SETTLEMENT ORGANIZATION AND ARCHITECTURE IN LATE INTERMEDIATE PERIOD CHACHAPOYAS, NORTHEASTERN

Anna Guengerich

Chachapoya societies that lived on the forested eastern slopes of the in northern Peru between A.D. 1000 and 1450 remain largely absent from broader narratives of the Andean Late Intermediate period (LIP). This paper argues that envi - ronmentally deterministic frameworks and lingering Inka biases have led scholars to problematically isolate Chachapoyans from their highland contemporaries. This work reviews three aspects of Chachapoya built environments— settlement pat - terning, internal organization, and architectural style— in order to provide a baseline for comparison with other regions. Chachapoyas shared a pattern of hilltop settlement locations with nearly all of the highlands, which suggests that its inhab - itants faced the same shared factors that prompted changes in settlement organization on a massive scale in this region during the LIP. At the same time, comparison of Chachapoya built environments with others of the northern, central, and southern highlands highlights the considerable diversity within and between regions. This demonstrates that Chachapoyas is best interpreted as simply one of many regions that were characterized by distinctive spatialities and architectural forms. These reflected locally specific cultural practices and social institutions. Including Chachapoyas and other regions of the Eastern Andes in accounts of the LIP underscores the diversity and dynamism that characterized this period of significant change in Andean history.

Las sociedades chachapoyas que habitaron en las vertientes orientales de los Andes del norte de Perú entre 1000––1450 d.C. siguen ausentes de la historiografía general del Período Intermedio Tardío. Este trabajo plantea la idea de que el determinismo ambiental y la influencia de la ideología inka han resultado en el aislamiento analítico de los chachapoya de sus contemporáneos en la sierra, a pesar de que las investigaciones regionales siguen brindando más evidencias de las interconexiones que existieron entre la sierra y las vertientes orientales de los Andes. En este artículo se examinan tres aspectos de los paisajes construidos de Chachapoyas— los patrones de asentamiento, la organización interna y el estilo arquitectónico— para producir una base de comparación con otras regiones. Chachapoyas compartió con casi toda la sierra un patrón de asentamiento en lugares elevados, el cual sugiere que los habitantes de esta región enfrentaron los mismos factores que provocaron cambios a gran escala en los asentamientos durante esta época. A la misma vez, la comparación de los paisajes construidos de Cha - chapoyas con otros de la sierra norte, central y sur, muestra la gran diversidad entre y dentro de cada región. Ésta implica que Chachapoyas presenta sólo un ejemplo de muchas sociedades regionales que se caracterizaron por espacialidades y formas arquitectónicas distintas, las cuales evidencian prácticas culturales e instituciones sociales locales. De este modo, la integración de Chachapoyas en las historias arqueológicas ayuda a poner énfasis en la diversidad y el dinamismo que carac - terizaron esta época de cambios importantes en el pasado andino.

he Chachapoyas region, located east of Ca - processes that took place during the Late Inter - jamarca in northern Peru, remains a place mediate period (LIP) in the highland Andes (e.g., set apart (Figure 1). Despite being home Conlee et al. 2004; Covey 2008; Dulanto 2008). 1 to some of the most famous archaeological sites This paper addresses some of the reasons why Tin Peru—including Kuelap, Gran Pajatén, and La - this situation has come about and why it should guna de los Cóndores— as well the subject of an be of concern to researchers who work elsewhere increasing amount of research in the past 15 years, in the Andes. rarely does this region find its way into archaeo - I argue that LIP Chachapoyas has been unde - logical accounts of the social and cultural servedly “othered” in relationship to contempo - Ⅲ Anna Guengerich Vanderbilt University, Department of Anthropology, 124 Garland Hall, Nashville, TN 37235 ([email protected])

Latin American Antiquity 26(3), 2015, pp. 362 –381 Copyright © 2015 by the Society for American Archaeology DOI: 10.7183/1045-6635.26.3. 362

362 Guengerich] SETTLEMENT ORGANIZATION AND ARCHITECTURE IN LATE INTERMEDIATE PERIOD CHACHAPOYAS 363

Figure 1. Location of Chachapoyas in Peru.

raneous highland societies, when in fact its in - traditions that were developed by local groups habitants confronted circumstances similar to (e.g., Bonnier 1997; Kosiba 2011; Zovar 2007). those of other Andeans as they created new built I begin by discussing existing models of environments during this period of change. Fur - Chachapoya social organization and material cul - thermore, a comparison of settlement organization ture, examining in particular how scholarship has and architecture in Chachapoyas and other regions shaped and been shaped by a perception of this of the northern, central, and southern highlands region as qualitatively unlike the rest of the Andes. demonstrates the diversity seen throughout the This is followed by an overview of the space and highlands, rather than revealing some fundamental architecture of Chachapoya settlements. This distinction separating Chachapoyas from all other dataset facilitates comparison with other parts of areas. By comparing Chachapoyas with the rest the Andean highlands, where research on the LIP of the highland Andes, this paper joins existing has often taken the form of survey and studies of calls to move beyond generalized narratives of spatial organization. This discussion builds in par - the LIP as a time of conflict, collapse, and hardship ticular on recent research at the settlement site of in order to examine the vibrant social and material Monte Viudo, a village that was home to one to 364 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 26, No. 3, 2015

Figure 2 . Chachapoyas, with sites mentioned in text. Shading indicates the distribution of Chachapoya material culture.

