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'Freaky:' an Exploration of the Development of Dominant

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'Freaky:' an Exploration of the Development of Dominant From ‘Classical’ To ‘Freaky:’ an Exploration of the Development of Dominant, Organised, Male Bodybuilding Culture Dimitrios Liokaftos Department of Sociology, Goldsmiths, University of London Submitted for the Degree of PhD in Sociology February 2012 1 Declaration: The work presented in this thesis is my own. Dimitrios Liokaftos Signed, 2 Abstract Through a combination of historical and empirical research, the present thesis explores the development of dominant, organized bodybuilding culture across three periods: early (1880s-1930s), middle (1940s-1970s), and late (1980s-present). This periodization reflects the different paradigms in bodybuilding that the research identifies and examines at the level of body aesthetic, model of embodied practice, aesthetic of representation, formal spectacle, and prevalent meanings regarding the 'nature' of bodybuilding. Employing organized bodybuilding displays as the axis for the discussion, the project traces the gradual shift from an early bodybuilding model, represented in the ideal of the 'classical,' 'perfect' body, to a late-modern model celebrating the 'freaky,' 'monstrous' body. This development is shown to have entailed changes in notions of the 'good' body, moving from a 'restorative' model of 'all-around' development, health, and moderation whose horizon was a return to an unsurpassable standard of 'normality,' to a technologically-enhanced, performance- driven one where 'perfection' assumes the form of an open-ended project towards the 'impossible.' Central in this process is a shift in male identities, as the appearance of the body turns not only into a legitimate priority for bodybuilding practitioners but also into an instance of sport performance in bodybuilding competition. Equally central, and related to the above, is a shift from a model of amateur competition and non-instrumental practice to one of professional competition and extreme measures in search of the winning edge. Explored in its different facets, the currently dominant paradigm, whose origins are traced back to a late-1960s USA context, is shown to have prevailed through aligning itself with a larger ideology of self-actualization and performance as well as a corporate modus operandi. Despite exhibiting increasingly insular tendencies at a national level in the last 20 years, it is shown to reproduce itself and even expand through its global reach. 3 Table of Contents Preface 8-9 Chapter 1 10-22 Introduction: Genealogy and Scope of the Project Chapter 2 23-49 Literature Review: Works on Bodybuilding and Beyond that Have Helped Shape the Project Chapter 3 50-70 Researching Bodybuilding Cultures: Methods, Processes, and Sources Chapter 4 71-103 Building 'Perfect' Bodies: The Restorative Model of the Early Period (1880s-1930s) Chapter 5 104-133 From 'Ideal Manhood' to 'Muscle For Muscle's Sake:' Shift of Paradigm in the Middle Period (1940s-1970s) Chapter 6 134-153 'Breaking Boundaries:' 'Freaky' Bodies and the Paradigm of Elite Performance Chapter 7 154-178 Machine, Animal, Hardcore: 'Freak' as Dominant Approach to the Embodied Practice, Aesthetic of Representation, and Group Identity Chapter 8 179-206 A 'Monstrous' Practice for Producing the 'Monstrous' Body: Drug Use for Bodybuilding Purposes Chapter 9 207-232 'Extreme Sport' and Corporate Entertainment: The 'Freaky' Body as Commodified Spectacle Further Thoughts and Projects 233-240 Bibliography 241-253 4 List of Images Image 1: Arnold Schwarzenegger in his bodybuilding 'prime' in the mid-1970s Image 2: Photo illustration from the book Life is Movement, Or the Physical Reconstruction and Regeneration of the People (1919) Image 3: Photo illustration from the book How to Pose (1914) Image 4: Publicity material for Eugene Sandow's American vaudeville shows (1894) Image 5: Publicity card of Melvin Burkhart (unidentified year) Image 6: Illustration from the book Muscle Control or Body Development by Will- Power (1911) Image 7: Strength & Health magazine cover, February 1958 Image 8: The Young Physique magazine cover, Vol.5, No.2, 1963 Image 9: Muscle Builder/Power magazine cover, August 1970 Image 10: Publicity poster for the 45th anniversary of the Mr. Olympia contest Image 11: Arnold Schwarzenegger and Ronnie Coleman on the 2004 Mr. Olympia stage Image 12: Dorian Yates training photo at the 'Mecca of Bodybuilding,' Gold's Gym, Venice, California in the early-1990s Image 13: Promotional material for the Animal line of 'hardcore' bodybuilding technologies Image 14: Muscle Builder/Power magazine cover, March 1968 5 Image 15: Dorian Yates months before his 1993 Mr. Olympia victory Image 16: Digital billboard of Mandalay Bay Hotel and Casino hosting the 2004 Mr. Olympia (field trip photo) Image 17: Pictorial from All Natural Muscular Development, August 1998 Image 18: Muscular Development magazine cover, September 2001 6 Acknowledgments I am thankful to my supervisor Vic Seidler for his faith, insights, 'old school' model of practicing thinking and writing, and for being right there