Employment integration in Australia: Experiences of Serbian refugees from former Yugoslavia

Stanko Stapar

2019

Submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of the Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Business and Law at Swinburne University of Technology, Australia

DECLARATION

I declare that this thesis contains no material which has been accepted for the award or diploma except where due reference is made in the text of the examinable outcome. To the best of my knowledge the thesis contains no material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made.

(Stanko Stapar)

Signed Date: Nov 4, 2019

i Abstract This thesis concentrates on the lived experiences of skilled refugees and explores their employment integration (EI) pathways over time, using life course analysis. Research on individual EI experiences in Australia connected the trajectory of Serbian refugees’ personal lives to large social changes such as nationalistic movements, ethnic tensions, the civil war in the former Yugoslavia and refugees’ consequent forced exodus. It shows that successful refugee social and employment integration (SEI) is important because of positive outcomes for society and individuals, yet rarely do studies address how refugees can achieve EI from a long-term perspective. Hence, this study fills an explanatory vacuum on achieving EI for this group.

The work explores vital yet neglected stories and voices in a qualitative study of Serbian refugee experiences. Real-life experiences need to be considered when formulating policies that affect such people’s lives. Future immigrant groups will depend largely on what the Government does at all stages of entry. The findings here build an evidence base on factors that aid or hinder refugee EI. This can lead to improved policies and program delivery and effective strategies for refugee EI.

Most research hitherto sees EI from a functionalist perspective, as an outcome, not elaborated and integrated as a process that addresses person and structural dynamics simultaneously. Human capital, social capital, labour market segmentation and structuration theories are used here to analyse EI, yet each theory on its own provides only a partial understanding of EI. This study, after analysis and comparison, used labour market segmentation and structuration theories as its principal theoretical foundations.

The study also demonstrates that thematic analysis and life course analysis are more effective tools than the outcome focus of the current EI literature. Life course analysis serves best for micro-level, insider study, and places EI in the context of a life experience that encompassed pre-migration stage, migration and arrival, post-arrival, and current lives of Serbian refugees who migrated in the 1990s.

A theoretical contribution is the mapping of life course pathways. The typology of pathways is a theoretical contribution and complements macro-level perspectives. The study offers better understanding of how social system requirements become articulated with individual motives and goals of refugees through links between individual and social structure. Grouping individual pathways into types enables comparison of the different timing

ii of pathways. The findings address the research gap in regard to skills utilisation of Serbian refugees and offers policy advice on how to improve policies and program delivery.

The principal problem for skilled Serbian refugees was the widespread inability to take advantage of their pre-migration educational qualifications. The majority underwent negative or unsuccessful EI: of the sample of 54, only 15 were successful. Success depended on prior knowledge, qualifications, skills, previous and additional education and work experience, and a profession in demand. With success came improvement in life satisfaction and fulfilment, although desired outcomes and pathways varied between individuals.

Outside determinants have an important part in affecting EI paths, by giving support, or by generating and imposing challenges and barriers. The findings suggest a tension between agency and structure, where each shape and influences the other, in determining outcomes of individuals. Although the study focus was on Serbs, the findings may also be applied to other migrant groups. Making better use of refugee skills brings benefits to society, employers and refugees themselves.

While the typology of refugee EI may be incomplete, the study provides a sound methodological, theoretical, conceptual, and empirical basis for the implementation of research studies of this kind.

iii Acknowledgments

The author expresses his genuine appreciation to the 54 participants in this research, Serbian refugees and migrants from the former Yugoslavia, who shared their life stories. Without them this study would not have been possible. Thank you very much for your participation and engagement in meaningful conversations. Our interactions have indeed enriched the research findings.

I would also like to acknowledge and to thank a number of people who helped make this study possible. I am grateful to my Principal Coordinating Supervisor, Dr Alexis Esposito, for his continued support and for agreeing to be my Principal Supervisor, and for the great support and guidance from Coordinating Supervisor, Dr Aron Perenyi, and Associate Supervisor, Dr Cristina Neesham, for her insightful qualitative feedback, understanding importance of this project, great ideas, and guidance.

A big thank you for your time, valuable comments and inputs.

In the writing of this thesis, I have necessarily relied on the efforts of numerous previous works. I acknowledge all those researchers and writers who have added to the literature and created the foundation for further research.

I express my gratitude to the Faculty of Business and Law, Swinburne University for its support. I sincerely acknowledge the support provided by the administrative staff, the resource people at Library and IT, and my colleagues at Swinburne University who are too many to name: all have helped me in different ways.

I would also like to acknowledge the professional support provided by Dr Steve Perryman and Dr Jeffrey Keddie as editors, for proofreading and copyediting my thesis, in compliance with the Australian standards for editing practice and the guidelines for editing research theses (The Institute of Professional Editors Limited, 2019).

Finally, I wholeheartedly thank my dear family for their love and support. Especially I would like to thank my wife Suzana, and daughters Sanja and Sara, who made sure I kept my priorities right.

iv List of Abbreviations

ABS – Australian Bureau of Statistics

DIAC /DIMIA – Australian Department of Immigration and Citizenship

EI - Employment integration

ESB - English speaking background

HC - Human capital

LC - Life course

LCA - Life course analysis

LMS - Labour market segmentation

LMST- Labour market segmentation theory

LS - Life satisfaction

LSIA – Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants in Australia

NESB - non-English speaking background

SC - Social capital

SEI - Social and employment integration

SFRJ - Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia

SRFY - Serbian refugees from the former Yugoslavia

ST- Structuration theory

v Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction ...... 1 1.1. Background of Serbian refugees from the former Yugoslavia (SRFY) migrating to Australia 1991-1999 and arising from the Civil War, 1991-1995 ...... 1 1.2. Background of the research problem ...... 4 1.3. Thesis objectives: addressing the problem ...... 7 1.4. Structure of the thesis ...... 10 1.5. Key Terms and Definitions ...... 12 Chapter 2: Literature review ...... 15 2.1. Introduction ...... 15 2.2. Theoretical perspectives on EI ...... 16 2.3. The main EI themes ...... 28 2.4. Important gaps and the approach of this thesis ...... 49 2.5. Summary ...... 51 Chapter 3: Methodology ...... 53 3.1. Introduction ...... 53 3.1. Research approach: An interpretive paradigm ...... 54 3.2. The life course analysis (LCA) method...... 56 3.3. Deriving EI Pathways ...... 60 3.4. Research Design ...... 60 3.5. Data collection ...... 62 3.6. Data analysis process ...... 67 3.7. Summary ...... 73 Chapter 4: Typical elements of a life-course EI experience ...... 76 4.1. Introduction ...... 76 4.2. Experiencing Loss ...... 76 4.3. Motivation as coping and resilience response for EI ...... 81 4.4. Personal agency ...... 86 4.5. Barriers to SEI ...... 92 4.6. Adaptation ...... 102 4.6. Support from others ...... 109 4.8. Family ...... 115 4.9. Identity ...... 122 4.10. Fulfilment ...... 127 4.10.8. Summary ...... 132 Chapter 5: Types of life-course EI experience ...... 133

vi 5.1. Introduction ...... 133 5.2. EI pathways from a life-course perspective...... 133 5.3. EI Types ...... 137 5.3. The interplay between individual agency and contextual drivers in shaping EI pathways ...... 175 5.4. Differences and similarities between EI pathways ...... 176 5.5. Thematic analysis of EI types ...... 184 5.6. Discussion of policy implications ...... 207 5.7. Summary ...... 216 Chapter 6: Contributions and policy implications of the study ...... 218 6.1. Empirical contributions of the study ...... 218 6.2. Theoretical contribution of the study ...... 220 6.3. Contribution to the literature ...... 223 6.4. Policy implications and practical contributions of the study ...... 226 6.5. Limitations of the study ...... 227 6.6. Directions for future research...... 230 Chapter 7: Conclusion ...... 234 7.1 Summary of the research ...... 234 7.2. Findings of the study ...... 238 7.3. EI Processes (EI pathways) ...... 240 7.4 Recommendations ...... 241 Table 7.1. Stakeholders and recommendations ...... 242 References ...... 246 APPENDICES ...... 272 Appendix 1 ...... 272 Appendix 2 ...... 275 Appendix 3 ...... 277 Appendix 4 ...... 279 Appendix 5 ...... 281 Appendix 6 ...... 294 Appendix 7 ...... 300 Appendix 8. Ethics clearance ...... 302

vii Chapter 1: Introduction

This is a study and a story about people who have been forgotten, lost in strange statistics in a world of memories. It is research about the employment integration (EI) and life of Serbian refugees from the former Yugoslavia (SRFY). The phenomenon of EI has been studied in the extant literature mainly at macro-level, considering economic indicators statistics of population categories rather than experiential narratives of individuals. This study explores EI from the perspective of the individuals who lived it.

Chapter 1 describes the context of SRFY migration from the former Yugoslavia to Australia. It states the project’s research problem and objectives, introduces the key concepts used to interrogate the literature, and outlines the structure of the thesis.

1.1. Background of Serbian refugees from the former Yugoslavia (SRFY) migrating to Australia 1991-1999 and arising from the Civil War, 1991-1995 In order to interpret SRFY social and employment integration (SEI) experiences over time, EI processes, outcomes in Australia, and a unique situation, we need to consider why so many Serbs sought to enter Australia in the 1990s. Australian Department of Immigration and Citizenship (DIAC, 2011a) records indicate that from 1990 to 2010, 42,000 refugees from the former Yugoslavia migrated to Australia on humanitarian or refugee entry visas. Due to forced migration arising from civil war, it was the only possible option and a chance for a safer and better life and a future for family and children. Some knew that Australia had one of the best support programmes for refugees from their friends and relatives there who initially supported them after their arrival.

Most SRFY come from Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina and sought refuge in Serbia and in other European countries in a transition period before arriving in Australia. They were deeply traumatised because their lives and their families were in danger due to ethnicity, experiencing discrimination, hatred, abuse, loss of jobs, and missing everything needed for normal life in a hostile environment.