two thousand people between A.D. 1250 and 1450 of the Huallaga River on the east, and south from (Guengerich 2014a). The paper concludes by con - modern Baguas to Pataz and Pías in northern La textualizing Chachapoya built environments in Libertad (Figure 2; Schjellerup 2005:53–58). 2 relationship to other regions of the LIP highlands, Characteristic cultural materials include cliff buri - with the aim of demonstrating the potential con - als in chullpas and in unfired clay sarcophagi tribution of the Eastern Andes to a more robust (Kauffman 2009; von Hagen 2002a), circular understanding of social process in the prehispanic stone buildings with friezes and platform bases Andean world. (Fabre 2006; Guengerich 2014b), appliquéd brownwares and red-painted whitewares (Reichlen Chachapoya Societies, A.D. 1000–1500 and Reichlen 1950; Ruiz 2009), three-dimensional and bas-relief sculpture in stone and wood (Lerche Chachapoya material culture extends from the 1995), and red ochre rock paintings (Koschmieder Marañón River on the west to the upper drainages 2011, 2012; Ruiz 2009). 3 These material forms Guengerich] SETTLEMENT ORGANIZATION AND ARCHITECTURE IN LATE INTERMEDIATE PERIOD CHACHAPOYAS 365

appeared in the region by A.D. 1000 and continued and ethnohistoric research, particularly by Walde - under Inka domination (Church and von Hagen mar Espinoza (1967). According to these models, 2008). Chachapoya political landscapes consisted of The immediate processes leading to the devel - small, autonomous polities made up of one village opment of remain murky. Ra - or several small villages coupled with a larger diocarbon dates spanning the Early Intermediate principal one (Church and von Hagen 2008; period (EIP), the Early Horizon, and the prece - Koschmieder 2015; Schjellerup 2005:449–450). ramic (e.g., Church 1994, 1996; Guengerich Authors often claim that village groups occasion - 2014a:95–104; Koschmieder 2012:35–40; ally formed ephemeral alliances for military ends Narváez 2013; Schjellerup 2005:347–354) attest (e.g., Espinoza 1967:234; Koschmieder 2015:6; that this region had long been a locus of cultural Lerche 1995:33–34), but there is no archaeological development. The limited extent of most excava - or documentary evidence to support this assertion. 5 tions, however, means that our knowledge of ear - Site patterning studies capable of validating these lier populations and their relationship to LIP models, for example, have not yet been under - Chachapoyans remains fragmentary. Some styl - taken. The size of sites did vary considerably, istically Wari artifacts have been found (Church from several dozen to several hundred buildings and von Hagen 2008; Narváez 2013:117, 131; (Schjellerup 2005:305), but it is not clear how Ruiz 2009:74–77), but these were likely the result these were organized spatially or whether their of interaction rather than incorporation into the size distributions were multimodal. The presence empire, given the absence of Wari architecture of relatively monumental masonry constructions and state-built facilities (Church and von Hagen at a number of sites, including Pirka Pirka (Vega 2008:911–913; Schjellerup 2005:453). 1982), La Joya (Muscutt 1998:39–41), La Meseta Like many areas of the Eastern Andes, (Muscutt 2013), and Cerro Las Cruces (Bueno Chachapoyas spans a great variety of environ - and Cornejo 2009) does, however, suggest that mental zones. These range from treeless puna some settlements may have been ritually or polit - (jalka ) as high as 4500 m asl to temperate kichwa ically important for multiple communities. and warm, forested yungas or temple below 1800 The enormous site of Kuelap, with its 20-m- m asl (Schjellerup 2005:33–50). In addition, high platform walls, remains a particular puzzle large expanses of dense cloud forest also cover for understanding regional power structures. On many areas. Accordingly, late prehispanic the basis of size, a few scholars have suggested Chachapoyans probably practiced a variety of that it stood at the apex of a regional state (Brush subsistence regimes, often in quite close prox - 1977:43; Narváez 2013). Others have argued that imity to each other as in the modern period its importance was grounded in its role as a ritual (Brush 1977). Recent research suggests that com - center, perhaps serving as a pilgrimage center munities throughout the region relied on different (Narváez 2013) or the seat of a regional shrine staple crops (Koschmieder 2015), such as tubers (von Hagen 2002b:62). The scale and the labor in the high-altitude Atuén drainage (Guengerich invested in Kuelap— among the largest stone con - 2014a; Schjellerup 2005), maize in the kichwa - structions of precolumbian — predominant Luya area (Koschmieder 2014), and certainly suggest that it was a major center of possibly manioc in still lower areas. 4 Camelid gravity for regional power dynamics, but it re - remains (Guengerich 2014a; Narváez 2013; mains difficult to specify the nature of that role Schjellerup 2005) and their representations until further research addresses this question from (Koschmieder 2011) are found across the perspective of additional sites. Chachapoyas, suggesting that they formed an Historical sources indicate that greater ideologically and economically important re - Chachapoyas was made up of multiple subregional source across ecological zones. groups with ethnic-like characteristics, including the Chillaos, Chilchos, Pacllas, and Chachas (Es - Sociopolitical Organization pinoza 1967; Zevallos 1995). This is increasingly Existing models of Chachapoya political organi - supported archaeologically by evidence of geo - zation derive essentially from Spanish chronicles graphical patterning in material culture, including 366 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 26, No. 3, 2015