with me in the final rounds. To my extended family and friends for their ongoing support, and most notably to Val for making me laugh at myself. To the various other PhD fellows who appear, disappear, and reappear. To the members of Goldsmiths Sociology whose academic work, presence, and integrity are inspiring. To the members of support staff who have always been extremely generous with me. Sincere thanks for their generosity go to all who participated in this research, especially to David Chapman and the directors of the H.J. Lutcher Stark Center for Physical Culture and Sports (University of Texas at Austin) for granting me access to a wealth of archival material. This project is dedicated to my parents who've waited for so long. 7 Preface I have always found bodybuilding interesting. I got introduced to it as a boy, watching Arnold Schwarzenegger's movies on mid-1980s Greek TV and in a Greek bodybuilding magazine called Athlete that often cut and pasted articles and photos from American publications without necessarily acknowledging sources. I sweated with a chest expander at home for quite some time till I was old enough to join a gym for the first time in my home-town, Sparta. My practice became more intense, systematic, and sophisticated when I moved to Athens for my undergraduate studies in English Literature and Culture. I devoured the international muscle magazines along with 6 meals a day and some protein powders imported from the USA and Germany for a couple of years. I also attended my first bodybuilding contest, the 1996 Mr. Hellas, and cheered for a competitor from Sparta, the same guy who owned the gym I had first joined at 15. Over a relatively short period of time, I saw drastic changes in my body and in my perception of myself and the world. For better or worse, I was not able to tell the difference between, on the one hand, the pain that results from productive training and which signals growth and, on the other hand, the pain that comes from counterproductive training and which signals injury. Eventually, though very gradually, I stopped bodybuilding. I have taken it up again recently, even if in a very different way that I assembled partly through doing the present research. Thinking and writing this thesis has involved, among other things, the creative tasks of making unfamiliar and distant what had for years been familiar and dear, as well as the opposite: on the one hand, I had to examine 'objectively' bodybuilding culture and its traditions of looking at and experiencing one's body, those of others, and life more generally, all of which had for some time become 'second nature' to me. On the other hand, I had to manage this in the language and logic of sociological research, a new territory with its own discipline that I got introduced to when I started my PhD. The development of the above I try to present schematically in the introduction that follows, and which I frame in terms of a genealogy of the project. I have chosen to present this not by smoothing out but highlighting a lot of the fluctuations in my thinking and writing. This attempt to do justice to my research process has involved going through what I produced in the past, and appreciating 8 how the reformulation of my conceptual framework and research questions has been in itself a significant part of doing the present work. The introduction concludes with the thesis chapter break-down. Image 1 Arnold Schwarzenegger in his bodybuilding 'prime' in the mid-1970s1 The image above is the poster of Arnold that I cut out from a Greek bodybuilding magazine, hanged on my wall, and exercised under at the age of 12. When I grew up I found it constantly reproduced in print and online bodybuilding magazines, and considered by many in dominant bodybuilding culture as one of his most iconic images. 1Image source: http://www.simplyshredded.com/chest-master-how-arnold-schwarzenegger-built-the- best-chest-of-all-time.html; ac. 08.09.2010. 9 Chapter 1 Introduction: Genealogy and Scope of the Project Genealogy and Scope of the Project The initial spark for the project was an empirical observation: bodybuilding and bodybuilders, particularly those of the 'extreme' type, are talked about as 'freaky' or 'monstrous' by both insiders and outsiders to the bodybuilding culture. For many looking from the 'outside,' the 'freaky' built body is perceived as disgusting, threatening, perverse, and/or grotesque (Lindqvist 2003; Lingis 1994). Common reactions of revulsion and derision are directed not only towards the specular built body but also what is perceived to be a whole subculture of pathology that gives birth to it (Monaghan 2001).2 From the same standpoint, bodybuilding in its form as organized spectacle gets dismissively labelled as a 'freak show.' At the same time, I was equally aware of a fact that not many people outside the bodybuilding culture know or can comprehend: bodybuilders themselves habitually use the term 'freak' or 'monster' to speak of each other.3 In this case, though, the spirit is one of attribution of respect and admiration not only for what one looks like but also, and equally importantly, what they had to do to achieve it.
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