Perhaps the greatest difficulty in investigating EI of ethnic community groups is the difficulty of obtaining information. This applies to the Serbian migrant population in Australia. The precise number of Serbs in Australia is difficult to verify. The ‘country of birth’ line in the Census question does not provide objective evidence: the relevant question asks migrants to

1 state their country of birth, irrespective of ethnicity, but this means that Serbs born in a country called ‘Croatia’ since the 1990s dissolution of Yugoslavia and ‘Yugoslavia’ before that time are not recognized as ‘Serbs’. Their ethnicity is hidden behind their ‘country of birth’, which is dictated by geo-political changes in the Balkans. The Serbian population in Croatia is divided between persons who acknowledge ‘Croatia’ and those who acknowledge the ‘Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia’ as their state of birth.

Migrants from the former Yugoslavia in the 1970s and 1980s were predominantly 'low- educated, low-skilled and with low-level English language proficiency (Tkalcevic, 1979; Radmanovic, 1990; Colic Peisker, 2003). SRFY who migrated to Australia throughout 1990s or after the conflict were predominantly skilled and educated.

The focus on SRFY provides a potentially good representation for this region, which was, in the 1960s and 1970s, the third largest continental European migration intake into Australia after Italy and Greece (Jupp, 2002) and the largest former Yugoslavia group, with 38% of the total of that population (SFRJ Census, 1991). Antidemocratic nationalist separatist movements in the 1990s in the former Yugoslavia created the largest, and perhaps the last, refugee flows from Europe since World War II (Korac, 2005).

To arrive at more realistic estimates, this study uses combined data from ‘country of birth’, ‘language spoken at home’ and ‘religion’ from the Australian census data of 1986, 1991, 1996, 2001 and 2006. On the basis of these combined data from all Australian States and Territories, the official number of Serbian refugees and migrants was 63,135, or nearly 65,000 (see Appendix 7: Serbian Population in Australia, ABS Census, 2006).

In order to interpret Serbian refugee and migrant experiences in Australia, we need to look first at the particular circumstances which allowed or encouraged so many Serbian migrants to enter Australia, especially in the 1990s. The geo-political concept of Yugoslavia encompasses the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, which had existed between 1945 and 1991, and which is now known as the former Yugoslavia (hereafter referred to as such). Before its disintegration, the country consisted of six republics, Slovenia, Macedonia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Montenegro, and two Autonomous Regions (formerly provinces of Serbia), Vojvodina and Kosovo.

The composition of the mainstream of Serbian migrant communities in Australia is the consequence of four main migration movements throughout the last hundred years. The first main migration movement, from 1910s to the 1920s, was of Serbs migrating looking for better

2 life, and opportunities, and to improve quality of life in the United States, and later in Australia, Canada, and other countries (Schierup, 1995). In excess of 3,000 persons reached Australia by 1914 and additional 8,000 arrived between the two World Wars. The bulk of them were Croatians (80%), with some Macedonians (8%) and Serbs (8%). Serbian arrival and settlement in Australia started in the 19th century with arrival of a considerable number of Serbian migrants from Croatia. Chain migration through friends and relatives from Croatia contributed to early Serbian migration. The 1933 Census recorded 2,830 Yugoslavia-born residents in Australia (Schierup, 1995; Margetic, 2013).

The second main migration movement happened after World War II when the establishment of the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia in 1946 led to an exodus of anti-communist Serbs, who migrated mostly in Western Europe and North America (Baraulina et al., 2007). Instantly after the World War II, the number of migrants from former Yugoslavia expanded from 5,870 in 1947 to 22,860 in 1954. Most of them arrived on Displaced Persons Visas/entry and a lot of them from Serbian origin/background.

The third wave of migration movement happened throughout the 1960s and the 1970s. Approximately half a million manual workers, mostly from the countryside areas of former Yugoslavia, migrated on the temporally worker visas/entries in the Federal Republic of Germany and in Austria. Estimates suggests that over one third of these migrants were from Serbia (Schierup, 1995: 12; Baraulina et al., 2007). Most of these migrants stayed in Western Europe, but some used the links and networks of the Diasporas to join the existing trans- Atlantic Serbian communities that had been formed after World War II. Between 1961 and 1976, nearly 100,000 people from former Yugoslavia migrated to Australia. Many of these were Serbs from Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina and other Yugoslav Republics. Numbers of people who migrated from the former Yugoslavia increased steadily to 129,620 by 1971 Census, and to 160,480 people by the 1991 Census. The former Yugoslavia was overall the third-largest source of migration from Continental Europe during the third migration wave (and most Yugoslav migrants up to the 1970s had low educational and skill levels (Jupp, 2002).

The disbanding of Yugoslavia and the start of hostilities and subsequent civil war in the former Republics in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1991 caused the fourth main wave of Serbian migration movements. As a consequence of the civil war, an estimated 700, 000 people from former Yugoslavia lost their homes due to forced displacement which included large numbers of ethnic Serbs from Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina (Kogan,

3 2003). Most of these new arrivals in 1990s came under Australia’s Humanitarian refugee entry. It has been estimated that around 38% were refugees from Serbian backgrounds who arrived in Australia in the 1990s.

1.2. Background of the research problem The EI of refugees and migrants is an issue of ongoing concern for a country like Australia (Productivity Commission Research Report, 2006; DIMA, 2010a, b, DIAC, 2011a, b). When refugees and migrants arrive in the host country, their ability to achieve full SEI becomes a central issue. Indeed, among many other integration issues, EI is a key issue in the lives of migrants and refugees (Fuller and Todd, 2012). Since most people spend by far the greatest portion of their working lives in employment, more research should relate to their experiences over time.

The integration of refugees and migrants in Australian society is of greatest significance to social cohesion (Inglis, 2010; Marcus, 2009). The factors affecting refugee and migrant SEI are complex (Castles et al., 2002; Strang and Ager, 2010). The question of the EI of refugee and migrant experiences over time has been the subject of relatively little scholarly attention. The need for understanding these SEI experiences is great, as refugees and migrants not only create the benefits of diversity, but also bring the skills and knowledge of their home countries, which help Australian companies in international competition. When they settle in a new country, migrants and refugees often do not gain employment commensurate with their qualifications. This skill under-utilisation is a problem, because it can amount to miss- utilisation of the capacity that migrants bring, with consequent loss of opportunity, contacts, etc. to the larger community and to the individuals themselves (Reitz, 2001; Colic-Peisker and Tilbury, 2007a, b; Flanagan, 2007; Hugo, 2011; Toalster, 2011; see, further, Chapter 4, Section 1, below). Appropriate skill utilisation requires operational SEI of refugees and migrants. Skill utilisation is about how well managers and companies use and improve their employees’ capabilities and creative potential to achieve maximum value (Skills Australia, 2012; Reitz et al., 2014).

Access to work and employment that matches refugee and migrant qualifications, skills and interests is one of the most influential drivers for a meaningful and satisfying life. The extent to which they have been able to put these qualifications and skills to productive use in Australia has long been a problematic issue. Migrants, and especially refugees, are again and again shown to be powerless in their efforts to attain EI or to realise their full potential. If,

4 despite their higher education, knowledge, abilities and experience, refugee and migrants end up employed in low-skill jobs, EI cannot be at that stage referred to as successful (Birrell and Healy, 2008). SEI experiences of SRFY are differential and require an extended and more complex conceptual framework for researching the inter-relationships among factors that may facilitate or hinder EI.

Underutilisation of refugee and migrant skills exists when their skills are not efficiently utilised because the jobs they are doing do not completely utilise their qualifications, competences and abilities (De Grip and Van Loo, 2001, 2002). To the author’s knowledge, no existing data set throws much light on the extent of this very important issue. However, this study does address it through evaluation of appropriate utilisation and the development of policy advice for that purpose. This study provides an account of EI as a lived experience (with its drivers and barriers) and draws from these narratives’ qualitative insights into how EI (or under-integration or lack of integration) affects the well-being of those involved.

Many refugees and migrants after arrival in Australia become constrained in a never- ending cycle of non-recognition of their skills, loss and atrophy of their skills and employment opportunities. Although many studies have explored EI determinants such as profession, ethnicity, gender, age that may affect refugee and migrant EI outcomes, such studies cannot illuminate the complex unfolding of EI processes through which some attain EI while others not. SEI processes of refugees and migrants takes too long. In each case, the researcher conceptualizes those EI aspects or issues that are of principal concern.

If refugee and migrant EI is not successful, various socio-economic problems arise. Underemployment and unemployment negatively affect an individual’s life satisfaction and well-being and can erode social cohesion (Inglis, 2010; Marcus, 2009). Unwanted and damaging consequences for unsuccessful EI include exclusion, marginalisation, isolation and dissatisfaction. However, for the individual migrant or refugee experiencing underutilisation of skills and knowledge, such perspectives are daunting. If we enter the debate from the other end of the process – the experience of the individual – we may better learn the nature of the obstacles that skilled migrants encounter, whether personally, emotionally or structurally. Individual lived experiences also better inform policy development that recognises the subtleties of differences between people and groups across society.

There is need to overcome a superficial level of understanding of refugee and migrant needs, motives, goals and motivations. It is not possible to tackle SEI challenges and barriers

5 to SEI of Serbian refugees without discussing and analysing these on personal and structural levels, if we are to gain in-depth insight about their difficulties to attain EI in the host country. This study describes, interprets and analyses the experiences and context in which skilled, educated, experienced and highly motivated SRFY are underemployed in Australia.

