance of mortars and pestles, and shell bead production debris throughout the region.
While social inequality had its roots during the middle Holocene
(King, 1990; Glassow, 2004), social complexity, including institutions associated with craft specialization, grew rapidly during the late Holocene. There were increases in population density and expansion to areas that did not previously have evidence of permanent settlement at

the beginning of the late Holocene (Kennett, 2005; Kennett et al., 2009; Winterhalder et al., 2010; Jazwa et al., 2016b, 2017a). This may have

been related to climatic amelioration that occurred at this time (Jazwa et al., 2016a). Beginning around 1300 cal BP, there appears to have been a short-term demographic increase on the NCI, followed by a decrease lasting from about 1150–600 cal BP. There was a subsequent increase from 600 cal BP until the time of Spanish contact and a sub-

sequent protohistoric decline (Erlandson et al., 2001; Arnold, 2001; Kennett, 2005; Kennett and Conlee, 2002; Winterhalder et al., 2010;

Jazwa et al., 2017b). The decrease in radiocarbon dated sites on the NCI was roughly coincident with the MCA, a period of several widespread extreme and extended drought periods throughout the American

Southwest (Stine, 1994; Raab and Larson, 1997; Jones et al., 1999; Yatsko, 2000; Kennett, 2005; Benson et al., 2007; Jones and Schwitalla,

2008; Bocinsky and Kohler, 2014). The Middle to Late Period Transition (MLT; 800–650 cal BP) was a particularly important period of rapid cultural change on the NCI during which many of the complex social and political institutions that were evident at historic contact appeared

(Arnold, 1991, 1992a, 1997; Arnold and Tissot, 1993; Arnold et al., 1997; Raab and Larson, 1997; Kennett and Kennett, 2000; Kennett and Conlee, 2002; Kennett, 2005; Jazwa et al., 2012). The MLT is coincident

with one of the longest and most significant droughts near the end of the MCA from 715 to 680 cal BP (Benson et al. 2007). During the succeeding Late Period (650–168 cal BP), population was condensed into a smaller number of large, historically-named coastal villages while

population continued to grow (Johnson, 1993; Glassow et al., 2010).

The presence of arrow points also indicates a late Holocene occupation and may reflect the effects of conflict and territoriality beginning

during the MCA (Kennett et al., 2013; Jazwa et al., 2017b). This study

includes an analysis of the chronology of occupation of a distinct interior region of Santa Rosa Island, providing important information about the relationship between coastal and interior residential sites in island environments in which marine and terrestrial resources both make up significant dietary components. It also helps to refine technological chronologies for the NCI, particularly for groundstone and non-Paleocoastal projectile point typologies.

2. Cultural and technological history of the NCI

The NCI most frequently appear in the archaeological literature because of their role in debates about the peopling of the Americas (e.g., Erlandson et al., 2011) and the appearance of sociopolitical complexity (e.g., Arnold, 1992a, 2001). The NCI consist of four islands (Anacapa, Santa Cruz, Santa Rosa, and San Miguel) located off the coast of Santa Barbara, California (Fig. 1). Upwelling in the Santa Barbara Channel and high marine productivity provide abundant marine food resources. This supported some of the earliest evidence of human occupation on the Pacific Coast of North America during the Pleistocene and, more than 12,000 years later, a complex sociopolitical system with

craft specialists and chiefs (Arnold, 1992a, 2001; Raab, 1992; Glassow, 1993a; Johnson, 2001; Kennett, 2005; Rick et al., 2005; Erlandson et al., 2007, 2008, 2011; Jazwa and Perry, 2013).