frieze motifs (Fabre 2006:116–117; Lerche people than by defensive ones intended to keep 1995:30–31; Schjellerup 2005:448), cliff burial them out (Narváez 2013). interments in sarcophagi or chullpas (Reichlen and Reichlen 1950; but see critiques by Nystrom Extra-regional Interaction et al. [2010]), and the predominance of appliquéd Chachapoyas and other regions of the Eastern An - brownwares or red-painted whitewares in ceramic des have further been marginalized from narratives assemblages (Koschmieder 2015). This raises the of Andean social and cultural development as a question of the extent to which the inhabitants of result of the environmentally deterministic as - this region acted, or perceived themselves, as a sumption that access to these regions would have common group. Schjellerup (2002), for example, been as difficult for ancient peoples as it is for us argues that a sense of pan-regional identity de - today (Church 1996; Lyon 1981; Raymond 1976). veloped only following the incursion of the Inka. Many scholars have asserted that Chachapoyas Chachapoyans have been associated with a cul - developed in relative isolation from other parts of ture of warfare to a degree that other Andeans have the Andes, cut off by dense forests and the deep not. They are regularly portrayed as warriors, in gorge of the Marañón River (e.g., Kauffman contrast to the people of other regions of the An - 2009:26–27; Lerche 1995:23; Schjellerup 2005: dean highlands, where LIP warfare is explained 377, 452). Others have attributed the origins of as a historically specific set of conditions respond - Chachapoya culture to regional groups from else - ing to social or natural changes (e.g., Arkush 2008; where. Bonavía (1968) and Kauffman (2009) have Hyslop 1976; LeBlanc 1981). As Nystrom and argued that this area was first colonized by Inka Toyne (2013) argue, however, this view derives or other highland groups in search of new agri - principally from Spanish chronicles, which were cultural lands. Some scholars contend that it was heavily structured by Inka ideological narratives settled by Amazonian groups who displaced in - and reflect their experience of trying to subdue a digenous populations around A.D. 1000 strongly resistant population. It likely also has (Koschmieder 2015; Lerche 1995), or that gained momentum from a common perception that Chachapoya culture resulted from indigenous Ji - Chachapoyans were culturally linked to the Ama - varoan-related groups emulating neighboring An - zon, which Western— and Inka— historiography deans (Bueno and Cornejo 2009). None of these has portrayed for centuries as a land where inter - models have yet been validated through archaeo - tribal warfare flourished in the absence of law and logical evidence, however, and migrationist argu - political authority. Jivaroan groups in nearby ments in particular are challenged by increasing , for example, have often served scholars evidence of long sequences of autochthonous cul - as a ready parallel for interpreting various aspects tural development (e.g., Church 1994; Guengerich of Chachapoya cultural practice (e.g., Bueno and 2014a; Ruiz 2009; Schjellerup 2005:347–354) Cornejo 2009; Koschmieder 2014; Taylor 1989). similar to what is seen in most of the Andean To be sure, Chachapoyas is characterized by many highlands (e.g., D’Altroy and Hastorf 2001; Her - of the same attributes used to infer the presence of rera 2003; Julien 1988; Parsons et al. 2000, 2013). warfare in other regions, namely hilltop settlement The idea that the inhabitants of this region were patterns and high rates of cranial trauma (Arkush either cut off from the rest of the highlands or only and Tung 2013). Trauma rates, however, are com - passive recipients of cultural changes originating parable to those encountered elsewhere, and elsewhere is particularly belied by a growing body Chachapoya sites are, in fact, rarely characterized of data demonstrating that they participated in far- by the perimeter walls, ditches, and parapets com - flung networks of trade and interaction beginning mon to other areas (Church and von Hagen in the Early Horizon (Church 1996; Church and 2008:913; Lerche 1995:30; Nystrom and Toyne von Hagen 2008). Ceramics spanning the Initial to 2013). The massive wall of Kuelap presents a no - Late periods (100 B.C.–A.D. 1200) have table exception, to be sure, but researchers now been found at many sites (e.g., Narváez 2013:130; recognize that many of its attributes are better ex - Ruiz 2009:70–71; Schjellerup 2005: 352–354, 359), plained by ritual functions designed to integrate and Spondylus shell was present in an EIP ritual Guengerich] SETTLEMENT ORGANIZATION AND ARCHITECTURE IN LATE INTERMEDIATE PERIOD CHACHAPOYAS 367

context at Monte Viudo (Guengerich 2014a:101). Nystrom et al. 2010; Nystrom and Toyne 2013). Interaction with Amazonian societies is attested by Kuelap, Gran Pajatén (Bonavía 1968; Church unusually well preserved organic materials from 1994), and Monte Viudo (Guengerich 2014a) rep - the LIP/Late Horizon site of Laguna de los Cón - resent the most extensively mapped and exca - dores, including feather headdresses and mummi - vated settlement sites; besides these, sketch or fied forest felines (von Hagen 2002a), as well as scale maps, architectural descriptions, and more by lowland gourds from a late LIP ritual deposit at limited excavations have been published from Monte Viudo (Guengerich 2014a:274) and caiman the areas of Luya (Koschmieder 2012, 2015), vertebrae in domestic contexts of an unspecified Cheto (Fabre 2006; Ruiz 2007; Ruiz 2004), south date at Kuelap (Narváez 2013:117). Outside of of Mendoza (Schjellerup et al. 2003, 2009), the Chachapoyas, at the late EIP/Middle Horizon Huabayacu drainage (Bueno and Cornejo 2009), coastal site of San José de Moro, archaeologists and the Utcubamba-Atuén drainage (Langlois have found miniature models of Chachapoya sar - 1939, 1940a, 1940b; Muscutt 1998; Muscutt et cophagi (Fabre 2006:163). Chachapoyas was also al. 1993; Schjellerup 2005:307–377; Thompson the primary source of espingo , a psychotropic nut 1973, 1976). that has been used by Andean groups ranging from Kuelap remains by far the best studied settle - the Moche to the Kallawaya curanderos of modern ment site, yet we should be cautious in using its Bolivia (Wassén 1979). many unusual features as a baseline for general - Unwarranted emphasis on endemic warfare, izations about Chachapoya built environments. migration, and geographic isolation, coupled with, Its perimeter wall is exponentially larger than until very recently, a shortage of survey, excava - any similar feature in the region; it houses the tion, and bioarchaeological data, has given scholars Tintero, a solid structure with a central shaft that little reason to assume that cultural developments is dissimilar to any other construction in taking place in Chachapoyas were germane to Chachapoyas; it contains an unusual number of those elsewhere. As a consequence, Chachapoyas exotic materials, such as obsidian and ceramics; has suffered a fate common to the Eastern Andes and it contains hundreds of human remains, which of remaining stranded between two artificially po - were placed in pits, house floors, terraces, chull - larized bodies of scholarship— the Andes and the pas, and in the perimeter wall (Narváez 2013). Amazon (Kojan 2002; Saignes 1985). Increasing In contrast, Monte Viudo provides a more repre - attention being paid to evidence of extra-regional sentative view of architecture, spatial organiza - exchange is beginning to change this narrative tion, and quotidian practice in most Chachapoya (e.g., Church and von Hagen 2008), offering a villages (Guengerich 2014a). This site exhibits productive avenue for tracing the social mecha - attributes common to settlement sites, including nisms that connected cultural macro-regions. In mountaintop location, steep topography, and the the following section, I turn to another body of absence of perimeter walls and monumental ar - data that likewise helps to illuminate the nature of chitecture. At 300 structures, it is slightly larger the relationship between Chachapoyans and other than average in size. Its built environment consists Andean groups that underwent major social and almost entirely of circular limestone buildings cultural changes during the late pre-Inkaic period. that extend along four ridges that intersect in the form of an X (Figure 3). The earliest date associ - Chachapoya Built Environments ated with a domestic structure at the site is A.D. 775–975, but a set of dates beginning around Archaeological research in Chachapoyas began A.D. 1250 indicates that the principal occupation in earnest only in the late 1960s, and spatial or - was during the second half of the LIP (Guengerich ganization and architecture are among the last 2014b:7). Monte Viudo was abandoned around datasets to be scientifically studied. To date, most the time of Inka incursion into Chachapoyas, as research has focused on the monumental regional suggested by a terminal cluster of radiocarbon center of Kuelap (Narváez 1996a, 1996b, 2013; dates around A.D. 1450 and the near-total absence Ruiz 2009) and on mortuary archaeology and of Inka-style artifacts or architecture (Guengerich bioarchaeology (Fabre et al. 2008; Guillén 2002; 2014a:106–114). 368 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 26, No. 3, 2015