It is vital for Australia to improve and enhance the use of refugee abilities and qualifications for attainment of EI in order to compete effectively in the international arena. To do otherwise is to use resources sub-optimally, or to simply waste them, with consequent loss in human capital in which the host society has invested (De Grip and Van Loo, 2001; Esses et al., 2006). Awareness and better understanding of EI process, barriers, drivers/enablers, and outcomes/pathways benefit refugees and migrants and their employers in understanding the former’s potential, reframing goals and reframing goals and projecting their EI paths. This data might furthermore be inserted in the development and creation of enhanced refugee and migrant adaptation and integration policies at national level. Collection and analysis of direct experience narratives are rich in documenting the complexities of EI of a population under pressure during times of political instability in the home country.

Despite the growth of a highly skilled refugee and migrant population, many end up working in jobs inadequate to their education, qualifications, skills and expertise (De Grip and Borghans, 2012; Frank, 2011, 2013; Jackson and Bauder, 2013). Some remained out of work or forever trapped in inadequate professions. Jackson and Bauder (2013) call this problem of devaluation/deskilling, when highly skilled refugees and migrants work in a low-skilled profession, ‘brain abuse’ or ‘brain-waste’. As a result of educated refugees and migrants working in jobs lower than their level of education, skills, qualifications and experience, their high level of human capital (HC) is wasted, not only for them, but for the host society. Loss of employment opportunities, deterioration and loss of knowledge and abilities, and talents weakening happen as a consequence of underutilisation of skills over a period of time (Reid, 2012). There is a need to generate social cohesion and a moral commitment to common social, community and organizational goals.

Standing (2014 a, b, c) warns about dangers related to increases in precarious employment. Little or no prospect of having a meaningful job can lead to increased intolerance and stress and can destroy social cohesion. Access to work and employment that matches refugee and migrant qualifications, skills and interests is one of the most influential drivers for a meaningful and satisfying life.

6 Integration into this study of personal accounts of SRFY experiences will give us better understanding of the variety of those experiences. The study will illustrate how SRFY life stories and SEI experiences help unearth subjective perceptions of the self, the social person and society. Australia should seek to maximise the potential contributions that migrants and refugees can make in the workplace and the extent to which refugee and migrant skills, experience and abilities are used and developed to improve organisational performance and to minimise negative consequences of underemployment and unemployment for life satisfaction and well-being (George et al., 2012).

Many studies have explored how determinants such as age (Myers et al., 2009; Lee and Edmonston, 2011), gender (Adsera and Chiswick, 2007; Meares, 2010; Lee, 2012), and ethnicity (Gelatt, 2013; Janta, 2009; Reich and Waldinger, 2010; Remennick, 2003; Tiagi, 2013; Wang and Sangalang, 2005) may affect refugee and migrant SEI. However, such studies cannot illuminate the complex unfolding process of SEI.

In fact, not enough is known about the SEI process over time. Hence, I developed a thematic analysis method for examining experiences of refugee and migrant EI over time.

1.3. Thesis objectives: addressing the problem In the following sections we explore EI experiences of SRFY, concentrating mostly on educated, skilled and qualified professionals.

This study seeks, first, to provide better understanding and insight of EI experiences over time of SRFY in Australia; second, to identify the internal and external EI barriers and drivers of refugees in Australia; third, to determine EI processes and patterns over time; and, fourth, to define EI pathways and EI typology for refugees.

This will enable qualitative insights into the nature of the EI that SRFY experience over time, and better understanding of their current work circumstances through exploration of their life history, education, family circumstances and working lives. This should be of assistance in building measures and models of EI and life satisfaction for specific communities and in providing suggestions and intervention strategies to improve the work/life satisfaction of migrants.

The findings will fill research gaps in knowledge that appear from evaluation of the literature, specifically in regard to skills utilisation of migrants and refugees of Serbian origin. They build the evidence base on the factors that aid or hinder refugee and migrant EI over time,

7 and they may lead to improved policies and program delivery. Exploring SRFY voices in search of insights and understanding into what EI experiences over time have been, and how SRFY made sense of these experiences, better informs understanding of the obstacles to skill utilisation encountered by this distinct group. Individual experiences and stories will tease out these details by focusing on the intersection between personal experiences, settings and contexts.

Other main objectives of the study are as follows:

• To state the study’s research problem, to present the key concepts, and to cross- examine the extant literature.

• To present a summary of the main research theoretical frameworks and directions in order to find research gaps and questions, to apply them to SRFY, and to select suitable research methods and interview design.

• To provide the basis for the research questions from literature review, to identify research gaps, thus justifying the research questions.

• To provide detailed information on the methodology used in gathering data (interviews) and analysis, the design of instruments, and to undertake the data analysis process.

• To map the path between theory and the data collected, between data collection and the resulting evidence, and between the evidence and theories

• To undertake thematic analysis which will enable us to gain new and better insight and understanding of EI experiences of SRFY.

• To discuss and reveal the main categories and themes based on the responses gathered in interviews

• To provide analysis of SRFY narratives of their events and experiences of EI process, barriers and outcomes.

• To interpretate interview responses of SRFY EI experiences over time

• To use thematic analysis to evaluate interviews and nine themes that will emerge from that thematic inquiry.

• To apply the themes identified and to apply them in time sequences, in order to enable the construction of individual pathways.

8 • To identify EI outcomes and pathways through iterative process and analysis and to group them into EI types.

• To elaborate how these EI pathways and types relate to the research questions.

• To explore SRFY EI experiences to see if any EI patterns emerge and to identify any significance

• To identify, discuses, analyse, and conceptualise EI trajectories and patterns using the thematic analysis and life course analysis (LCA).

• To present an EI typology and the cohesive interrelationships and interrelatedness between the key aspects of EI.

• To elaborate policy opportunities and recommendations in order to attain and/ or improve SEI of refugees and migrants in Australia.

A functionalist purpose is when the focus is on general economic productivity and employment conditions of workforce in Australia, not EI of refugees and migrants. When refugees are highly skilled and productive, attaining EI and working in their field of expertise, it is a beneficial outcome for them and for society as well, as an alternative is to be unemployed, under-employed and potentially a welfare burden for the host society.

This study is more micro and people-related, and it is also more sociology-oriented rather than economics-directed. Micro-level findings of this study will have macro-level implications and that is part of my contribution to the body of knowledge. Macro aspects of EI have been more researched and developed than have micro aspects.

The humanistic determination of the Thesis is to examine the lives and SEI of people who suffered the trauma and horrors of civil war in the former Yugoslavia. The humanist purpose is in having a progressive effect on life satisfaction and welfare of refugees, migrants and communities. A win-win situation for refugees and migrants and society is an EI outcome where refugees and migrants work in jobs according to their qualifications, educational level, experience and skills, when they are able to remove or overcome EI barriers, where successful EI improves life satisfaction and well-being of community and ethnic groups in Australia.

This may be of assistance in building measures and models of EI and life satisfaction for specific communities and in providing suggestions and intervention strategies to improve the work/life satisfaction of refugees and migrants.

9 The knowledge gap is centred on the macro view of prior studies, the lack of micro insight and longitudinal perspective, and therefore an inadequate approach, insight and understanding of the EI process from the perspective of refugees and migrants who are indeed participating in it. The study concentrates on the individual or micro level, in an imperative to reconstruct longitudinal change in EI of specific EI experiences over time. Hence, it constitutes one of the very few studies of EI of specific ethnic refugee and migrant groups using the life course methodology. Studying social change, EI pathways and patterns over time of one ethnic group in Australia, and using the life course approach, are useful in explaining which EI outcomes and patterns are possible to develop and then documenting the EI experiences, pathways and patterns in other communities and groups.

Unique temporality and the life course analysis (LCA) perspective in this study of SEI of SRFY follows their life pathways and trajectories using longitudinal coding that reveals main categories and themes. The study directly addresses the need for contextual understanding.

1.4. Structure of the thesis

The thesis is divided into seven chapters.

Chapter 1 describes the background and context of SRFY migration from the former Yugoslavia to Australia, states the study’s research problem and its key objectives, and presents the key concepts used to cross-examine the extant literature.

Chapter 2 creates a summary of the main research theoretical frameworks and directions in order to find research gaps, choose appropriate objectives and questions, apply them to the targeted ethnic group and select suitable research methods and interview design. The literature review provides the basis for the research questions and identifies research gaps, thus justifying the research questions.

The research methodology is presented in Chapter 3, with qualitative research as the chosen approach to study the concept of EI, together with discussion of data collection and proposed methods for analysis. The chapter provides detailed information on the methodology used in gathering data (interviews) and analysis. The research design, methodological approaches encompassing the theoretical framework, the data analysis process, the design of instruments, and the description of the sample are provided and explained.

10 In Chapter 4, thematic analysis enables us to gain new and better insight and understanding of EI experiences of SRFY. The analysis focuses on revealing the main categories and themes based on the responses gathered in interviews. I asked respondents to reflect on events that happened in sequences, in chronological order. Respondents provided narratives of these events and experiences of EI process, barriers and outcomes. I used thematic analysis to evaluate interviews and nine themes emerged from that thematic inquiry.

In Chapter 5, the themes identified in Chapter 4 were applied to time sequences, thus enabling the construction of individual pathways. As the first research question focused on the SRFY interview responses, their interpretation of their EI experiences over time was paramount. Case studies were provided that identify a number of diverse EI outcomes. Each was supported and elaborated with an argument of how the data addressed the issues these represented with reference to the original research objectives.

After pathways are grouped into types, next to follow is a discussion which elaborates how pathways and types relate to the research questions. I grouped those pathways into four EI types through iterative process and analysis. Chapter 5 further explores SRFY EI experiences to see if any EI patterns emerge and to identify any significance. The goal in this chapter is to map the path between theory and the data collected, between data collection and the resulting evidence, and between the evidence and theories about what it all signifies. EI trajectories and patterns that are of main concern are conceptualised. Experiences and pathways are identified, explored, discussed and analysed using the thematic analysis and life course analysis (LCA). The individual internal drivers for EI and external drivers of family, structural support and context are discussed. To conclude, the chapter presents an EI typology that demonstrates the cohesive interrelationship and interrelatedness between the key aspects of EI.

