The Changing Paradigm of Indonesian Jihadist
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Bab I Pendahuluan
BAB I PENDAHULUAN A. Latar Belakang Masalah KetikabangsaIndonesiabersepakatuntukmemproklamasikankemerdeka an Indonesia pada tanggal 17 Agustus 1945, para bapak pendiribangsa (the founding father) menyadari bahwa paling tidak ada tigatantangan besar yang harus dihadapi. Tantangan yang pertama adalahmendirikan negara yang bersatu dan berdaulat. Tantangan yang keduaadalah membangun bangsa. Dan tantangan yang ketiga adalah membangunkarakter. Ketiga hal tersebut secara jelas tampak dalam konsep negarabangsa (nation-state) dan pembangunan karakter bangsa (nation andcharacter building). Pada implementasinya kemudian upaya mendirikannegara relatif lebih cepat jika dibandingkan dengan upaya untukmembangun bangsa dan karakter. Kedua hal terakhir itu terbukti harusdiupayakan terus-menerus, tidak boleh putus di sepanjang sejarah kehidupankebangsaan Indonesia. 1 Dan dalam hemat penulis, salah satu langkah untukmembangun bangsa dan karakter ialah dengan pendidikan. Banyak kalangan memberikan makna tentang pendidikan sangatberagam, bahkan sesuai dengan pandangannya masing-masing. AzyumardiAzra memberikan pengertian tentang “pendidikan” adalah merupakan suatuproses dimana suatu bangsa mempersiapkan generasi mudanya untukmenjalankan kehidupan dan untuk memenuhi tujuan hidup 1 2 secara efektif dan efisien. Bahkan ia menegaskan, bahwa pendidikan adalah suatu proses dimana suatu bangsa atau negara membina dan mengembangkan kesadaran diri diantara individu-individu.2 Di samping itu penddikan adalah suatu hal yang benar-benarditanamkan selain menempa fisik, mental, dan moral bagi individu-individu, agar mereka mejadi manusia yang berbudaya sehingga diharapkanmampu memenuhi tugasnya sebagai manusia yang diciptakan Allah TuhanSemesta Alam, sebagai makhluk yang sempurna dan terpilih sebagaikhalifah-Nya di muka bumi ini yang sekaligus menjadi warga negara 3 yangberarti dan bermanfaat bagi suatu negara. Bangkitnya dunia pendidikan yang dirintis oleh Pahlawan kita Ki HajarDewantara untuk menentang penjajah pada masa lalu, sungguh sangatberarti apabila kita cermati dengan seksama. -
Sistem Ekonomi Dan Dampak Sosial Di Sekitar Masjid Sunan Ampel Surabaya
SISTEM EKONOMI DAN DAMPAK SOSIAL DI SEKITAR MASJID SUNAN AMPEL SURABAYA Disusun oleh : Drs. Edy Yusuf Nur SS, MM., M.Si., M.BA. MANAJEMEN PENDIDIKAN ISLAM FAKULTAS ILMU TARBIYAH DAN KEGURUAN UIN SUNAN KALIJAGA YOGYAKARTA 2017 KATA PENGANTAR Assalamualaikum. Wr. Wb. Puji syukur kami panjatkan kehadirat Allah SWT atas limpahan rahmat dan hidayah-Nya. Sehingga penulis dapat menyelesaikan Penelitian Sistem Ekonomi dan Dampak Sosial di Sekitar Masjid Sunan Ampel Surabaya dengan baik. Penulis mengucapkan banyak terimakasih kepada pihak-pihak yang sudah membantu dalam Penelitian ini. Penulis juga menyadari bahwa Penelitian ini masih kurang dari kata sempurna Oleh karena itu, penulis senantiasa menanti kritik dan saran yang membangun dari semua pihak guna penyempurnaan Penelitian ini. Penulis berharap Penelitian ini dapat memberi apresiasi kepada para pembaca dan utamanya kepada penulis sendiri. Selain itu semoga Penelitian ini dapat memberi manfaat kepada para pembaca. Wassalamualaikum. Wr. Wb. Yogyakarta, 31 Desember 2017 Penyusun BAB I PENDAHULUAN I. LATAR BELAKANG Jawa Timur adalah sebuah provinsi di bagian timur Pulau Jawa, Indonesia dengan ibukotanya adalah Surabaya. Besar dan luas wilayah kota adalah sekitar 326.38 km2, keseluruhan seluas 47.922 km² dengan jumlah penduduk sekitar 37.070.731 jiwa. Provinsi Jawa Timur memiliki wilayah terluas di antara 6 provinsi di Pulau Jawa, dan memiliki jumlah penduduk terbanyak kedua di Indonesia setelah Jawa Barat. Jawa Timur dikenal sebagai pusat Kawasan Timur Indonesia, dan memiliki signifikansi perekonomian yang cukup tinggi, yakni berkontribusi 14,85% terhadap Produk Domestik Bruto nasional. (BPS Surabaya, 2010) Surabaya sebagai ibukota Provinsi Jawa Timur memiliki banyak bangunan serta kawasan bersejarah, yang wajib dipelihara dan dilestarikan melalui kegiatan konservasi. -
Foreign Terrorist Organizations