Figure 3. Monte Viudo. Structures mentioned in the text are shaded.

Settlement Locations in conditions of heightened violence (Espinoza 1967:235–236; Langlois 1940b; Narváez 1988). Chachapoya settlements were located on moun - Many of the additional defensive features present taintops, peaks, and ridges, with only a handful of in other regions, however— such as ditches, baf - exceptions known (Langlois 1940a:68; Schjellerup fled entries, and concentric sets of walls (e.g., 2005:308–319). Unfortunately, our currently poor Arkush 2008; Covey 2008; Frye and de la Vega understanding of EIP chronology and our complete 2005; Nielsen 2002; Schreiber 1987; Toohey lack of knowledge of both EIP and LIP settlement 2009)—are not found in Chachapoyas. Parapets patterns give us little sense of when and why peo - have only been identified at Vira Vira (Muscutt et ple began to move to hilltops. Of the dozen settle - al. 1993). Perimeter walls have been recorded at ment sites that have been radiocarbon dated to the five sites (e.g., Langlois 1939; Muscutt et al. 1993; LIP, three have also produced dates from the EIP. Schjellerup 2005:347–354; Thompson 1976). In Nonetheless, in two of these sites the dates come several of these, substantial portions of the settle - from ritual contexts of limited extent (Guengerich ment are located outside the wall. 2014a:98–104; Narváez 2013:150), while the lack The absence of these features, of course, should of primary depositional contexts at the third makes not be taken to imply that defense was not a deter - it difficult to ascertain the nature of EIP occupation mining factor in site location (Arkush and Stanish (Church 1994). 2005). Yet it is important to recognize that, at the As in other parts of the LIP highlands, the im - same time, hilltop settlements offered a number petus for the hilltop settlement pattern has most of advantages. Since flat terrain is scarce in this commonly been attributed to defensive concerns region, communities may have sought to reserve Guengerich] SETTLEMENT ORGANIZATION AND ARCHITECTURE IN LATE INTERMEDIATE PERIOD CHACHAPOYAS 369

Figure 4. Chachapoya settlement sites: (a) Patrón Samana, (b) Yálape, (c) Kuelap, and (d) Vira Vira (adapted from Schjellerup 2005, Ruiz 2007, Narváez 1996a, and Muscutt 1998). 370 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 26, No. 3, 2015

Figure 5 . High-status architecture in Upper Sector West, Monte Viudo: (a) Structure 190; (b) Structure 199; and (c) Structure 195.

more gently sloping areas for crops and camelid rection). Nonetheless, these patterns are not pre - flocks (Church and von Hagen 2008:913). Many sent at all sites. Agglutinated organization was settlements, in fact, are associated with extensive probably in large part a response to the physical terrace systems on lower slopes, many of which constraints of the steep, restricted terrain on which were likely pre-Inkaic (Schjellerup 1992a). Hilltop Chachapoya settlements were built. At Monte Vi - location also prevented erosion, kept villages out udo, squeezing several thousand inhabitants onto of the path of landslides (Church and von Hagen a set of rocky ridges meant that open space was 2008:913), promoted inter-visibility for surveil - at a premium, and patios were reserved for the lance or communication (Fabre et al. 2008:275; houses of high-status residents (Guengerich Schjellerup 2005:448), and kept inhabitants close 2014a:154). At other sites, terraces were often to supernatural entities like apus that inhabited used to increase the amount of flat space within mountain peaks (Schjellerup 1992b:361). villages (e.g., Fabre 2006; Koschmieder 2015; Muscutt et al. 1993; Ruiz 2007; Schjellerup 2005). Internal Settlement Organization Although agglutinative organization suggests The built environments of Chachapoya settlements that site layouts were not centrally planned, this consisted almost entirely of freestanding buildings, does not signify that settlements were unplanned. the vast majority of which were houses (Figure Instead, spatial organization was likely determined 4). These vary from circular to elliptical in form through low-level negotiations between neighbors, and are distributed in patterns that have been de - which may have become heated as the amount of scribed as “agglutinated” or “organic” (Narváez open space at the site decreased over time. At 1996b:93; von Hagen 2002a:139). Narváez Monte Viudo, the main principle behind the spatial (1996b:95) has identified two patterns that also organization of the settlement was the need to characterized some buildings at Kuelap: “radial” keep the freestanding house separate from those (buildings face a shared open space) and “linear” around it. Doors are offset, blocking lines of sight (buildings are distributed in a line, facing one di - between them, houses are not grouped into dis - Guengerich] SETTLEMENT ORGANIZATION AND ARCHITECTURE IN LATE INTERMEDIATE PERIOD CHACHAPOYAS 371