Chapter 6 provides an account of the contributions and implications of the study, elaborating policy opportunities and recommendations to be executed in order to improve SEI of refugees and migrants in Australia. It includes comment on the limits of the project and outlines the scope for further investigation.

Chapter 7 concludes with a summary of key points related to challenges refugees face in order to attain SEI in Australia and options for change.

11 1.5. Key Terms and Definitions 1.5.1. The concept of integration

The concept of integration is defined as the capability of enabling refugee and migrants to contribute completely, economically and socially in their new home location and environment. Integration also refers to refugee and migrant beliefs about the capacity to understand as well as act upon central truths and priorities in life in Australia. Some researchers such as Robinson (1998) and Castles et al. (2002) argue that the concept of integration itself is challenging, because it could be understood as an obligation and condition enforced on refugee and migrants who must assimilate into the host society. The concept of ‘integration’ is exploited in the refugee and migrant context but it appears to lack any official and proper meaning in international law (Ager and Strang, 2008). Integration is a multifaceted, disputed and multidimensional notion and remains so – indeed, even a ‘chaotic’ concept (Robinson, 1998: 118-122; Castles at al., 2002). Castles et al. (2002) argue that there is no agreement on what ‘integration’ actually means or how it can be measured. Castles et al. recommend that integration must be understood as a continuing development involving both refugees and migrants and the receiving society over time in a variety of social situations, e.g., mainstream communities, ethnic community groups and broader society.

In the context of researching the EI of SRFY, some key terms used are defined below.

First, the study uses a definition of refugees as people from ‘refugee-initiated communities’, that is, ‘those people who have fled situations of war, persecution and human rights violations’ (Julian et al., 1997). This is a definition established by Julian et al. (1997) to recognize the adaptation problems confronted by people from refugee communities who have arrived in Australia on a variety of entry permits.

Secondly, while ‘native-born Australians’ refers to people born in Australia, ‘migrants’ refers to persons born outside Australia. ‘Ethnic’ is colloquially used in Australia and means someone not originating from the United Kingdom.

‘Settlement’ is defined by DIMIA as the period of settlement practised by newcomers during which they can completely contribute economically and socially in the mainstream community. Successful settlement is therefore broadly defined as the ability of new arrivals to establish a new life and participate in Australian society (DIMIA, 2003). This is the broader context of ‘integration’ and, although not the focus of our study, it is referred to in the analysis for comparative purposes.

12 1.5.2. Defining ‘employment integration’

The absence of clarity of the concept of EI is reinforced by its common confusion with associated but dissimilar concepts (Smyth et al., 2010). Trying to avoid restrictive interpretations of the concept and for the purposes of this study, objective migrants’ successful EI is defined as legal (the right to attain employment, and to have admission to public services such as education), economic (refugees recover and advance through their skills and work potential to enable and create justifiable means of support to reach higher levels of independence and self-sufficiency) and social (empowering refugees and migrants to live harmoniously with mainstream community, without fear of discrimination), which leads to employment in a job relevant and according to qualifications, educational level, experience and skills in Australia.

Research on EI generally embraces literature that studies refugee and migrants’ identity and the links between identity and integration (Berry, 1997; 2006; Bourhis et al., 1997), determinants (for example, level of education) that impact refugee and migrants’ EI (Matthews, 2008; Boyd and Tian, 2018), and refugee and migrants’ experiences of integration within domains or institutions (Rutter et al., 2007; Spencer, 2004). In this study, we use the concept of ‘employment integration’ to refer to those refugees and migrants working in a job relevant to their qualifications, experience, skills, education level and abilities. We add the description of ‘successful employment integration’ to define a level of job satisfaction which is optimal, as well as definition of social integration as the concept of human well-being which is also a key concept in this thesis. The humanist purpose stated above is broader than the business case, i.e., what is good for Australian society and its economy, businesses and employers. The findings provide enough material for three types of implications: (1) for human well-being; (2) for Australian employers; and (3) for Australian public policy.

According to Valtonen (2007), from a wide-ranging perspective refugee and migrant integration can be defined as ‘inclusion’ in the wider society, as opposed to ‘social exclusion’ or ‘marginalisation, which signifies lack of integration. I define migrants’ EI as a phenomenon that occurs when refugee and migrants are empowered to realize their full work and life potential as members of society and contribute fully to the community. Social integration involves the social networks and contacts of individuals in various groups and organizations. Cultural integration occurs when individuals identify with their society.

13 Workplace and labour market integration is something more micro than EI. For our study, subjective migrants’ successful EI is related to migrants’ subjective beliefs and attitudes, i.e., to his/her overall satisfaction with the job experienced now.

What the obstacles are that refugees face from developing their human potential, and what confines their capability to make a positive involvement and contribution to the Australian society, are issues to be investigated. Analysing factors and barriers that prevent migrant employment in jobs relevant to qualifications, education, experience and skills in Australia is also relevant for this study.

The research aims to fill the research gap that exists in regard to studies of experiences of refugees’ and migrants’ EI over time, a neglect which includes SRFY. The ethos reinforcing this Thesis, that of empowering the voices, perceptions and experiences of the marginalised groups to be heard and cherished, has been articulated, and efforts made to be reflective have been renowned.

Chapter 2 reviews the relevant EI literature and identifies research gaps. It generates the research questions to guide the study towards addressing the gaps.

14 Chapter 2: Literature review

2.1. Introduction EI is a multileveled and complex set of legal, economic and social processes. It encompasses individuals, governments, social and economic aspects that lead to positive outcomes where refugees and migrants work according to their qualifications, educational level, knowledge, experience and skills. This chapter will critically analyse the theoretical conceptualisations and methodological approaches for examining EI in the literature. It aims to make sense of the complexity that has grown in the EI literature. It will formulate the methodological and theoretical outline that will be used in this thesis to inform the research, and the later discussion of the findings.

These sub-literatures helped shape the research questions and the theoretical approach in this thesis. The theories are Human Capital (HC) (Schultz, 1962; Bourdieu, 1986), Social Capital (SC) (Portes, 1998; Woolcock, 1998), labour market segmentation (LMS) (Piorre, 1979), and structuration theory (ST) (Giddens, 2001). Part 1 of this Chapter will outline the theories and provide explanations of how their proponents have gone about investigating the EI of refugees and migrants. On their own each makes an important contribution to the conceptualisation of EI. However, alone none provides a sufficiently comprehensive framework through which we can view the research in this thesis. Consequently, the analysis moves the reader between the contrasting theories in order to identify the gaps in the literature, and a broader conceptualisation of EI than exists in the current literature.

The Chapter also draws out the key issues for examining migrant and refugee EI. Part 2 examines the empirical literature. This literature is classified and grouped thematically with the purpose of integrating the analysis into a coherent story. It draws out the authors’ conceptualisation of EI used in this thesis, and identifies the missing knowledge and missing voices. It uses ‘thematic analysis’ and ‘life course’ analysis. This contrasts with the outcome focus that is prevalent in the current empirical EI literature. It provides a methodological and conceptual framework that can be related to the context and the dynamics of refugee EI processes over time. The approach enables a new focus on investigating EI processes, specifically from the perspective of EI pathways and a subsequent typology of refugee EI.

15 2.2. Theoretical perspectives on EI

In this section, the core theories of HC, SC, LMS and ST are analysed. The second subsection will explain EI with reference to individual education, skills, knowledge, experience (the main tenets of HC discourse), social links, connections and engagement in mainstream community activities (the main tenets of SC theory), and the main role of institutional and structural factors (related to the main tenets of segmentation and structuration theory). Last, the main EI themes are identified, followed by the gaps in the literature, which are related to the research questions of this thesis.

2.1.1. Human capital (HC) theory

In the 1960s, neoclassical HC advocates such as Schultz (1962) and Becker (1962) suggested the relevance of HC for EI. They emphasised that a society’s quantum of skilled and qualified workforces determined how productively these factors can be utilised. Bourdieu’s (1986) concept of HC is useful in exploring refugee and migrant EI. His core idea was that refugees and migrants seek employment suitable to their level of education, skills and experience. This framework will be used to examine the process through which SRFY human and social capital is transformed over their life course.

HC is critically important for the economic and social development of all societies. While the significance of diverse levels of HC is best manifested in EI, wherever variances are frequently revealed in earnings the concept has a wider relevance (Seik, 2010; Smith, 2010; Kesler 2010; Tong, 2010; Ou and Pong, 2013; Tiagi, 2013; Guliz, 2016; Tong et al., 2018; Wen and Maani, 2018). Transformations of HC occur through the (individual) strategic actions of a socially situated bounded agency, which is capable of adjusting to changes in the social context, i.e. labour market changes, change of level of skills, and qualifications (Elder and Giele, 2009). HC theory was established from the segmentation approach to suggest another justification and elucidation for unsuccessful EI, concentrating on the valuation of a person’s seemingly attainable knowledge and resources (Richardson et al., 2004), which are comprised of education, labour involvement, English language credentials and other characteristics such as age and abilities. This thesis uses HC as a phrase to summarise the investment in learning, upskilling and other abilities that raise the value of the person within the world.

The significance of HC theory is that structural and individual HC drivers are interrelated and influence EI processes, pathways, and outcomes. Individuals with high levels

16 of HC have an advantage in the labour market and fewer problems finding jobs (Chiswick, 1986; Guliz, 2016). The HC approach includes some HC legacies, comprising education, job experience and upskilling (Adamuti-Trache, 2011; Banerjee and Verma, 2012; Ryan and Sinning, 2012). However, while HC theory has an important role in explaining EI, an important question remains: what is the usefulness of pre-migration HC and the effect of post-migration HC? (Adamuti-Trache, 2011; Guliz, 2016).