2.1. NCI   projectile point styles and chronology

Paleocoastal occupation during the late Pleistocene and early
Holocene is most clearly indicated in the record of three characteristic artifact types: chipped stone crescents, CIB points, and CIA points

(Glassow et al., 2013; Erlandson, 2013). These styles have been found

at sites on the NCI that have been reliably dated using radiocarbon measurements of associated midden to the late Pleistocene and early

Holocene (e.g., Braje et al., 2013; Erlandson et al., 2011; Rick et al.,

2013). Work by Rick et al. (2013) along the coastal terrace of northern and western Santa Rosa Island suggests that northwestern Santa Rosa Island was an important focus of occupation. Most of the evidence that has been found for early occupation of the NCI is on or at the edge of steep slopes that would have still been relatively close to the water
An archaeological quirk of the NCI is that unlike much of North
America and California in particular (see Justice, 2002), references to projectile points appear only infrequently in the literature. The most notable exceptions to this are Paleocoastal chipped stone crescents, CIB

1 Purple olive snails are alternately called Callianax biplicata and Olivella bi-

plicata. Callianax is favored in the Light and Smith Manual (Carlton, 2007), but we have chosen to go with Olivella, which is consistent with the World Register of Marine Species (WoRMS, 2018), an international database that is frequently updated.

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Jou r n a l o f A n t h r o po l o g i c a l A r c h a e o l o g y 5 4 ( 2 019 ) 2 35–253

Fig. 1. The Pocket Field study area, with all sites included in this study indicated. Sites are distinguished as midden sites with radiocarbon dates, midden sites without radiocarbon dates, and lithic scatter sites. Designation as a midden site requires more than trace amounts of shell. Natural geographic features (canyons) and modern anthropogenic features (dirt roads) are indicated. The basemap is the USGS 7.5′ Santa Rosa Island West topographic map.

points, and CIA points, which have emerged as reliable indicators of island occupation during the late Pleistocene and early Holocene (e.g.,

Braje et al., 2013; Erlandson, 2013; Erlandson et al., 2011). Kennett

et al. (2013) discuss the appearance of arrow points on the islands at 1305–1060 2σ cal BP, but this is one of relatively few exceptions. Still, Kennett et al. (2013) focus more on the sociopolitical climate as it relates to the introduction of the bow and arrow, rather than the nature and chronology of the projectile point technology on the NCI. knowledge about the types and chronology of late Holocene projectile points onSanta Rosa Island and the NCI.

2.2. Groundstone   use on the NCI

While marine resources were central to the subsistence economy of the occupants of the NCI, recent paleobotanical research has revealed the importance of plant resources in island diets (Timbrook, 2007;

Perry and Hoppa, 2012; Gill, 2013, 2014; Gill and Erlandson, 2014).

While some geophytes like blue dicks (Dichelostemma sp.) could have been consumed raw or roasted, other seed and nut plants would have needed to be processed. Nonetheless, relatively few studies have focused on groundstone use on the NCI (e.g., Conlee, 2000; DelaneyRivera, 2001). In both cases, there is evidence for the use of mortars and pestles and to a lesser extent, manos and metates, during the late Holocene, but there is substantially less well-dated evidence for use of groundstone during the middle Holocene (an example is CA-SCRI-796;
Projectile point chronologies for mainland southern California coast are more developed than that of the NCI, but these studies have primarily focused on specific sites and limited types of points (Koerper et al., 1994, 1996). Justice (2002) provides the only broad-stroke attempt at characterizing projectile point forms and their associated distributions and chronologies for the southern California coast. Even so, the NCI are only mentioned in passing and literature from the 1950s and 1960s constitutes Justice’s (2002) primary sources for projectile points found there. Our work in Pocket Field is poised to expand

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Jou r n a l o f A n t h r o po l o g i c a l A r c h a e o l o g y 5 4 ( 2 019 ) 2 35–253

Glassow, 2015). This is despite the abundant groundstone that was recovered from mainland sites in the Santa Barbara Channel region during this time including large numbers of mortars and pestles from CA-SBA-53 (Glassow, 1997) and manos and metates from CA-SBA-1807 (Erlandson, 1994). On the mainland, manos and metates generally predate mortars and pestles but continue to be used later in time

(Glassow, 1996; Erlandson, 1994; Conlee, 2000). Donut stones are also

common in island contexts, likely as weights for digging sticks (Gill

et al., 2019).