Order Code RL32223 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Foreign Terrorist Organizations February 6, 2004 Audrey Kurth Cronin Specialist in Terrorism Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Huda Aden, Adam Frost, and Benjamin Jones Research Associates Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Foreign Terrorist Organizations Summary This report analyzes the status of many of the major foreign terrorist organizations that are a threat to the United States, placing special emphasis on issues of potential concern to Congress. The terrorist organizations included are those designated and listed by the Secretary of State as “Foreign Terrorist Organizations.” (For analysis of the operation and effectiveness of this list overall, see also The ‘FTO List’ and Congress: Sanctioning Designated Foreign Terrorist Organizations, CRS Report RL32120.) The designated terrorist groups described in this report are: Abu Nidal Organization (ANO) Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade Armed Islamic Group (GIA) ‘Asbat al-Ansar Aum Supreme Truth (Aum) Aum Shinrikyo, Aleph Basque Fatherland and Liberty (ETA) Communist Party of Philippines/New People’s Army (CPP/NPA) Al-Gama’a al-Islamiyya (Islamic Group, IG) HAMAS (Islamic Resistance Movement) Harakat ul-Mujahidin (HUM) Hizballah (Party of God) Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) Jaish-e-Mohammed (JEM) Jemaah Islamiya (JI) Al-Jihad (Egyptian Islamic Jihad) Kahane Chai (Kach) Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK, KADEK) Lashkar-e-Tayyiba -
Constructing” the Jemaah Islamiyah Terrorist: a Preliminary Inquiry
No. 71 “CONSTRUCTING” THE JEMAAH ISLAMIYAH TERRORIST: A PRELIMINARY INQUIRY Kumar Ramakrishna Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies Singapore OCTOBER 2004 With Compliments This Working Paper series presents papers in a preliminary form and serves to stimulate comment and discussion. The views expressed are entirely the author’s own and not that of the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies The Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS) was established in July 1996 as an autonomous research institute within the Nanyang Technological University. Its objectives are to: • Conduct research on security, strategic and international issues. • Provide general and graduate education in strategic studies, international relations, defence management and defence technology. • Promote joint and exchange programmes with similar regional and international institutions; organise seminars/conferences on topics salient to the strategic and policy communities of the Asia-Pacific. Research Through its Working Paper Series, IDSS Commentaries and other publications, the Institute seeks to share its research findings with the strategic studies and defence policy communities. The Institute’s researchers are also encouraged to publish their writings in refereed journals. The focus of research is on issues relating to the security and stability of the Asia-Pacific region and their implications for Singapore and other countries in the region. The Institute has also established the S. Rajaratnam Professorship in Strategic Studies (named after Singapore’s first Foreign Minister), to bring distinguished scholars to participate in the work of the Institute. Previous holders of the Chair include Professors Stephen Walt (Harvard University), Jack Snyder (Columbia University), Wang Jisi (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences) and Alastair Iain Johnston (Harvard University). -
Mcallister Bradley J 201105 P
REVOLUTIONARY NETWORKS? AN ANALYSIS OF ORGANIZATIONAL DESIGN IN TERRORIST GROUPS by Bradley J. McAllister (Under the Direction of Sherry Lowrance) ABSTRACT This dissertation is simultaneously an exercise in theory testing and theory generation. Firstly, it is an empirical test of the means-oriented netwar theory, which asserts that distributed networks represent superior organizational designs for violent activists than do classic hierarchies. Secondly, this piece uses the ends-oriented theory of revolutionary terror to generate an alternative means-oriented theory of terrorist organization, which emphasizes the need of terrorist groups to centralize their operations. By focusing on the ends of terrorism, this study is able to generate a series of metrics of organizational performance against which the competing theories of organizational design can be measured. The findings show that terrorist groups that