Proponents of HC theory argue that, if migrants have skills that are needed in the job market, they will find employment (Adhikari, 1999; Adamuti-Trache, 2011; Banerjee and Verma, 2012). HC suggests that the main purpose of the labour market is profit expansion, and as a result this minimizes detrimental actions by employers (Ariss and Al-Syed, 2011). Employers, therefore, tend to act rationally (Evans and Kelley, 1986). This view overlooks the historical and structural processes, and other relevant factors determining EI. HC supposes ‘that neither personal prejudice in hiring practices nor structural discrimination or disadvantage exists, [and] that the market forces are blind to ethnicity’ (Grosfoguel, 1999: 239), that refugee and migrants are not disadvantaged groups in labour market, which is challenged by numerous studies on discrimination against refugee and migrants ethnic groups (Peucker, 2009; Shinnaoui and Narchal, 2010; Lee, 2012; Jackson and Bauder, 2013; Ho and Alcorso, 2016). Empirically tested findings show that upward occupational mobility generally results from the acquisition of additional HC (Adamuti-Trache, 2011; Banerjee and Verma, 2012; Dahlstedt, 2011; Dahlstedt and Bevelander, 2010; Coulombe et al., 2014). Coulombe et al. (2014) findings revealed that variances in the people’s HC have significant part in explanation of variances in economic advance.

As argued in Chapter 1, the considerably inferior EI results for immigrants can stand because they are not sensibly nominated for their HC, which points to an informal application of HC doctrines in the humanitarian entry category. Low HC has been widely found to be a major barrier to entry into sustainable and commensurate employment (Leitch, 2006; Clark and Drinkwater, 2008).Consequently, a substantial number of refugees and migrants discover that their HC has practically no value in the host country and their social connections cannot assist them re-establishing their former occupational status (Lamba, 2002).

While HC theory has an important role in explaining EI, one important question remains: what is the usefulness of pre-migration HC and the effect of post-migration HC on EI pathways and processes? The HC of SRFY is related to their previous and current

17 educational and occupational status. While HC qualities are vital in explaining refugee and migrants’ EI outcomes, there are frequently cases where refugees and migrants with similar HC characteristics attain different EI outcomes in Australia.

Researchers have tended to focus their attention on migrant earnings and self- employment, paying little attention to refugee and migrant educational and employment history over time that leads to various EI processes and outcomes (see Chiswick, 1986; Seik, 2010; Smith, 2010; Kesler 2010; Ou and Pong, 2013; Tiagi, 2013; Tong et al., 2018; Wen and Maani, 2018). However, earnings do not reveal what refugees and migrants actually do. The changing aspects of incomes over a lifetime are relevant as income disparity influences wealth disparity (Seik, 2010; see also Smith, 2010, Chiswick and Miller, 2010; Ou and Pong, 2013). These studies offer limited insights into employment experiences, processes, outcomes and situations, which are all an inherent part of adjustment and recovery.

In contrast, Banerjee and Verma (2012) draw on education pre- and post-immigration experiences. Portes (1998) raises the importance of SRFY social bonds, bridges, and networks. For LMST, Piorre (1979) is used for SRFY disadvantage and discrimination in low-skilled and low-paid employment. For LC theory, we draw on Elder and Giele (2009), for SRFY SEI experiences. These approaches tend to overemphasise society’s economic processes, thus missing the social and political relationships mediating EI. This is where a socio-political approach can offer new insights. The most important assumption of this line of thinking is that economic context is entrenched and embedded within social framework (Granovetter, 1985), i.e., the economy is not isolated from political context, ‘state policies and social relations’ (Grosfoguel, 1999; Mercedes-Sanchez, 2011).

This thesis uses the concept of HC in the analysis of the mobility of economic migrants who are mainly motivated by the expectation of attracting higher returns for their skills in another country (Portes, 1995). Most migrants move to places where they expect to get higher returns for their HC. According to proponents of HC theory, skilled refugees and migrants are employed in precarious jobs because of their deficits in HC and low productivity. For example, Adhikari (1999: 203) argues that different EI outcomes in diverse refugee and migrant groups can be ascribed to different ownership of HC attributes. Studies in HC fall into the domain of economics (Schultz, 1972). Current HC-based studies are inclined to compare refugee and migrant EI outcomes with those of other refugees and migrants, as well as those of the host community. Fuller and Todd’s (2012) study restricted

18 their analysis to intra-migrant comparison, instead of those who were native-born, as was common in prior studies (Smith, 1994). These studies draw no deductions as to whether refugees and migrants are underprivileged. Nonetheless, they do relate EI outcomes directly to HC characteristics, frequently observing that refugee and migrant HC is the most important determinant of their EI. These studies present the current version of this approach by considering refugee EI experiences, although with a new data set (Fuller and Todd, 2012; Tong et al., 2018; Wen and Maani, 2018). The most important problem that has been overlooked here is an analysis of the refugee and migrant EI experiences over time.

There is extensive research regarding the importance of HC for successful EI (e.g., Akcapar, 2010; Klvanova, 2010; Lancee, 2012; Nakhaie and Kazemipur, 2013; Fanning et al., 2010; Boateng, 2010; Kalter and Kogan, 2011; Kanas et al., 2012; Tonga et al., 2018). However, these have not focused specifically on refugee EI pathways, types, or changes over time. This is a gap in the literature because the qualitative research to date lacks an adequate picture of such pathways. Although HC theory is a useful and relevant framework for analysing and explaining EI experiences and outcomes, an explicit focus on individual HC factors can potentially inhibit a more comprehensive understanding of EI processes and pathways that can explain different EI outcomes. These researchers appear unconcerned about issues such as loss of skill and status before and after arrival, underemployment, or disadvantage, fair employment, and discrimination in the labour force. The HC approach disregards any part for refugees and migrants themselves regarding their EI, but instead diminishes refugee and migrant scope of activity to chasing returns for their ‘investment’ in HC. In short, a continued focus on HC generates an inadequate foundation from which to understand the full complexity of EI processes and outcomes. It tends to blind our understanding of the ways that economic, political and social influences shape the EI paths, processes, and the outcomes of SRFY in Australia, and how opportunities and outcomes are shaped.

None of the EI barriers or other factors that limit some refugee and migrant EI in Australia need to be explored if EI outcomes are seen purely as a function of HC legacies, though HC undoubtedly plays a part in forming EI pathways. A problem in the EI literature is that there are limited and incomplete HC qualitative studies that focus on education and the impact on EI outcomes for skilled refugee and migrant groups. There is a shortage of research on EI processes and pathways over time that has not derived from a HC theory. What is missing is the relevance of institutional elements, social links, discrimination, informal

19 training, labour market dynamics and other relevant factors and drivers of EI. The merging critique of HC reductionism is the starting point for the development of a potentially new model of refugee and migrant EI.

In conclusion, HC theory views HC as a lens through which migrant and refugee EI may be viewed. This is supported by several researchers who state that a comprehensive understanding of refugee and migrant integration also needs a broad investigation of the causal contextual, institutional, and other determinants (Ager and Strang 2008; King et al., 2009; Reitz et al., 2014). However, not enough is understood about the process, context and dynamics of EI, and there is a shortage of qualitative research on EI from this perspective. This is a gap in the literature. The following sections use these insights to locate other theories that offer deeper insights into EI.

2.1.2. Labour market segmentation theory (LMST)

HC theory (Bourdieu, 1986) alone does not fully illuminate the deprived situation and context of refugees and migrant EI (Strang and Ager, 2010; Lee, 2012). Labour market segmentation theory (LMST) helps to explain social disadvantage as a formidable barrier to refugee and migrant EI (Jackson and Bauder, 2013; Hipólito et al., 2014). LMST shifts the lens from HC assumptions and claims that refugee and migrant movements originate from the distinctive needs for labour in capitalist economies (Piorre, 1979). For example, the building industry typifies all highly developed countries, which exhibit a configuration in which refugees and migrants are employed in low-paid and low-skilled jobs (Castles and Miller, 1998; Valtonen, 2001; Rydgren, 2004; Colic- Peisker and Tilbury, 2006). These jobs are often harmful, hard, demanding and hazardous. This is also precarious work: companies frequently employ only refugees and migrants as they are the only ones desperate enough to take any job. The same situation and social context affect refugee and migrant women, whose jobs become concentrated in service and manufacturing fields (Dobson, 1996; Adsera and Chiswick, 2007). Piorre (1979) argues that labour markets in developed countries consist of two segments based on the quality of occupations and employment: first, the primary labour market, which requires highly skilled labour; and second, the labour-intensive, low-skilled work segment. It follows that “segmented” assimilation describes the diverse scenarios of EI outcomes (Thomas, 2010; Lee, 2012; Aysa-Lastra and Cachón, 2013; Jackson and Bauder, 2013; Fellini, 2018).

20 Overwhelming research evidence shows that structural discrimination and/or disadvantage exist in refugee and migrants’ struggle to attain EI in the host country (Myles and Hou, 2004; Zimmermann et al., 2008; Lee, 2012; Hipólito et al., 2014). This research indicates that discrimination and disadvantage are important issues for refugees and migrants. Newcomers to Australia often experience downward occupational and professional mobility. The most common problems and obstacles are poor English language proficiency (Hawthorne, 2007) , ethnic discrimination (Evans, and Kelley, 1986, 1991; Forrest and Johnston, 1991; Rydgren, 2004; Peucker, 2009), visible differences (Colic-Peisker and Tilbury, 2007a, 2007 b), a shortage of Australian work experience (see Abdelkarim and Grace, 2012), and recognition of foreign educational and occupational credentials by licensing bodies (Iredale, 1987; Bloch, 2002; Hawthorne, 2002; Bevelander and Lundh, 2007). These barriers to obtaining adequate employment relevant to migrants’ skills, qualifications and abilities are best understood from an LMST perspective.

