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Discourses of Ethno-Nationalism and Religious Fundamentalism
DISCOURSES OF ETHNO-NATIONALISM AND RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM SRI LANKAN DISCOURSES OF ETHNO-NATIONALISM AND RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM By MYRA SIVALOGANATHAN, B.A. A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts McMaster University © Copyright by Myra Sivaloganathan, June 2017 M.A. Thesis – Myra Sivaloganathan; McMaster University – Religious Studies. McMaster University MASTER OF ARTS (2017) Hamilton, Ontario (Religious Studies) TITLE: Sri Lankan Discourses of Ethno-Nationalism and Religious Fundamentalism AUTHOR: Myra Sivaloganathan, B.A. (McGill University) SUPERVISOR: Dr. Mark Rowe NUMBER OF PAGES: v, 91 ii M.A. Thesis – Myra Sivaloganathan; McMaster University – Religious Studies. Abstract In this thesis, I argue that discourses of victimhood, victory, and xenophobia underpin both Sinhalese and Tamil nationalist and religious fundamentalist movements. Ethnic discourse has allowed citizens to affirm collective ideals in the face of disparate experiences, reclaim power and autonomy in contexts of fundamental instability, but has also deepened ethnic divides in the post-war era. In the first chapter, I argue that mutually exclusive narratives of victimhood lie at the root of ethnic solitudes, and provide barriers to mechanisms of transitional justice and memorialization. The second chapter includes an analysis of the politicization of mythic figures and events from the Rāmāyaṇa and Mahāvaṃsa in nationalist discourses of victory, supremacy, and legacy. Finally, in the third chapter, I explore the Liberation Tiger of Tamil Eelam’s (LTTE) rhetoric and symbolism, and contend that a xenophobic discourse of terrorism has been imposed and transferred from Tamil to Muslim minorities. Ultimately, these discourses prevent Sri Lankans from embracing a multi-ethnic and multi- religious nationality, and hinder efforts at transitional justice. -
Nationalism, Internationalism and Chinese Foreign Policy CHEN ZHIMIN*
Journal of Contemporary China (2005), 14(42), February, 35–53 Nationalism, Internationalism and Chinese Foreign Policy CHEN ZHIMIN* This article examines the role of nationalism in shaping Chinese foreign policy in the history of contemporary China over the last 100 years. Nationalism is used here as an analytical term, rather than in the usual popular pejorative sense. By tracing the various expressions of contemporary Chinese nationalism, this article argues that nationalism is one of the key enduring driving forces which have shaped Chinese foreign policy over the period; as China increasingly integrates herself into this globalized and interdependent world and Chinese confidence grows, the current expression of Chinese nationalism is taking a more positive form, which incorporates an expanding component of internationalism. In recent years, nationalism has been one of the key focuses in the study of China’s foreign policy. In the 1990s, several Chinese writers started to invoke the concept of nationalism, both in their study of Chinese foreign policy and in their prescriptions for the Chinese foreign policy. Likewise, in English-language scholarship the study of Chinese nationalism largely sets the parameters of the debate about the future of Chinese foreign policy and the world’s response to a rising China. An overarching theme of this Western discourse is a gloomy concern with the worrisome nature of recent expressions of Chinese nationalism. Samuel P. Huntington was famously concerned about China’s intention ‘to bring to an end the -
Introduction
© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. Introduction The Invention of an Ethnic Nationalism he Hindu nationalist movement started to monopolize the front pages of Indian newspapers in the 1990s when the political T party that represented it in the political arena, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP—which translates roughly as Indian People’s Party), rose to power. From 2 seats in the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Indian parliament, the BJP increased its tally to 88 in 1989, 120 in 1991, 161 in 1996—at which time it became the largest party in that assembly—and to 178 in 1998. At that point it was in a position to form a coalition government, an achievement it repeated after the 1999 mid-term elections. For the first time in Indian history, Hindu nationalism had managed to take over power. The BJP and its allies remained in office for five full years, until 2004. The general public discovered Hindu nationalism in operation over these years. But it had of course already been active in Indian politics and society for decades; in fact, this ism is one of the oldest ideological streams in India. It took concrete shape in the 1920s and even harks back to more nascent shapes in the nineteenth century. As a movement, too, Hindu nationalism is heir to a long tradition. Its main incarnation today, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS—or the National Volunteer Corps), was founded in 1925, soon after the first Indian communist party, and before the first Indian socialist party. -
Reporting in Chennai, India: Selected Articles by Rajeev Ravisankar
The Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race & Ethnicity 433 Mendenhall Laboratory 125 South Oval Mall Columbus, OH 43210 www.kirwaninstitute.org Reporting in Chennai, India: Selected Articles by Rajeev Ravisankar Recently, I returned to Columbus, Ohio after completing a 10-month post-graduate diploma course at the Asian College of Journalism in Chennai (Madras), India. It began on July 14, 2007 and finished on May 3, 2008. The program was divided into three semesters, the first devoted mainly to lectures covering the fundamentals of journalism, political and social issues in India, as well as historical and legal aspects of media and core courses aimed at honing our media skills. As the year progressed, we focused more on our particular streams, in my case print journalism, which involved producing a student publication. This included a 24 page issue with content from the ‘covering deprivation’ component of the course. In the last semester we continued taking elective courses, produced a 24 page magazine and also worked on research papers and investigative projects. The space and choice provided by the college with regard to covering stories allowed me to engage with issues such as class, gender, caste, development, and more broadly the role of the state in communities, specifically those that are disadvantaged. Below, I have included some articles and project work that address these issues. Naxalism through the media lens page 2 Alcoholism in indigenous communities page 4 Saffronising schools: Right-wing incursions into education page -
The Centralia the Origin and the Basics
1 The Centralia The Origin and the Basics o see what China is and represents takes one to an ocean of information Tabout 20 percent of the humankind living on a continent over millennia. Appropriate to its mountainous volume, the existing knowledge of China is defiled by countless myths and distortions that often mislead even the most focused about China’s past, present, and future. Generations of students of China have translated and clarified much of the Chinese mystique. Many sturdy Chinese peculiarities, however, persist to impede standardization and general- ization of China studies that still critically need more historically grounded researches (Perry 1989, 579–91). To read the Chinese history holds a key to a proper understanding of China. Yet, the well-kept, rich, and massive Chi- nese historical records are particularly full of deliberate omissions, inadvertent inaccuracies, clever distortions, and blatant forgeries. A careful, holistic, and revisionist deciphering of the Chinese history, therefore, is the prerequisite to opening the black box of Chinese peculiarities. The first step is to clarify the factual fundamentals of China, the Centralia, that are often missed, miscon- strued, or misconceived. The revealed and rectified basics inform well the rich sources and the multiple origins of China as a world empire. This chapter thus explores the nomenclature, the ecogeography, the peoples, and the writing of history in the Chinese World. The starting point is the feudal society prior to the third century BCE, the pre-Qin Era when the Eastern Eurasian continent was under a Westphalia-like world order. The Chinese Nomenclature: More than Just Semantics China (Sina in Latin, Cīna in Sanskrit, and Chine in French) is most prob- ably the phonetic translation of a particular feudal state, later a kingdom in today’s Western China (䦎⚥ the Qin or the Chin, 770–221 BCE) that 9 © 2017 State University of New York Press, Albany 10 The China Order became an empire and united and ruled the bulk of East Asian continent (䦎㛅 221–207 BCE). -
Gandhi's View on Judaism and Zionism in Light of an Interreligious
religions Article Gandhi’s View on Judaism and Zionism in Light of an Interreligious Theology Ephraim Meir 1,2 1 Department of Jewish Philosophy, Bar-Ilan University, Ramat Gan 5290002, Israel; [email protected] 2 Stellenbosch Institute for Advanced Study (STIAS), Wallenberg Research Centre at Stellenbosch University, Stellenbosch 7600, South Africa Abstract: This article describes Gandhi’s view on Judaism and Zionism and places it in the framework of an interreligious theology. In such a theology, the notion of “trans-difference” appreciates the differences between cultures and religions with the aim of building bridges between them. It is argued that Gandhi’s understanding of Judaism was limited, mainly because he looked at Judaism through Christian lenses. He reduced Judaism to a religion without considering its peoplehood dimension. This reduction, together with his political endeavors in favor of the Hindu–Muslim unity and with his advice of satyagraha to the Jews in the 1930s determined his view on Zionism. Notwithstanding Gandhi’s problematic views on Judaism and Zionism, his satyagraha opens a wide-open window to possibilities and challenges in the Near East. In the spirit of an interreligious theology, bridges are built between Gandhi’s satyagraha and Jewish transformational dialogical thinking. Keywords: Gandhi; interreligious theology; Judaism; Zionism; satyagraha satyagraha This article situates Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi’s in the perspective of a Jewish dialogical philosophy and theology. I focus upon the question to what extent Citation: Meir, Ephraim. 2021. Gandhi’s religious outlook and satyagraha, initiated during his period in South Africa, con- Gandhi’s View on Judaism and tribute to intercultural and interreligious understanding and communication. -