crete clusters or terrace groups, and only in the ported and high-quality goods (DeMarrais 2001). case of Upper Sector West— probably a high- In addition to houses, Chachapoya built envi - status neighborhood— are some houses connected ronments contained various kinds of ritual and by short walls. Only one clear patio group is pre - communal structures. Platform constructions that sent, located near the western end of the site. could legitimately be described as monumental These spatial attributes correlate with data from have been observed at some settlement sites (e.g., excavation: each excavated house contained its Muscutt 2013; Ruiz 1979; Vega 1982). At the ma - own hearth and shared a repeated suite of domestic jority of sites, however, special-purpose buildings activities (Guengerich 2014a:177–181). This sug - were relatively similar in scale to houses and, in gests that a household group occupying a single, fact, often shared their features. For instance, re - physically independent house was the most mean - searchers have identified circular buildings at a ingful basic social unit at Monte Viudo. This form number of sites that were used occasionally or of domestic organization, however, may not have exclusively for ritual practices and intimate com - characterized all Chachapoya communities. For munal gatherings (e.g., Bonavía 1968:18–25; example, at several sites, houses share terraces Koschmieder 2015:27–29; Muscutt 2013:204– (e.g., Koschmieder 2015; Ruiz 2007; Schjellerup 205; Thompson 1973:366). They are set apart by 2005:346), and possibly comprise extended house - features such as murals, distinctive masonry, and hold groups. relatively larger size, as well as by the presence High-status residential sectors have been iden - of distinctive artifacts like quartz, fossils, and un - tified at two of the best studied Chachapoya sites. usually shaped stones. One such building is Struc - At Kuelap, two areas (the “Pueblo Alto” and the ture 90 at Monte Viudo, which at 6.9 m in diameter “Circular Platform”) located near ritual sectors is comparable in size to most houses. Nonetheless, were elevated on retention walls that separated it features two adjacent doorways, an anthropo - them from the rest of the site (Narváez 1996a:98; morphic tenoned head, and a bas-relief human Toyne and Narváez 2014). A high-status sector at face on an interior wall (Guengerich 2014a:222– Monte Viudo, by contrast, was not distinguished 230). Two-door structures have been identified at spatially through formal features such as walls three other Chachapoya settlements as well— but instead by the qualities of its residential ar - Llaqtacocha (Guillén 2000), Kuelap (Narváez chitecture. Houses in “Upper Sector West” (Figure 1996a:100), and La Joya (personal observation). 5) stand out for their greater size, more labor- In two of these instances, they are likewise char - intensive masonry, and higher platform bases than acterized by unusual decorative features, such as the rest of the site. These houses also are the only a bas-relief depiction of monkeys, a very large ones with frieze decorations and possible mortuary niche, and anthropomorphic tenoned stones. structures in their interiors (Guengerich Monte Viudo, in fact, contained an entire sector 2014a:153–155). The households that resided here dedicated to ritual practice, and it was likely typical probably had access to larger kin pools and expe - in this regard. The “Central Sector,” located at the rienced artisans needed for the construction highest part of the site where the four residential process. They also were sanctioned to use archi - sectors meet, contained at least three freestanding tectural symbols of identity— friezes— that other structures dedicated to ritual purposes, as well as community members were not. Notably, though, a complex of two superimposed platforms that their domestic assemblages differed minimally were built during the EIP. The Central Sector was from those of other sectors. This suggests that partially set off from the domestic sectors by a residential architecture was the principal material freestanding wall on its east side (Guengerich means by which household status was constituted, 2014a:219–238). Ritual buildings here included rather than the goods they owned or the practices Structure 90, Structure 33 (a circular platform with they carried out there. This contrasts markedly a circular central shaft), and Structure 120. The with regions such as Xauxa, for example, where latter is a staple-shaped, unroofed structure that elites not only built finer residences, but also used probably served as a shrine where offerings were finer serving wares, brewed more chicha , ate presented to a boulder looming behind it, likely a greater quantities of meat, and owned more im - wak’a (a powerful, animate landscape feature). At 372 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 26, No. 3, 2015

Figure 6. Chachapoya frieze motifs: (a) rhombus and zigzag at Cerro Olán; (b) volute at La Joya; (c) zigzag at Monte Viudo.

many Chachapoya sites, the highest or central- (Guengerich 2014a:238–240). At some sites, flat - most areas often contain natural features and as - tish central open spaces may have served as in - sociated constructions such as terraces, platforms, formal plazas (e.g., Schjellerup 1992a:361, and circular structures whose distinctive attributes 2005:341). The majority of recorded sites, how - suggest that they were non-domestic in nature and ever, were not characterized by plazas or plaza- used for small-scale community rituals (e.g., Mus - like spaces. Mortuary structures also are rarely cutt et al. 1993; Schjellerup 2005:307–368). Rec - present at Chachapoya settlements, in notable tilinear buildings are found near the center of many contrast to much of the LIP highlands. Within sites. Although several have been excavated, their settlements, individuals were interred in house function remains unclear and it is possible that floors, wall niches, terraces, or in natural rock they were related to Inka presence (Guillén 2000:4; clefts (Guengerich 2014a:93; Koschmieder 2012; Koschmieder 2008:17; Langlois 1939; Thompson Narváez 2013; Nystrom et al. 2010; Ruiz 2007, 1976). 2011:103). Shared, constructed mortuary facili - Other ritual spaces were more variable. Plazas ties, such as chullpas and cave burials, were lo - have been identified at a few Chachapoya settle - cated outside settlements (Fabre et al. 2006; ments, but they may have served different func - Kauffman 2009; Koschmieder 2012; von Hagen tions among different communities. At Cerro Las 2002a). The chullpas at Kuelap represent the only Cruces, a multileveled paved plaza is surrounded recorded exception (Ruiz 2011:45–64). Com - by sets of circular buildings embellished with re - muning with ancestors evidently required cessed cross motifs; Bueno and Cornejo (2009) special— and in the case of cliff-tombs and caves, argue on this basis that this site was a locally im - arduous and even perilous— visits to extra-set - portant center. At Monte Viudo, in contrast, a tlement sites. Thus, in most of Chachapoyas, in - small walled plaza at the periphery of Sector West clusive public rituals important to community in - was probably used only by residents of this sector tegration likely took place outside the settlement, Guengerich] SETTLEMENT ORGANIZATION AND ARCHITECTURE IN LATE INTERMEDIATE PERIOD CHACHAPOYAS 373