In Australia, refugees and migrants who come from diverse cultural backgrounds encounter labour market segmentation (LMS) (Evans and Kelley, 1991; McAllister, 1995). However, some researchers see precarious EI outcomes as a result of the competitive labour market and the inescapable loss of HC after arrival. This is frequently linked to the problem of language acquisition in the host country (Evans and Kelley, 1991; McAllister, 1995; Adhikari, 1999). Early studies acknowledge discrimination against refugees and migrants EI (Evans and Kelley, 1991; McAllister, 1995). For instance, Jones (1969: 84) shows that, on the basis of census surveys in the 1960s, not only do NESB migrants work largely in unskilled and semi-skilled jobs, it is also clear that many unskilled refugees and migrants are in a precarious position regarding employment (against which Standing, 2014, warns).

A micro focus undermines relevant social context. The structural or institutional macro focus of LMST is in its emphasis on the relevance of class, race, gender, and the effect of differences between poor and rich nations, but this downplays the role of unions and ethnic or other networks (Iredale, 1997). LMST views discrimination as an inescapable characteristic of relations within society (Peucker, 2009) and explains poor EI outcomes on institutional and structural contexts and reasons (Portes and Zhou, 1993; Portes et al., 2005; Colic-Peisker and Tilbury, 2006; Peucker, 2009; Lee, 2012; Waters, 2014). This ‘split market’ theory is challenged by Aysa-Lastra and Cachón (2013), who argue that employers employ refugees and migrants on the basis of their HC excellence, irrespective of their characteristics. This is an interpretation that does not take into account the multifaceted

21 aspects of refugee and migrant EI. In support, Aslan (2013) confirms that migrants EI in the Netherlands begin with low-paid and low-skill occupations. However, migrant EI progresses considerably with time. Aslan states that a strong indication that the migrants’ country of origin is a solid forecaster of EI and the quickness of finding adequate employment.

Ethnic discrimination in employment continues to create barriers for migrants with far-reaching consequences that hinder their upward mobility and full participation in society. Lee (2012) found that Korean migrant women and other Asian subgroups experience discrimination in contrast with prevailing majority groups in Australia. They experience obstacles to EI due to racism, sexism and cultural difference, as well as barriers associated with lack of strong English language skills. Similarly, Zimmermann et al. (2008: 58) found that refugee and migrant groups in Europe suffer from unemployment, low paid precarious jobs, and lower occupational attainment. Hipólito et al. (2014) examined the EI of migrants by comparing their pre-arrival EI and their EI situation after migrating to Spain. They found that the EI outcome is significantly poorer than in their countries of origin. The poor outcome and status experienced are the consequences of their initial precarious EI situation and its sluggish improvement. These findings are more in line with LMST, which proposes limited or blocked migrants’ EI, rather than Chiswick et al.’s (2005) assimilation theory, which envisages a U-shaped development in the EI of immigrants between their home and host countries (Hipólito et al., 2014). Consequently, Hipólito et al.’s evidence is different from previous studies for other migrant-receiving countries, which lean towards Chiswick et al.’s (2005) assimilation theory. Finally, Hipólito et al. propose that one determinant obstructing the EI of migrants in Spain is the substantial existence of the segmented labour market (SLM) which limits migrants’ prospects mostly to low-skill jobs. As explained above, studies that recognize the segmented nature of labour markets are better able to explain the different EI experiences of refugees and migrants.

In conclusion, incorporating principles of LMST helps explain one of the biggest obstacles to refugee and migrant EI, i.e., the existence of secondary labour markets and cause of underemployment that may be applied from insider perspectives. LMST importance for this thesis is that two-thirds in the SRFY sample (39 out of 54) are skilled educated refugees who were not successful in their EI in Australia, which may be due to the existence of the segmented labour market. The next section reviews SC theory.

22 2.1.3. Social capital (SC) theory

Pierre Bourdieu (1986: 243) refers to SC as the ‘prospects that enable an individual or collective action’ among migrants and refugees. It is created by webs of interactions, exchange, trust and social standards (Lancee, 2012). While HC theory allows for an examination of the influence of individual-level characteristics on EI outcomes, SC theory provides a framework through which social factors and forces may influence refugee and migrant EI.

SC theory has been used in several studies to analyse migrants’ lack of resourceful social ties for their SEI (Lancee and Hartung, 2012; Kanas et al., 2012). This literature shows that migrants and refugees bring with them considerable HC, such as education and skills. However, they lack SC, or social networks, not only within their own ethnic group, but more importantly in the wider society, which limits their ability to make use of their HC. SC is closely connected to refugee and migrant social settings and incorporation in mainstream society (Portes and Sensenbrenner, 1993; Portes, 1998; Lancee, 2012). Whereas HC allows for an examination of the influence of individual-level characteristics on EI outcomes, SC theory provides a framework through which social factors may influence EI. This thesis argues that taken together they offer powerful insights.

Portes (2000) has reviewed the origins and definitions of SC in Bourdieu (1986) and Coleman (1988), among others. He warns that SC is double-edged sword. It might offer a number of treasured services for group affiliates. However, there are also costs in that those same links might put significant burdens on members’ sense of responsibility and commitment with negative economic consequences. Group devotions can be so strong that they insulate members from information about employment prospects or foster a culture that underestimates and mocks hard work and study. The bases of SC used to be differentiated from the consequences resulting from them. Assigning only wanted results to SC overlooks the likelihood that the same social links might stopping achievement in another similar group. As group follower’s wellbeing fluctuates over time, so too does the calculus of costs and benefits associate with specific combinations of bonds and links (Portes, 1998).

Recent SC literature has stretched the theory from a focus on personal advantage to the analysis of groups and even nations (Ashourizadeh et al., 2014). For example, Ashourizadeh et al. (2014) maintains that SC is shorthand for the positive magnitudes of sociability, and that SC has a fixed place in sociological theory.

23 Portes and Sensenbrenner (1993) posit that SC is high in groups with diverse and specific cultural features that intensify bias and or negative perceptions towards them and therefore potentially lower the likelihood of entry into commensurate jobs and exit from ethnic dependence. In other words, SC is high in ethnic groups that suffer a high level of discrimination and are deprived of other paths for group honour and EI chances (Portes and Sensenbrenner, 1993). It is also high in groups that possess a great amount of inner communication and are capable of allocating distinctive and exceptional rewards upon associates (Portes and Sensenbrenner, 1993). This is acceptable when it offers group affiliates access to needed resource and support, but it can be adverse in placing high demands on associates, and in so doing limiting their progression and development in the host society (Portes and Sensenbrenner, 1993). Massey and Aysa-Lastra (2011) outline that different forms of SC (e.g., strong and weak links and bonds) and different forms of HC (e.g., university degree) play important parts in shaping migrants’ SEI.

Due to the many definitions of SC, its measurement is fragmented and there is no generally accepted method for its analysis (Woolcock, 1998; Koniordos, 2008). Fragmentation of the different approaches to SC (Koniordos, 2008) creates in itself problems for the meaningful utilisation of SC in refugee and migrant EI research. However, this literature supports the argument that migrants and refugees with SC improve their ability to acquire economic and cultural capital and most probably EI and attain upward social mobility (Bourdieu, 1986; Woolcock, 1998, 2001). SC influences EI success because it facilitates access to information that may lead refugees and migrants to find jobs. The effects of SC on EI success depend on the extent, compactness, diversity of the circumstances and social conditions of their network affiliates (Woolcock, 2001). Some studies that focus on SC distinguish between bridging and bonding ties (Lancee, 2010, 2012). Bonding refers to ‘within group connections; [and] bridging SC refers to between-group connections’ (Lance, 2012:24). At the micro level, Woolcock (1998:168) refers to embeddedness (i.e., intercommunity ties) ‘as integration, and autonomy (i.e., extra community networks) as linkage’ (see also Zhou, 2005). These include measures that capture community-wide festivals, cultural events, movie events, sporting occasions and other customary means of nurturing social links that are significant indicators of the SC (Woolcock, 1998). The research of Nakhaie and Kazemipur (2013) found that visible minority migrants in Canada had lower levels of SEI and social economic status in comparison to white migrants. Consequently, they argued, SC contributes significantly to an increased probability of EI and also to higher

24 socio-economic status. They emphasised that the effect of SC differs by type of SC, ethno- racial origin and form of economic integration.

Other research draws attention to social (Kanas et al., 2012) and contextual/structural factors (Reitz, 2001; Reitz et al., 2014). Analysis of issues such as identity, belonging and acculturation (Korac, 2009; Lu et al., 2011; De Vroom and van Tubergen, 2010). Hence, Berry’s (1997) acculturation model and social identity theory are used to explain refugee and migrant socio-cultural integration. These ideas reinforce Granovetter’s (1985) argument that all economic acts were essentially involved in social dealing, and, as stated above, Kanas et al. (2012) found different effects of social contacts on economic outcomes. Co-ethnic regional concentration has no impact on migrant economic status and annual income. Madhavan (2011) examined how migrants create the use of shared ethnicity, kinship networks, and spatial and social spreading and diffusion. Lancee (2010) found that bridging networks are positively associated with both employment and income, i.e., social capital can help refugees and migrants in EI: on the one hand, SC may contribute to economic success; on the other, economic participation also enhances SC (an endogeneity problem). SC theory is therefore potentially improved by exploring the underlying mechanisms of bridging SC in more detail.

The network approach (Granovetter, 1983) of SC is closely related to Portes and Sensenbrenner’s (1993) SC research. For instance, Woolcock and Narayan (2000) emphasised the importance of inter-community links, such as those that cross many social divisions built on faith, class, nationality, gender or socioeconomic position. On the other hand, strong horizontal links can be converted to become a foundation for the quest for the narrow sectional benefits. Woolcock and Narayan’s (2000) communitarian approach equates SC with local organizations, such as clubs, associations and civic groups. They argue that SC is fundamentally useful and its occurrence has a helpful impact on community well-being (Woolcock and Narayan, 2000). By analysing the social composition of networks (Granovetter, 1983) we can observe which socio-economic features are bridged in addition to ethnicity (Lancee, 2012; Cingano and Rosolia, 2012). For instance, Lancee (2012) used the impact of friendships on EI outcomes to study the strength of weak ties (see also Granovetter, 1973). Lin (1999) argues that social groups (gender, age) have different access to SC because of their advantaged or disadvantaged positions and social networks. Nakhaie and Kazemipur (2013) found that SC measures have a strong effect on EI four years after migration and such

25 effects tend to be stronger than that of HC. Nevertheless, empirical work on migration has largely overlooked SC formation and this is a gap in the literature.