Rahul Sagar, Hindu Nationalists and the Cold
Chapter Ten Hindu Nationalists and the Cold War Rahul Sagar It is generally accepted that during the Cold War divergences between “hope and reality” rendered India and America “estranged democracies.”1 Te pre- cise nature of the Indo- American relationship during these decades remains a subject of fruitful study. For instance, Rudra Chaudhuri has argued that the Cold War’s many crises actually prompted India and the United States to “forge” a more nuanced relationship than scholars have realized.2 Tis chapter does not join this discussion. It examines a diferent side of the story. Rather than study the workings of the Congress Party–afliated political and bureaucratic elite in power during the Cold War, it focuses on the principal Opposition—the ideas and policies of the Hindu Mahasabha, the Jan Sangh, and the Bharatiya Janata Party (bJP), which have championed the cause of Hindu nationalism. Te Cold War–era policies of these parties have not been studied carefully thus far. A common assumption is that these parties had little to say about international afairs or that, to the extent that they had something to say, their outlook was resolutely militant. Tis chapter corrects this misperception. It shows that these parties’ policies alternated between being attracted to and being repulsed by the West. Distaste for communism and commitment to democracy drove them to seek friendship with the West, while resentment at U.S. eforts to contain India as well as fears about ma- terialism and Westernization prompted them to demand that the West be kept at a safe distance. 229 false sTarTs Surprisingly little has been written about the diversity of Indian views on international relations in the Cold War era. -
Leidenstudies Inislamandsociety
After Orientalism Leiden Studies in Islam and Society Editors Léon Buskens (Leiden University) Petra M. Sijpesteijn (Leiden University) Editorial Board Maurits Berger (Leiden University) – R. Michael Feener (National University of Singapore) – Nico Kaptein (Leiden University) Jan Michiel Otto (Leiden University) – David S. Powers (Cornell University) volume 2 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/lsis After Orientalism Critical Perspectives on Western Agency and Eastern Re-appropriations Edited by François Pouillon Jean-Claude Vatin leiden | boston Cover illustration: Osman Hamdi Bey [1842–1910], A Persian carpet dealer or Street scene in Constantinople, 1888. Oil on canvas, 60×119,5 cm. Copyright: bpk / Nationalgalerie, smb / Bernd Kuhnert. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Colloque "L'orientalisme et après? - Méditations, appropriations, contestations" (2011 : Paris, France) After orientalism : critical perspectives on western agency and eastern re-appropriations / edited by Francois Pouillon, Jean-Claude Vatin. pages cm. – (Leiden studies in Islam and society ; v. 2) Original French title: Après l'orientalisme : l'Orient créé par l'Orient. Includes index. Translated from French. ISBN 978-90-04-28252-0 (pbk. : alk. paper) – ISBN 978-90-04-28253-7 (e-book) 1. Orientalism–Congresses. 2. East and West–Congresses. 3. Middle East–Civilization–Congresses. I. Pouillon, Francois. II. Vatin, Jean-Claude. III. Title. DS61.85.C6513 2011 303.48'2182105–dc23 2014034595 This publication has been typeset in the multilingual “Brill” typeface. With over 5,100 characters covering Latin, ipa, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for use in the humanities. For more information, please see www.brill.com/brill-typeface. -
What Is India? Gandhi Vs Savarkar: Debating Civic and Ethnic Nationalism
What is India? Gandhi vs Savarkar: Debating Civic and Ethnic Nationalism Mohd. Tanweer Alam Introduction The 'Idea of India' is one of the most debated themes in contemporary India, given that an alternative idea of India gaining ground. Nationalism is one of the important components of the idea of India, and has been much debated and discussed subject in India. It is important because it tells us the identity of India, and what kind of a nation we would like to be, especially, when we are witnessing the changing relationship between religion and politics in contemporary Indian society. There have been different forms of nationalism i.e. civic, ethnic, and religious. Modern India is the result of these competing ideas of nationalism. Here, we would focus on two competing ideas of nationalism: a) Gandhis's model of Nationalism, as discussed in Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule, a book written by him in 1909; and b) Savarkar's idea which he articulated in Hindutva: Who is A Hindu, first published in 1923, though the ideas in it were formulated during Savarkar's stay in England from 1906 to 1910. Both are fundamental ideas, among others, dominating Indian polity and society for the last 100 years since its emergence. At a time when the present government in India has decided to make nationalism its rallying point, it is useful to compare the differing and alternative attitudes and visions of Gandhi Mr Mohd. Tanweer Alam is a Masters in Public Policy from Oxford University. He is a Policy Analyst and writes for various newspapers and micro blogging sites. -