Figure 7. Masonry variation at Monte Viudo: (a) Structure 251; (b) Structure 219; (c) Structure 64; and (d) Structure 61.

such as at powerful landscape features or chullpas resting directly on the structure walls. This model (Crandall 2014) or else in relatively intimate set - is supported by archaeological evidence, such as tings of the house or small communal buildings the absence of internal postholes at pre-Inkaic (Guengerich 2014a:245–254). sites (e.g., Guengerich 2014b; Koschmieder 2015:27), and the use of thatch is confirmed by Architectural Style the presence of burnt wood and straw in houses Chachapoya houses were large and elaborate con - at Kuelap (Narváez 2013:152). structions. At Monte Viudo, walls stood at least 2 Chachapoya circular architecture is distin - m high. At other sites, walls still standing as high guished by three features unique to this region: as 5 m have been recorded (Koschmieder platform bases, cornices, and friezes (Church and 2012:70). Building diameters were typically 4– von Hagen 2008:914; Schjellerup 2005:203). Plat - 10 m, with averages around 5 m (e.g., Guillén form bases (see Figure 5) are found at most sites 2000; Koschmieder 2015; Narváez 1996a:101; and usually characterize the majority of structures. Schjellerup 2005:370). At Monte Viudo, they They are solid constructions filled with earth and ranged from 2 to 7 m, with an average of 5 m; 90 rubble and do not form a lower story of the build - percent fell between 3 and 6 m (Guengerich ing. At Monte Viudo, they vary from .5 to 4 m in 2014b). House interiors were, therefore, spacious, height. Platform bases fulfilled the same engi - and many daily activities probably took place in - neering function as domestic terraces, enabling doors, which would have been ideal due to the individual structures to be built on steep and rocky rainy climate. This is further suggested at Monte terrain. They also had the aesthetic and social role Viudo by the scarcity of open spaces and patios. of aggrandizing and embellishing the house and— House roofs were probably made of logs and by extension— its inhabitants, as seen in the un - thatch. Drawing on late nineteenth- and early usually high platform bases of Monte Viudo’s twentieth-century descriptions of the last circular high-status Upper Sector West (Guengerich structure in use in Chachapoyas, in the town of 2014b). Platform bases are usually circular in plan, La Jalca, Davis (1996) proposed that prehispanic but rectilinear ones have been found at a number roofs were conical in form, with the wooden frame of sites. 374 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 26, No. 3, 2015

Figure 8 . Features of Chachapoya architecture: (left) house at Kuelap, with platform and grinding stone (batán) ; (right) building at Peña Calata with doorway and niches.

Cornices were always paired with platform community status, since they are always found on bases (Figure 6c). They consist of a ring of flat a small number of structures at a given site. At slabs extending outward from the structure walls Monte Viudo, their use was probably subject to at the juncture between the platform base and the sumptuary restrictions, given that they characterize superstructure. Cornices served as walkways to only 2 percent of structures, all of which were either enter buildings, given that doorways were usually ritual buildings or high-status residences in Upper a considerable distance above the ground surface Sector West. By contrast, other features of houses (e.g., see Figure 5), and they may have also di - at Monte Viudo— such as platform bases, cornices, verted rainfall outward from foundations of build - and niches (found on 51 percent, 16 percent, and ings (Narváez 1996a:102; von Hagen 2002b:92). 10 percent of buildings, respectively)—were exe - They probably had aesthetic aspects, too, and at cuted with varying degrees of skill and are found some sites they are too thin and fragile to have throughout the site (Guengerich 2014b). served a functional purpose as walkways (Fabre Residential architecture had a variety of ad - 2006:102, 122). ditional features (Figure 7), such as niches, Friezes are probably the best-known feature of benches, sleeping platforms, storage bins, sub - Chachapoya architecture. They are made of mo - floor burials or storage chambers, canals, ovens, saic-like patterns of small stones that run in a hor - stone-lined hearths, permanent grinding stones izontal band either around the platform base or (batanes ), semicircular stoops, entrance stairs, above the doorway (Figure 6). In addition to circular rectilinear chambers (possibly for temporary structures, they were also used on domestic terraces burials), wall plaster, interior murals, and antlers (e.g., Koschmieder 2015:9) and chullpas (e.g., von and camelid bones affixed to the walls (Guen - Hagen 2002a). Friezes are found in four geometric gerich 2014a:143–146, 170–194; Koschmieder motifs: zigzags, rhombuses, volutes, and checker - 2012:65–76, 2015; Narváez 1996a; Ruiz 2007; boards (Schjellerup 2005:448). 6 Lerche (1995:46– Schjellerup 2005:307–368; Thompson 1973, 51) has proposed that each motif was iconic of 1976). Many features varied by site and sub- powerful animals— e.g., the zigzag represents a region. Koschmieder (2015), for example, argues serpent, the rhombus a feline eye, etc. More broadly that subterranean storage chambers were char - understood, frieze motifs were likely associated acteristic of the higher-altitude, potato-growing with various aspects of social identity. The geo - areas south of Kuelap and were absent in the graphical distribution of motifs, for example— lower Luya area to the northwest, where warmer rhombuses occur north of Leymebamba, volutes conditions prevented long-term storage of the to the south, and zigzags throughout staple crop, maize. Masonry style also varies Chachapoyas—has led some researchers to propose across Chachapoyas (see Figures 6 and 7). It re - that they signified ethnic affiliation (Schjellerup mains to be investigated whether this reflects 2005:448). Friezes were also likely linked to intra- chronological change (Schjellerup 2005:370, Guengerich] SETTLEMENT ORGANIZATION AND ARCHITECTURE IN LATE INTERMEDIATE PERIOD CHACHAPOYAS 375