trapezoidal microdrills or triangular microdrills without dorsal retouch manufactured from island cherts, although the earliest forms of circular disc and rectangular beads predate the first evidence for chert microdrills.
The O. biplicata shell bead industry grew significantly on the NCI

during the MLT (Arnold, 1987, 1990, 1992a, 1992b, 2001; Arnold and Munns, 1994; Munns and Arnold, 2002; Kennett, 2005; King, 1990;

Rick, 2007). During the Late Period, a more labor-intensive and resource-wasteful technique that produced one bead from the thicker callus portion of each shell became the prominent type (Arnold and

Graesch, 2004; Arnold and Munns, 1994). To drill this bead type from

the thicker part of the shell, a more formalized triangular microdrill with dorsal retouch was introduced and manufactured in large quan-

tities (Arnold, 1987, 1990, 1992a; Arnold et al., 2001; Kennett, 2005; Perry and Jazwa, 2010; Preziosi, 2001). The dramatic increase in mi-

croblade, microdrill, and O. biplicata bead manufacture is the strongest evidence of craft specialization and increased socioeconomic complexity in the Santa Barbara Channel region (Arnold, 1987, 1992a,

1993, 2001; Arnold and Graesch, 2004; Dietler, 2003; Preziosi, 2001).

While microdrills are most frequently made from more homogeneous Santa Cruz Island chert, new chert sources have recently been identified

on the islands (Erlandson et al., 1997, 2008, 2012; Jazwa et al., 2017a)

and may also have been used.
Although Kroeber (1925) observed that in California, mortars and pestles were typically used for processing acorns and manos and metates were used to process small seeds, Glassow (1997) has challenged the interpretation that mortars and pestles were always used for acorns. He suggests that they were likely used for other purposes and one of the major early uses for mortars and pestles in the Santa Barbara Channel region was for processing root products. Exactly how groundstone was used on the NCI is less well understood. There has been a debate over the role of acorns in the diet of islanders, although current evidence suggests they are rare among floral remains from island sites (Fauvelle,

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    Overview of the Rocky Intertidal Systems of Southern California Mark M. Littler Department of Ecology and Evolutionary Biology, University of California, Irvine, California 92717 INTRODUCTION The Southern California Bight (Fig. 1) has been defined (SCCWRP 1973) as the open embayment of the Pacific Ocean bounded on the east by the North American coastline extending from Point Conception, California, to Cabo Colnett, Baja California, Mexico, and on the west by the California Current. The climate of the Southern California Bight has been amply studied in quantitative terms and is relatively well known (for physical, air, and seawater data, see Kimura 1974). Wind conditions are extremely important in that major reversals occur predominantly throughout late fall and winter. This results in strong, hot, and dry "Santa Ana" winds from the inland desert regions at the time of low tides during the daylight hours, thereby causing extreme heating, desiccation, and insolation stress to intertidal organisms. Another important ecological factor is the protection of certain mainland shores and the mainland sides of islands from open ocean swell and storm waves. This leads to a higher wave-energy regime on the unprotected outer island shores with marked effects on their biological communities. Nearly all of the southern California mainland coastline is protected to some degree by the outlying islands (Ricketts, Calvin, and Hedgpeth 1968). The only mainland sites receiving direct westerly swell are near the cities of Los Angeles and San Diego. A number of substrate types were present among the 10 rocky intertidal habitats studied (Fig. 1), ranging from hard, irregular flow breccia to smooth sandstone or siltstone.
  • The Archaeology and Historical Ecology of Late Holocene San Miguel Island by Torben C

    The Archaeology and Historical Ecology of Late Holocene San Miguel Island by Torben C