decentralize their operations continually lose ground, not only to government counter-terror and counter-insurgent campaigns, but also to rival organizations that are better able to take advantage of their respective operational environments. However, evidence also suggests that groups facing decline due to decentralization can offset their inability to perform complex tasks by emphasizing the material benefits of radical activism. INDEX WORDS: Terrorism, Organized Crime, Counter-Terrorism, Counter-Insurgency, Networks, Netwar, Revolution, al-Qaeda in Iraq, Mahdi Army, Abu Sayyaf, Iraq, Philippines REVOLUTIONARY NETWORK0S? AN ANALYSIS OF ORGANIZATIONAL DESIGN IN TERRORIST GROUPS by BRADLEY J MCALLISTER B.A., Southwestern University, 1999 M.A., The University of Leeds, United Kingdom, 2003 A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Georgia in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSPHY ATHENS, GA 2011 2011 Bradley J. -
The Muslim 500 2011
The Muslim 500 � 2011 The Muslim The 500 The Muslim 500 � 2011 The Muslim The 500 The Muslim 500The The Muslim � 2011 500———————�——————— THE 500 MOST INFLUENTIAL MUSLIMS ———————�——————— � 2 011 � � THE 500 MOST � INFLUENTIAL MUSLIMS · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · All rights reserved. No part of this book may be repro- The Muslim 500: The 500 Most Influential Muslims duced or utilised in any form or by any means, electronic 2011 (First Edition) or mechanic, inclding photocopying or recording or by any ISBN: 978-9975-428-37-2 information storage and retrieval system, without the prior · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · written permission of the publisher. Views expressed in The Muslim 500 do not necessarily re- Chief Editor: Prof. S. Abdallah Schleifer flect those of RISSC or its advisory board. Researchers: Aftab Ahmed, Samir Ahmed, Zeinab Asfour, Photo of Abdul Hakim Murad provided courtesy of Aiysha Besim Bruncaj, Sulmaan Hanif, Lamya Al-Khraisha, and Malik. Mai Al-Khraisha Image Copyrights: #29 Bazuki Muhammad / Reuters (Page Designed & typeset by: Besim Bruncaj 75); #47 Wang zhou bj / AP (Page 84) Technical consultant: Simon Hart Calligraphy and ornaments throughout the book used courtesy of Irada (http://www.IradaArts.com). Special thanks to: Dr Joseph Lumbard, Amer Hamid, Sun- dus Kelani, Mohammad Husni Naghawai, and Basim Salim. English set in Garamond Premiere -
"Symbolic Politics", Democratization and Indonesian Foreign Policy
Centro Argentino de Estudios Internacionales www.caei.com.ar Islam “Symbolic Politics”1, Democratization and Indonesian Foreign Policy By Anak Agung Banyu Perwita “If someone is able to separate sugar from its sweetness, he will be able to separate Islam religion from politics” (Wahab Chasbullah)2 “The Islamic movement should detach itself from involvement in politics. Islam is a moral force, a way to promote morality” (Abdurrahman Wahid)3. Introduction. The two quotations, above, clearly suggest an endlessly debate about the political role of Islam in Indonesia’s politics. This article discusses the role of political Islam4 in Indonesian politics and the dynamics of the interaction between the Muslim society and the State in the Indonesian political system. It provides the domestic context of the role Islam in Indonesia’s politics, which serves as the platform of the position of political Islam in Indonesia’s foreign policy in the post- Soeharto era. It will also briefly elaborate the development of Indonesia’s external environment (globalization) as an integral element of foreign policy. However, the extent to which the Islamic—as a “religio-politics”5-- factor played a significant role in Indonesian foreign policy has been subject to debate. Therefore, this article will assess the hypothesis that “foreign policies are also influenced by the religious views and beliefs of policymakers and their constituents”.6 1 Symbolic politics can be defined as “collective process of construction, distribution and internalization of political symbols (Phrases, images, norms, rules etc) which present a significant influence on foreign policy during the democratization process”. See Corneliu Bjola (2000). -
Religious Freedom Implications of Sharia Implementation in Aceh, Indonesia Asma T