448), sub-regional and possibly ethnic differ - and Julien 1983; Mantha 2006; Morris and ences, or other factors. The use of limestone or Thompson 1985; Parsons et al. 2013; Pérez 1988; sandstone for construction tends to vary with lo - Pineda 1989; Salcedo 2010; Schreiber 1987). Most cal geological composition; usually, native ma - researchers have contended that this extremely terials were used for the bulk of masonry, with widespread phenomenon was a response to in - decorative elements created out of contrasting creased inter- or intra-regional conflict following stone (Church 1994; Guillén 2000; Muscutt et the collapse of the Wari and states al. 1993; Schjellerup 2005:307–368). around A.D. 1000 (Arkush 2008; Covey 2008; Masonry variation within sites, however, was Frye and de la Vega 2005; Hyslop 1976; LeBlanc likely related to status differences, as suggested 1981; Nielsen 2002; Schreiber 1987; Toohey by research at Monte Viudo. Six masonry types 2009) or to major climate changes precipitated were identified based on variation in the size, by a severe drought that set in throughout much shape, and extent of modification of stones and of the Andes, at least in the southern and central in the presence of coursing, mortar, and chinking highlands, early in the second millennium A.D. stones (Figure 8; Guengerich 2014a). These types (D’Altroy and Hastorf 2001; Frye and de la Vega index a gradually varying amount of labor required 2005; Graffam 1992; Kellett 2010). for their construction, which, I argue, was a prod - This shift to a hilltop location likely helped uct of the size of the social networks in which the shape several additional architectural features that builder-household was enmeshed. Better- Chachapoya settlements shared with many regions. connected, higher-status households were able to These include stone masonry and “agglomerated” create more durable, beautiful houses, which in or “organic” site layouts comprising repetitive, turn materialized this status for future generations cellular, single-room buildings (Arkush 2005; Bon - (Guengerich 2014b). Since all masonry styles nier 1981, 1997; Dean 2005; DeMarrais 2001; were used contemporaneously, they cannot be in - Frye and de la Vega 2005; Hastings 1985; Ibarra terpreted as products of chronological change. 2014; Kellett 2010; Kosiba 2010; Lavallée and Julien 1983; Mantha 2006; Morris and Thompson Discussion 1985; Nielsen 2002; Parsons et al. 2000, 2013; Pérez 1988; Salcedo 2010; Schreiber 1987; Zovar At this point, I turn to the broader social and cul - 2012). Limited space and steep topography made tural milieu within which Chachapoyans created it not impossible, but certainly costly, to modify their physical landscapes. How do Chachapoya the terrain in order to create plazas, streets, or - built environments inform our understanding of thogonal layouts, and extensive household groups historical processes taking place in the rest of the or room blocks. Rocky outcrops at many hilltop Andean highlands during this period? How does sites may have encouraged stone construction by a comparison with other areas illuminate our un - providing a ready supply of building material, derstanding of Chachapoya built environments? whereas wood or water and soil for tapial (rammed In the first place, Chachapoyas shared a basic earth) had to be brought uphill. Thus, by the end attribute with the rest of the highlands— namely, of the first half of the LIP, Chachapoyans had de - a hilltop-based settlement pattern. Between A.D. veloped many of the same architectural forms as 1000 and 1300, Andeans across this greater region their Andean contemporaries. Although the factors relocated their settlements upward, usually to al - that led to the cultural changes around A.D. 1000 titudes of 3000–3500 m asl and above. By the remain poorly understood for Chachapoyas, the latter half of the LIP, the majority of the population similarity of changes in settlement patterning sug - in virtually every region but Cuzco (Bauer and gests that the inhabitants of this region confronted Covey 2002) lived in concentrated villages located problems shared by the rest of the Andean high - on hilltops and ridge tops (Arkush 2008; Bonnier lands at this time, such as warfare, climate change, 1981, 1997; D’Altroy and Hastorf 2001; Dean or political upheaval. 2005; Frye and de la Vega 2005; Hastings 1985; Beyond these generic similarities, however, Herrera 2003; Ibarra 2014; Julien 1988; Kellett what Chachapoyas adds most to narratives of the 2010; Kosiba 2010; Krzanowski 1977; Lavallée LIP is that it forces us to acknowledge the diversity 376 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 26, No. 3, 2015