Coversheet for Thesis in Sussex Research Online
A University of Sussex DPhil thesis Available online via Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/ This thesis is protected by copyright which belongs to the author. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Please visit Sussex Research Online for more information and further details Explaining the paradox of market reform in communist China: the uneven and combined development of the Chinese Revolution and the search for ‘national salvation’ Luke Cooper University of Sussex July 2013 Thesis submitted for the fulfilment of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in International Relations at the University of Sussex. 2 Abstract This thesis addresses the paradox of capitalist market reform being introduced by a politically undefeated communist state in China. It does so by developing an historical account of the Chinese polity’s relationship with the modern world. Chapter one offers a critique of existing explanations; these tend to focus narrowly on the immediate circumstances surrounding the decision to reform and thereby eschew analysis of the specific dynamics of the Chinese Revolution. In so doing, they also ignore its origins within the welter of contradictions arising from the process of capitalist internationalization, giving no causal efficacy to ‘the international’ in explaining this dramatic social transformation. -
The Great Han: the Development, Evolution, and Influence of Chinese Ethnic Nationalism on Modern Chinese Society and Government
The Great Han: The Development, Evolution, and Influence of Chinese Ethnic Nationalism on Modern Chinese Society and Government Senior Honors Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the School of Arts and Sciences Brandeis University Undergraduate Program in International and Global Studies Chandler Rosenberger, Xing Hang, Ralph Thaxton, Advisors In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts By Tinglan Dai May 2016 Copyright by Tinglan Dai Dai 2 Table of Contents I. The Origins of Chinese Civilization and Han Identity II. The Formation of Chinese National Identity in the Qing dynasty (1644-1911) III. Chinese National Identity in Republican China (1911-49) IV. National Identity in Maoist China (1949-76) V. National Identity during the Deng Xiaoping Era (1978-1992) VI. National Identity in Contemporary Chinese Society (1992-present) VII. Concluding Thoughts on the Essence of Chinese Civilization and Identity Dai 3 I. The Origins of Chinese Civilization and Han Identity The concept of national consciousness and identity can be characterized as a collective affirmation of a set of common characteristics including a shared history, culture, and ultimately, a common origin that the group takes collective pride in. The foundations of a number of ancient civilizations have been built upon this particular concept. In the case of Chinese civilization, there is the pervasive idea that the inhabitants of the China proper all originated from a single source formed during the beginning of human civilization. This provides a continuous socio- historical narrative for the people of China proper to engage in the formation of a collective identity based on the shared experiences of the group. -
Investigating the Extent of “Internal Colonialism,” Or State Penetration, of Inner Mongolia, Tibet and Xinjiang by the Nationalist Government of China (1912 – 1949)
Investigating the extent of “internal colonialism,” or state penetration, of Inner Mongolia, Tibet and Xinjiang by the Nationalist government of China (1912 – 1949) Dr. CHUNG Chien-peng Professor Department of Political Science Lingnan University, Hong Kong 鍾健平 嶺南大學(香港) 政治系 [email protected] Working Paper Center for Chinese Studies (Taiwan) 2018 Visiting Scholar 1 1. Introduction For half a century before the end of the Qing (清清清) dynasty, the revitalization of national strength and search for unity had already become the underlying theme of Chinese politics and governance. Persisting in this quest, a fundamental goal of the Chinese revolutions of 1911 and 1949 was to restore a China that was semi-colonized, warlord-ridden, socially unstable and torn by war against Japan and a civil war to its former greatness. Under these circumstances, as detailed in this paper, separatist attempts by regional authorities and ethnic minority (((少少少数少数数数民族民族))) groups were perceived by Chinese nationalists as an existential threat to the Chinese nation-state, especially if the involvement of foreign governments was suspected, or discovered. In response, the Republic of China (中華民國) authorities under the Zhongguo Kuomintang (中國國民黨) or Chinese Nationalist Party tried to device ways to extend central government rule over the resident ethnic minorities at the frontier, and at the same time, played against local warlords who took on the role of agents of Han-Chinese civilization and development in asserting their control and spreading their influence on the fringe communities. 2. The Frontier and National Question in Republican China While ethnic nationalism (民族主義) for the Han-Chinese (漢族) meant the overthrow of the Manchu Qing (滿滿滿清滿清清清) dynasty, for some of the empire’s non-Han (非漢族) ethnic groups, it meant separation from China.