In conclusion, SC enables a better understanding of refugee and migrant employment and EI strategies and processes. SC suggests that social support and networks improve refugee and the migrant coping and recovery processes. Furthermore, SC may be a determinant of EI success. It follows that issues such as social contacts, networks, ties, bonding and bridging SC identity, belonging and acculturation should be incorporated into the analysis of EI (Granovetter, 1973; Kalter and Kogan, 2011; Lancee, 2010, 2012; Lin, 1999; Korac, 2009; Lu et al., 2011; De Vroom and van Tubergen, 2010). The next section examines structuration theory (ST).

2.1.4. Structuration theory (ST)

The neglect of structure, or its treatment as a mere contextual characteristic of people’s lives, is prominent in the EI literature. Lives cannot be fully understood or logically enriched without a deeper understanding of structures. A structural approach observes systems through the properties of their members (events, rates of change, background characteristics). This is a contextual approach that studies individuals through the properties of the groups to which they belong. The main tenet of structuration theory (ST) is related to the shared association among societal structures and individual agency over the life course (Shanahan and Mortimer, 2003). Shanahan and Mortimer (2003) outline that organizations contribute to the configuration of social relations across time and space. Shanahan et al. (2016) suggest that researchers move beyond common individualistic paradigms. Their study draws on conceptual life course developments and recent experiential and practical findings to recognize promising directions for exploration that reveals the relationships and interactions between structure and agency.

As a conceptual framework, Giddens’ exposition of ST is used to explain the approach (2001). Giddens’ (2001) principles lead to an enquiring of the contrast between HC theory that rejects and overlooks institutional structures, as well as critical theories that view public relations as concealed premeditated acts performed by the privileged members of society to control and lead the public domain. ST enables a holistic understanding refugee EI as a process.

Exploration of changes in refugee EI over time needs to draw close attention to not only tendencies in the HC of refugees but also to the structure of associated organizations

26 (Reitz, 2001). As Reitz (2001) argues, there is an enduring interaction ‘between changing lives and changing structures: it is not only lives that change – structures also change’. A complete understanding of how lives change (as in the LC approach) requires an understanding of the processes of change in the surrounding structures (Reitz, 2001). This poses a persistent research problem: how to explore and analyse the interconnected fluctuations in two exploration parts, i.e., individuals and the surrounding structures (White Riley and White Riley, 1999). White Riley and White Riley (1999) highlight that surrounding social structures and institutions at all levels (macro, meso, and micro) are influenced by people’s lives. The power of structures, such as firms, families, friendship groups, nursing homes, and the like are candidates for the examination. Also important is how structures change (or remain stable), and how such structures can be altered to enhance health, life satisfaction and functioning throughout the life course.

Progressive views such as ‘segmented assimilation’ emphasise that different migrant groups experience different integration paths and integrate into different ethnic and class ‘segments’, subcultures, and structures of the host society (Portes and Zhou, 1993; Portes et al., 2005; Waters, 2014). Proponents of ST argue that refugee and migrant EI is not a choice: it is a consequence of structural factors rather than the manifestation of individual SC and HC characteristics (Portes et al., 2005). Some researchers have recognized the importance of structural factors and structural changes in the economy regarding refugee and migrant EI (Castles et al., 1988; Alcorso and Hage, 1994; Testi, 1996; Bertone, 2004), but do not go on to analyse EI changes over time.

The persistently disadvantaged position of refugees and migrants may be therefore interpreted as an indicator of the operation of some form of structural discrimination (Peucker, 2009). Broader research is needed that includes not only economic, but also social (Kanas et al., 2012) and contextual factors (Borjas, 1995; Reitz, 2001; Mercedes-Sanchez, 2011), in order to gain deeper insight into refugee and migrant’s EI. However, both approaches tend to overemphasise society’s economic processes, overlooking social and political relationships, discussed above (Granovetter, 1985).

EI has its own set of structural dynamics. EI studies share an emphasis on refugee and migrant efforts to attain and sustain EI (Godin and Renaud, 2005). Godin and Renaud (2005) highlight that this emphasis tends undermine the fact that refugees and migrants are competitors in a competitive international labour market. They point out that this is a

27 dynamic aspect of SC, as it emphasises and contextualizes the economic-social context and setting in which refugees and migrants are situated. Instead, rather than focusing exclusively on HC, notwithstanding the difficulties in SEI experienced after arrival, it should concentrate more on their ability to cope with the supply and demand of the labour market. It therefore seems rational to accept that economic circumstances, because of their dynamic nature, apply differing consequences on EI outcomes. Similarly, Reitz et al., (2014) investigation of changes in migrant EI suggests that consideration not only of progress in development of skills and development in the situation and social context of migrants within labour markets but also relevance of changes in the structure of labour markets themselves, and of related institutions, need to be encompassed. Reitz (2001) concludes that labour market institutions have had a dominant consequence for migrants’ EI outcomes. Consequently, it follows that structural and labour market changes contribute to the context in which migrant skills are used and may be of considerable importance in EI research (Mercedes-Sanchez, 2011; Reitz et al., 2014).

In conclusion, the role played by dominant institutional structures is an important factor in EI, but it is not the only one. This section has argued that migrant groups experience different integration paths and integrate into different ethnic segments, subcultures and structures of the host society (Portes and Zhou, 1993; Portes et al., 2005; Mercedes-Sanchez, 2011; Waters, 2014). This research will analyse relevant institutions.

2.3. The main EI themes

This section combines previous theoretical frameworks (HC, SC, LMST, ST) with empirical research on refugee and migrant SEI in order to explain key aspects in understanding the phenomenon of refugee and migrant EI. The literature indicates several recurrent themes relating to EI that will be explored. These include: migration and location; employment and work history; education history and skills; community relations and context in the host country; institutional context in the host country; and life satisfaction and well- being (see Figure 2.1).

28 Figure 2.1: The main EI aspects/themes

An overview of the empirical literature and theories demonstrates the importance of explaining EI in terms of individual education, skills, knowledge, experience (the main tenets of HC theory), social links, connections and engagement in mainstream community activities (the main tenets of SC theory), and the role of institutional and structural factors (related to the main tenets of segmentation and structuration theory) or the absence of explanation. The empirical literature reveals important research gaps and provides the basis for the research questions of this thesis. This section will also develop the methodological framework used here.

A thematic approach is used to structure the analysis. The first theme explores migration and location.

29 2.2.1. Migration and location

Migration is a phenomenon folded by time, space, context, and place. Roberts (2019) suggests that for a better understanding of Australia within worldwide migration movements, it is necessary to comprehend the contemporary migration as a multifaceted milieu of interactions and networks over time and space, rather than traditional linear and permanent migration. Similarly, Massey (1999) argues that new aspects of migration and differing socio- economic and political context require an integrated approach to better understand the migration phenomenon.

Australia is an immigrant society. Devoid of constant migration flow, the rich and flourishing society of today could not have arisen. For many years, Australia received migrants with little schooling and they varied ethnically from the rest of the population (Jupp, 2001, 2002). However, over the last two decades migration policy in Australia has amplified the importance of skilled migration (Hugo 2011). The EI of migrants and refugees has distinct importance for Australia, a state in which migration contributes for half of the overall populace development and contributes to an ever more diverse population (DIAC, 2009, DIMA, 2010a, 2010b; DIAC, 2011a, 2011b).

Waters (2014) analyses difficulties of defining and determining migrant generation and implies that generation studies are relevant because they can help explain processes of refugee and migrants ‘integration in Britain, considering age at migration, historical period and cohort effects. Furthermore, ethnic groups shaped through migration may have different SC and HC characteristics.

Massey and Aysa-Lastra (2011) analyse links between social capital (SC) and international migration in Latin America. Their results highlight the ubiquity of migrant links and the universality of SC effects all over Latin America. Furthermore, they show how the sizes of these effects are not even across locations. SC functions more powerfully on first in contrast to later journeys and interrelates with the cost of migration movement. Similarly, effects are in some way different when bearing in mind individual SC (measuring strong links) and community SC (measuring weak links). On first journeys, effects of strong links in encouraging migration intensify with distance. On later journeys, the direction of effects for both individual and community SC is negative for long distances but positive for short distances.

30 Some of the consequences of refugee forced migration include loss of skill and status, which is a broad theme encompassing skill mismatch, skill underutilisation, loss of occupational status, and education mismatch (Castles, 1998; Castles, and Miller, 2003). The skills of highly educated refugees and migrants are underutilised as a result of their employment in low-skill occupations (Alam et al., 2008; Reitz et al., 2014). This represents a waste of valued HC, which leads to a loss in worker productivity to the national economy (the segmentation labour market discourse) (Reitz, 2001, 2002). While evidence of loss of skill, status and occupational downgrading is reported in many studies, very few have explicitly analysed EI processes and pathways over time and subsequent changes within the host country (Chiswick and Miller, 2010; Aslan, 2013; Mahmud et al., 2014; Wen and Maani, 2018). Exceptions are Frank (2011) and Liversage (2009). There is a lack of research on the effect of time since migration, i.e., long-term experiences in the categories of 1. the EI process; 2. Segmentation, 3. SC; and 4. HC (Frank, 2013; Türegün, 2013). Examples like these helps to critically analyse the various studies in this area by anchoring the theoretical concepts to lived experiences.