and dynamism that characterized this period. As 1981; DeMarrais 2001; Krzanowski 1977; Laval - local groups confronted common challenges, they lée and Julien 1983; Mantha 2006; Matos 1972; drew on their existing traditions, beliefs, and in - Morris and Thompson 1985; Nielsen 2002; Sal - stitutions to formulate solutions that responded to cedo 2010; Thompson 1983; Wernke 2013; Zovar their own needs and to their anticipation of what 2012:176–186). might lie ahead for themselves and their descen - The kinds of ritual and public spatial practice dants. Chachapoya built environments stand out that produced communities also varied regionally. for their emphasis on the aesthetically elaborate, In some areas, platforms, shrines, and powerful freestanding house, with a corresponding de- natural features were located in high and promi - emphasis of open public space, and for the place - nent parts of sites, as in Chachapoyas (Dean 2005; ment of mortuary facilities at a distance from res - Hastings 1985; Ibarra 2014; Matos 1972; Pérez idential areas. Built environments throughout the 1988). Communal mortuary facilities were an es - northern, central, and southern highlands reveal pecially common feature of LIP landscapes, but equally distinctive spatial and architectural sensi - their variable placement corresponds to different bilities unique to their region and community. understandings of their relationship to living kin. When looking within, rather than across sites, this They might be grouped as special sectors within becomes particularly evident in attributes such as settlements (e.g., Bonnier 1981; Hastings 1985; household organization, architectural style, and Kosiba 2010; Mantha 2006; Matos 1972; Nielsen site layout. For example, although houses were 2002; Parsons et al. 2013) or adjacent to them most often circular, rectilinear forms were used (e.g., Arkush 2005; Kellett 2010; Nielsen 2002; in many regions (Kendall 1985; Mantha 2006; Wernke 2013:139–140; Zovar 2012), distributed Matos 1972; Morris and Thompson 1985; Nielsen throughout residential sectors (e.g., Dean 2005; 2002; Wernke 2013). Considerable variations in Morris and Thompson 1985; Parsons et al. 2013; house size— from as little as 3 m in diameter Salcedo 2010), or— as in Chachapoyas— located (Arkush 2005; Dean 2005; Frye and de la Vega at some distance from villages (e.g., Herrera 2003; 2005; Zovar 2012) to over 6 m in areas such as Pérez 1988). In a number of regions, including at Chachapoyas and Wamalí (Morris and Thompson many Chachapoya villages, households kept de - 1985)—suggest different ideologies of, and prac - ceased family members close, within the domestic tices associated with, domestic space. space (D’Altroy and Hastorf 2001; Mantha 2006; Different ideologies of the domestic are fur - Toohey 2009:300–303). thermore seen in the varying ways in which the A vision of the LIP that includes Chachapoyas, household was spatially constituted. Patio groups then, is one of diversity and cultural dynamism. in some regions were formally created through It is important to recognize that this was a period shared walls or domestic facilities (DeMarrais not merely of hardship and rapid change, but also 2001; Morris and Thompson 1985; Nielsen 2002), of cultural regeneration (Janusek 2005; Zovar whereas elsewhere houses simply shared a terrace 2007) and local social and political production or flat open space (Dean 2005; Kellett 2010; (Kosiba 2011). As local groups embarked on the Lavallée and Julien 1983; Pérez 1988). Other ar - endeavor of reconstructing their physical sur - eas, in contrast, were characterized by independent roundings in new environmental settings, this re - single houses similar to Monte Viudo (Bonnier sulted in a kaleidoscope of built environments 1997; Mantha 2006). In Cajamarca and Hu - with distinctive features, ranging from the massive machuco, domestic buildings were not freestand - fortress walls of the Colla to the multistoried mor - ing at all, but organized into long blocks of rooms, tuary towers of the Upper Marañón, the plaza- each with its own entrance (Krzanowski 1977; based room blocks of Cajamarca, and the friezes Pérez 1988; Pineda 1989; Toohey 2009). Vernac - of Chachapoyas. A vision of the LIP that includes ular architecture also varied regionally in con - Chachapoyas is, furthermore, one that acknowl - struction techniques and in the presence and style edges the porosity of “the Andes” as a cultural of features such as niches, benches, door shape, unit. The cultural practices and social institutions roofing materials, internal subdivisions, upper sto - of highlanders not only varied across regions and ries, and so on (Arkush 2005:231–237; Bonnier changed over time (Isbell 1997; Starn 1991), but Guengerich] SETTLEMENT ORGANIZATION AND ARCHITECTURE IN LATE INTERMEDIATE PERIOD CHACHAPOYAS 377 also were never rigidly bounded. Peoples of the Acknowledgments. Funding for this research was provided Eastern Andes faced similar forces of change and by the National Science Foundation (DDIG#1133268), the Fulbright Institute/Mellon Foundation, and the University of shared many cultural practices with highlanders Chicago Department of Social Sciences. The project was ap - (Hastings 1985; Maullama and Perales 2005), but, proved by the Ministerio de Cultura of Peru (Resolución No at the same time, they sustained ongoing engage - 186-DGPC-VPMCIC/MV). Thanks are due to the many in - ments with their lowland neighbors to the east. In dividuals who made the PAPCHA project happen, including fact, the goods that Eastern Andeans procured— co-director Erika Zavaleta Venturo and our team members from Leymebamba and from universities in Peru and North hard chonta wood for staffs of office, feathers for America. I owe special thanks to Jen Zovar, Steve Kosiba, luxury textiles, esoteric knowledge, ritual para - and the anonymous reviewers for insightful and productive phernalia, and especially coca— had for millennia comments on earlier drafts of this work. formed part of the cultural toolkit through which highland and coastal societies constituted them - References Cited selves (Lathrap 1971; Tello 1942). Categorizing Eastern Andeans as “other” or as peripheral is, Arkush, Elizabeth 2005 Colla Fortified Sites: Warfare and Regional Power therefore, doubly problematic: not only does it in the Late Prehispanic Titicaca Basin, Peru. Ph.D. dis - deny the fundamental interconnectedness of pre - sertation. 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The Early Intermediate Tello, Julio C. period (EIP) refers to the period of A.D. 200–600, and Middle 1942 Origen y desarrollo de las civilizaciones prehistóricas Horizon to the period of approximately A.D. 600–1000, asso - andinas. Actos y trabajos científicos del XVII congreso internacional de americanistas, Vol.1, pp.589–720. Lima. ciated in many areas with Tiwanaku and Wari expansion. Thompson, Donald 2. “Chachapoya” refers here to the societies who lived in 1973 Archaeological Investigations in the Eastern Andes this region during A.D. 1000–1500 and shared overarching of Northern Peru. Acts of the 39th International Congress forms of material culture. Terminology has not yet been gen - Guengerich] SETTLEMENT ORGANIZATION AND ARCHITECTURE IN LATE INTERMEDIATE PERIOD CHACHAPOYAS 381 erally established to refer to cultural complexes associated area, visited a “land in which there were with earlier periods. large, densely populated villages, which had united one with 3. The local use of the term chullpas refers to a rectilinear the other to form a league for the purpose of war” (my trans - tomb structure, whether freestanding or abutting cliffs or out - lation). crops. In most parts of the Andes, particularly in southern 6. Although the anthropomorphic and avian friezes of Gran Peru, it refers to freestanding structures (Isbell 1997). Pajatén (Bonavía 1968) are most famous, they are the only 4. Manioc starches have been found in domestic contexts known examples of figurative friezes. Their unusual form may at Kuelap (Narváez 2013:145) and Lámud Urco (Koschmieder be either a local variant or related to the Inka presence at this 2010:51). Neither site is low enough for manioc cultivation, site. but both lie in close proximity to lower areas of Chachapoyas where this would have been possible. 5. The source from which this idea derives refers to an event that took place during the context of Spanish incursion. Submitted July 2, 2014; Revised November 24, 2014; Cieza de León (1996:304) describes how, near the Levanto Accepted January 21, 2015.