University of St. Thomas Law Journal Volume 7 Article 8 Issue 3 Spring 2010 2010 Religious Freedom Implications of Sharia Implementation in Aceh, Indonesia Asma T. Uddin Bluebook Citation Asma T. Uddin, Religious Freedom Implications of Sharia Implementation in Aceh, Indonesia, 7 U. St. Thomas L.J. 603 (2010). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UST Research Online and the University of St. Thomas Law Journal. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ARTICLE RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IMPLICATIONS OF SHARIA IMPLEMENTATION IN ACEH, INDONESIA ASMA T. UDDIN* INTRODUCTION On Monday, September 14, 2009, the provincial legislature in Aceh, Indonesia passed Sharia regulations imposing stringent criminal punish- ments for various sexual offenses, such as adultery and fornication.1 Sharia, literally meaning “way to a watering place,” is a set of divine principles that regulate a Muslim’s relationship with God and man by providing social, moral, religious, and legal guidance. It is implemented through fiqh, or Is- lamic jurisprudence, which is the science of interpreting religious texts in order to deduce legal rulings. The Acehnese Sharia regulations are the latest manifestations of a process of formal implementation of Sharia that began in 2002 in Aceh.2 Given the gravity of the associated punishments, the reg- ulations have caught national and international attention, with human rights activists across the world decrying the severity of the corporal punishments imposed by the regulations. Much less frequently scrutinized are the regula- tions’ implications for other human rights—such as religious freedom. This paper analyzes these regulations’ religious freedom implications for both Muslims and non-Muslims. -
The War on Terror and the Future of Indonesian Democracy
This document is downloaded from DR‑NTU (https://dr.ntu.edu.sg) Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. The war on terror and the future of Indonesian democracy Tatik S. Hafidz. 2003 https://hdl.handle.net/10356/100095 Nanyang Technological University Downloaded on 26 Sep 2021 18:19:33 SGT ATTENTION: The Singapore Copyright Act applies to the use of this document. Nanyang Technological University Library No. 46 The War On Terror And The Future Of Indonesian Democracy Tatik S. Hafidz Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies Singapore MARCH 2003 With Compliments This Working Paper series presents papers in a preliminary form and serves to stimulate comment and discussion. The views expressed are entirely the author’s own and not that of the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies. ATTENTION: The Singapore Copyright Act applies to the use of this document. Nanyang Technological University Library The Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS) was established in July 1996 as an autonomous research institute within the Nanyang Technological University. Its objectives are to: Conduct research on security, strategic and international issues. Provide general and graduate education in strategic studies, international relations, defence management and defence technology. Promote joint and exchange programmes with similar regional and international institutions; organise seminars/conferences on topics salient to the strategic and policy communities of the Asia-Pacific. Research Through its Working Paper Series, IDSS Commentaries and other publications, the Institute seeks to share its research findings with the strategic studies and defence policy communities. The Institute’s researchers are also encouraged to publish their writings in refereed journals. -
Name and Address Supplied
CURRENT AND FUTURE DANGERS IN AUSTRALIA'S RELATIONS WITH INDONESIA ALL words and sentences in Red above and throughout this ciocament must he omitted ' from any publicly released documents. ;P1 ' I SUMMARYOF KEY ISSUES RAISED IN THIS PAPER: 1. Dangers to Australia's long-term security caused by a variety of factors influencing the course of events in Indonesia. 2. The probability of a large-scale refugee exodus to Australia within the next 3-5 years if oppression of minority groups left unchecked. 3. Recently discussions with a number of local Indonesian and overseas leaders regarding the concerns of Islamists controlling the national agenda 4. What can Australia do to help create better relations with Indonesia and to help Indonesia to be a more stable and reliable partner? 