    T HE A RCHAE The O L OGY Archaeology and A ND H Historical Ecology IST of Late Holocene O RICAL San Miguel Island E C O By Torben C. Rick L OGY OF L alifornia’s northern Channel Islands have one of the longest and best preserved archaeological records in the Americas, spanning some 13,000 calendar years. When CEuropean explorers first traveled to the area, these islands were inhabited by the Chumash, some of the most populous and culturally complex hunter-gatherers known. ate Chumash society was characterized by hereditary leaders, sophisticated exchange networks and HO interaction spheres, and diverse maritime economies. Focusing on the archaeology of five sites Perspectives in California Archaeology, Volume 8 dated to the last 3,000 years, this book examines the archaeology and historical ecology of San L O Series Editor: Jeanne E. Arnold Miguel Island, the westernmost and most isolated of the northern Channel Islands. Detailed CE faunal, artifact, and other data are woven together in a diachronic analysis that investigates the N interplay of social and ecological developments on this unique island. The first to focus solely on E Cotsen Institute of Archaeology S San Miguel Island archaeology, this book investigates issues ranging from coastal adaptations to A University of California, Los Angeles emergent cultural complexity to historical ecology and human impacts on ancient environments. N M I “This is an exceptionally fine piece of research ... It is well written, well researched, and presents G UEL important findings from a fascinating but under-researched corner of the Chumash archaeology world. It definitely represents a major contribution to California archaeology and prehistory.” I SLA — Terry L.
  • Weather and Climate Monitoring Protocol, Channel Islands National Park, California

    Weather and Climate Monitoring Protocol, Channel Islands National Park, California

    Prepared in cooperation with the National Park Service Weather and Climate Monitoring Protocol, Channel Islands National Park, California Techniques and Methods 2–B1 U.S. Department of the Interior U.S. Geological Survey Cover photo caption: Santa Rosa Island, Channel Islands National Park Remote Automated Weather Station antenna, view to North. Photograph by Rockne Rudolph, National Park Service, 2006. Weather and Climate Monitoring Protocol, Channel Islands National Park, California By Kathryn McEachern, Paula Power, Linda Dye, and Rocky Rudolph Chapter 1 of Section B, Climatological Science Book 2, Collection of Environmental Data Prepared in cooperation with the National Park Service Techniques and Methods 2–B1 U.S. Department of the Interior U.S. Geological Survey U.S. Department of the Interior DIRK KEMPTHORNE, Secretary U.S. Geological Survey Mark D. Myers, Director U.S. Geological Survey, Reston, Virginia: 2008 For product and ordering information: World Wide Web: http://www.usgs.gov/pubprod Telephone: 1-888-ASK-USGS For more information on the USGS--the Federal source for science about the Earth, its natural and living resources, natural hazards, and the environment: World Wide Web: http://www.usgs.gov Telephone: 1-888-ASK-USGS Any use of trade, product, or firm names is for descriptive purposes only and does not imply endorsement by the U.S. Government. Although this report is in the public domain, permission must be secured from the individual copyright owners to reproduce any copyrighted materials contained within this report. Suggested citation: McEachern, Kathryn; Power, Paula; Dye, Linda; and Rudolph, Rocky, 2008, Weather and climate monitoring protocol, Channel Islands National Park, California: U.S.
  • The History of Farallon Island Marine Bird Populations, 1854-1972

    The History of Farallon Island Marine Bird Populations, 1854-1972

    THE HISTORY OF FARALLON ISLAND MARINE BIRD POPULATIONS, 1854-1972 DAVID G. AINLEY AND T. JAMES LEWIS Point Reyes Bird Observatory Bolinas, California 94924 The marine bird populations of the Farallon THE FARALLON ISLANDS Islands, California, have long been of great The Farallones are a group of five granitic islands interest to ornithologists. In fact, the first and associated rocks that lie at the edge of the scientific information on the status of these continental shelf off Central California, -due west populations dates back to a series of publica- of San Francisco (fig.I, 1). This naner and almost all previous reports concern South -Farallon Island tions that, in the l%Os, marked the very be- which, with its accompanying offshore rocks, is about ginnings of modern ornithology in western 44 ha in area and is the largest of the group. The North America: the Reports, of Explorations North Farallon Islands lie about 8 km NW of South and Surveys, to Ascertain the Most Practicable Farallon, and together are probably less than 1 ha in area. Hence, the number of birds they support and Economic Route for a Railroad from the is small. They are practicallv inaccessible to humans Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean. Since because of their sheer cliffs. The remaining islets those Reports, more than 70 articles and books of the Farallon group are either continually or often have been published that describe the wild- awash by the sea. life, and mainly the birds, of the Farallones. The reasons for all the interest are readily evi- METHODS dent.