1. Dangers to Australia's long-term security caused by a variety of factors influencing the course of events in Indonesia. a. Despite the oflcial disbanding of the "Laskar Jihad" there are still ongoing & only partially restrained attacks by the Islamic "Jihad" and their trained followers in Central Sulawesi, Ambon, and North Maluku. The Islamic Jihad is a network or brotherhood consisting of numerous organizations whose goal is the establishing of Islamic Sharia Law throughout Indonesia and Indonesia becoming an Islamic State. Some of the more visionary radical elements aligned with "Jama 'ah Islamiyah " want to establish a S.E.Asian Islamic nation which would then set its goal on conquering, if necessary by force, other nations in the region, such as Australia, for Islam. To the present time these Islamic Jihad forces are acting with impunity and apparent immunity, although the Bali bombing seems to have caused a temporary halt to many of the major attacks, but in their place there has been a massive increase in the numbers of small bombings and bomb-threats throughout the country: 1. -
9/11 Report”), July 2, 2004, Pp
Final FM.1pp 7/17/04 5:25 PM Page i THE 9/11 COMMISSION REPORT Final FM.1pp 7/17/04 5:25 PM Page v CONTENTS List of Illustrations and Tables ix Member List xi Staff List xiii–xiv Preface xv 1. “WE HAVE SOME PLANES” 1 1.1 Inside the Four Flights 1 1.2 Improvising a Homeland Defense 14 1.3 National Crisis Management 35 2. THE FOUNDATION OF THE NEW TERRORISM 47 2.1 A Declaration of War 47 2.2 Bin Ladin’s Appeal in the Islamic World 48 2.3 The Rise of Bin Ladin and al Qaeda (1988–1992) 55 2.4 Building an Organization, Declaring War on the United States (1992–1996) 59 2.5 Al Qaeda’s Renewal in Afghanistan (1996–1998) 63 3. COUNTERTERRORISM EVOLVES 71 3.1 From the Old Terrorism to the New: The First World Trade Center Bombing 71 3.2 Adaptation—and Nonadaptation— ...in the Law Enforcement Community 73 3.3 . and in the Federal Aviation Administration 82 3.4 . and in the Intelligence Community 86 v Final FM.1pp 7/17/04 5:25 PM Page vi 3.5 . and in the State Department and the Defense Department 93 3.6 . and in the White House 98 3.7 . and in the Congress 102 4. RESPONSES TO AL QAEDA’S INITIAL ASSAULTS 108 4.1 Before the Bombings in Kenya and Tanzania 108 4.2 Crisis:August 1998 115 4.3 Diplomacy 121 4.4 Covert Action 126 4.5 Searching for Fresh Options 134 5. -
A REAL THREAT from WITHIN: Muhammadiyah's Identity
Suaidi Asyari A REAL THREAT FROM WITHIN: Muhammadiyah’s Identity Metamorphosis and the Dilemma of Democracy Suaidi Asyari IAIN Sulthan Thaha Saifuddin - Jambi Abstract: This paper will look at Muhammadiyah as a constantly metamorphosing organism from which have grown modernist-reformist, liberalist progressive, political pragmatist and potentially violent fundamentalist-radical Muslims. It will argue that the trajectory passed by and the victory of the radical-puritan element in the National Congress 2005 can potentially become an obstacle for Muhammadiyah's involvement in the process of implementing democratic values in Indonesia in the future. To keep watching Muhammadiyah’s trajectory is crucially important due to the fact that this organization is one of the powerful forces in the world toward the democratization process. In order to be on the right track of democracy, Muhammadiyah has to be able to cope with its internal disputes over democratic values. Only by means of coping with these internal disputes can this organization ensure its role in propagating and disseminating democratic ideas as well as practices in Indonesia. Keywords: Muhammadiyah, metamorphoses, identity, democracy Introduction: An Overview of Muhammadiyah To date, Muhammadiyah has been plausibly assumed to be a moderate Islamic organization which is in a similar position to Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and does not have any connections with radical individuals or organizations that could be associated with radical Islamic ideology. This paper will I argue that there are some important 18 JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Volume 01, Number 01, June 2007 Muhammadiyah and the Dilemma of Democracy factors that have been overlooked or ignored in this understanding of Muhammadiyah.