Notwithstanding the growing Government emphasis on SEI for refugees, empirical research warns (Bertone, 2004; Dunlop, 2005; Alam et al., 2008; Abdelkerim and Grace, 2012; Borland and Coelli, 2016) that refugees and migrants agonize as a consequence of ongoing unemployment and underemployment. It is work inadequate to refugee and migrant skills, experience, education and qualifications that they undertake in the host country.

Two main discourses of labour migration are critical and traditional (Meyers, 2000; Van Hear, 2010). The cornerstone of the traditional discourse of refugee and migrant labour migration is HC theory. Earlier concepts and traditional research of EI do not trace refugees and migrants through time frameworks and do not follow up how changes in their location influence their EI over time. Reitz et al., (2014) find that refugee and migrant skill underutilisation is related to the lower value of migrant HC and is an important factor in overall migrant employment disadvantage. Reitz et al.’s quantitative study comprise regression estimates: census-based figures represent maximum estimates.

On the other hand, proponents of the critical approach to labour migration emphasise explaining migrations as a result of the need for cheap labour for capitalist economies and the resulting discrimination and disadvantage that migrants experience in the host country (Piore, 1979; Colic-Peisker, 2003; Peucker, 2009).

31 Humanitarian entry into Australia guarantees access to a source of labour to fill unwanted positions which host residents evade (Collins, 1991; Castles et al., 2002). Typically, these refugees from unindustrialized states have specific EI problems and when in employment incline to employment in precarious jobs. Fozdar (2009) shows that ethnically diverse refugee communities can have different obstacles to SEI, and, as a consequence, this leads to variance in life satisfaction. Nonetheless, the main outcomes are mutual, mostly in relation to EI barriers. Overwhelming research evidence shows that skilled migrants have the best EI outcomes (Gunasekara et al., 2014; Rajendran et al., 2017) and refugee humanitarian entrance the worst EI outcomes (Olliff, 2010). Olliff (2010) finds that refugees and humanitarian entrants are the ones who are unemployed, disadvantaged, working in precarious jobs (see Standing, 2014 a, 2014 b, 2014 c), and encountering numerous obstacles to EI in Australia. Hipólito et al. (2014) provide evidence that existence of LMS leads to disadvantage for ethnic groups over time. While some concepts, models, and ideas from empirical research help to partially explain EI in specific domains, LMST and ST provide the best and the most adequate theoretical explanation of the refugee EI situation before and after migration.

The following section addresses Research Question 1: What are the key elements in the EI experiences of SRFY in Australia? and Research Question 2: How do refugee (SRFY) EI experiences evolve over time?

2.2.2. Employment and work history

Employment and work history is a temporally oriented theme that helps explain the complexity of EI. It is widely acknowledged that refugees and migrants add considerable input to Australia’s human, social and produced capital, thus making a significant contribution to the economy and society. The economic and social benefits are largest when the productive potential of those refugees and migrants is fully realised, i.e., when they work in desired and adequate jobs relevant to their qualifications, education, skills and experience (DIMA, 2010a, 2010 b, DIAC, 2011a, DIAC, 2011 b; Hugo, 2011). EI in a host society affords pay, economic development, safety, improved self-esteem and confidence and offers the chance for social interactions with the wider community (Hugo, 2011; Spencer, 2011). Despite this, refugees and migrants working in commensurate jobs prior to arrival in Australia face considerable descending work-related occupational status, after their arrival (see Akresh, 2008; Fozdar, 2009; Peucker, 2009). There is a consequent loss of job status:

32 ethnically and racially visible refugee and migrants are assigned to the lowest occupations, irrespective of their education, qualifications, skills, and experience.

The problem of refugee and migrant skill utilization has grown significantly since 1996. Underutilisation is related to a lower value accorded to migrant HC and is an important element of overall migrant employment disadvantage (Reitz et al., 2014). Underutilisation of migrant skills is detrimental to refugees and migrants and their family life satisfaction and well-being (George et al., 2012). Skilled migrants are mainly chosen based on their HC. Although they are experienced and competent (Richardson et al., 2004; Hugo, 2011), after arrival they often face unemployment, underemployment or downward occupational mobility (Ho and Alcorso, 2016). Many employed refugees are underemployed in ‘visible’ underemployment or through an insufficiency in the volume of employment. A number of studies (Desiderio, 2016; Bakker et al., 2017; Xypolytas, 2018) have examined immigrant participation in the workforce, but labour force participation only captures one of two dimensions to the labour supply decision. If individuals are working fewer hours than desired, they are said to be underemployed. Underutilisation is difficult to measure and there is little empirical research in this area.

The literature interchangeably uses the terms ‘underemployment’, ‘over-education’ and ‘skill underutilisation’ to describe the loss and waste of skills, knowledge, education, and experience. This can happen in different forms such as the downward mobility of skills or de- skilling. Another form is atrophy of existing skills and knowledge in place of qualifications and experience of the migrants that are not adequately utilised (Dahlstedt, 2011; Chiswick and Miller, 2011; Grenier et al., 2011; Reitz et al., 2014). This employment position is described as skills waste, because refugee and migrants are employed in jobs that are inferior to jobs they performed in their country of origin (Iredale, 1987, 1997; Shinnaoui and Narchal, 2010; Chiswick and Miller, 2012).

Discrimination is covered by the term ‘segmented assimilation’ to show that migrants sometimes become assimilated into the lower end of the labour market because of their ethnicity or class, or unfavourable attitudes and perceptions believed by mainstream community (Portes et al., 2005; Marcus, 2009; Jackson and Bauder, 2013). Colic-Peisker and Tilbury (2007 a; 2007 b) found that there were inferior EI outcomes for refugees from the former Yugoslavia. Fozdar (2009) supports the same view that refugees are deprived and

33 discriminated against, and inside that disadvantage there are traces of discrimination ensuing from refugee ‘visible difference’.

One way to analyse refugee and migrant occupational mobility and EI consists of applying tables of job-related positions as dependent variables in quantitative studies that analyse the properties of different socioeconomic features on occupational attainment (Grenier et al., 2010). Recently Khattab and Fox (2016) argue that the defencelessness of migrants in times of recession cannot constantly be exclusively evaluated in greater proportions of migrant unemployment (see Birrell and Healy, 2008). Although their study provides a variety of EI variables (qualification, household position, oldness, gender, cultural context, ethnic group, district of habitation), all are related to EI effects (joblessness, self- employment, over-qualification and precarious employment), but there is no explanation of refugee and migrant EI over time.

Refugee and migrant studies differ in the time phases that are the focus of their explanations. Understanding the EI of skilled refugees and migrants over longer periods of time (20 to 25 years after arrival) is important, because downward professional mobility has negative outcomes. Inclusion in this study of personal accounts of skilled refugees’ EI experiences over time will give us a sense of the variety of refugee experience; they can help provide an understanding of the migration process; they can assist in generating hypotheses for testing in the empirical research from rich qualitative data, and in producing greater and deeper insights into EI processes and pathways in Australia. This echoes a more general limitation in the literature that there is a lack of empirical qualitative research tracking EI over timeframes exceeding 20 years, such as Javdani and McGee’s (2018) study of early, initial EI outcomes of men. Qualitative in-depth insight into EI experiences over time of specific ethnic groups is also missing. This thesis seeks to fill this gap.

Wagner and Childs (2006) contribute to this conversation by discussing exclusionary narratives as obstacles to the recognition of qualifications, skills and experience of skilled migrants in Australia. They argue that skilled migrants’ exclusion is consequently elaborated by skill deterioration, the loss and diminishing of educational credentials and a disappointment to attain EI adequate and matching their knowledge, abilities and experience.

The level of refugee and migrant initial disadvantage and the degree of adaptation differ between refugee groups in the transferability of knowledge, experience and abilities related to their ethnic and language detachment from the Australian culture (Van Der Veen,

34 2004; Betts and Healy, 2006; Bachan and Sheehan, 2011; Abdelkerim and Grace, 2012) and are assessed by the concept of refugee and migrant professional mobility. Chiswick et al. (2005) propose a theory of the occupational mobility of migrants in which refugees and migrants are inclined to experience a professional trajectory that tracks a U-shaped EI configuration from the time of the first employment in the state of origin to the first employment and later after-migration jobs in the host country. Grenier et al. (2010) argue that the EI of migrants differs with their HC and demographic characteristics, and specifically rises with time of residing in the host country. Chances of attaining EI are significantly higher with longer time of residence. A limitation of their theory is its absence of instruments linking lives with the changes in social life over time (see Elder and Giele, 2009); it also lacks a methodological framework that enables a better understanding of the complexity of refugee EI experiences, pathways and their temporal nature.

Aslan’s (2013) analysis of professional mobility of migrants in the Netherlands, compared to the earlier study of Chiswick (1986), provides recent confirmation that migrants start in precarious low-paid and low-skill jobs. He observes the quickness of the EI of migrants using quantitative survey data. His investigation confirms Chiswick’s (1986) and Chiswick et al.’s (2005) assertions that migrants’ EI attainment recovers considerably with time of residence. The limitation of these studies, based on population surveys (Richardson et al., 2004; Dahlstedt, 2011; Adamuti-Trache, 2010; Aslan, 2013) is that they do not include enough refugees or fail to include factors that possibly affect their EI experience over time, which makes it hard to properly analyse refugee and migrant EI developments, paths and outcomes over time. Many studies use census and survey data (Akresh, 2008; Adamuti- Trache, 2010; Dahlstedt, 2011; Aslan, 2013) that have provided limited perspectives on the EI. Research on occupational match (Dahlstedt, 2011), intended occupation (Aslan, 2013), and integration paths (Adamuti-Trache, 2010) analyses the entire migrant population from longitudinal surveys as one indistinguishable category, without observing any difference between migrant countries of birth. These studies also focus on macro-level research and offer a broader social and policy framework without actually reviewing individual EI experiences of skilled refugees over time.

The results of this qualitative study of refugee EI pathways over time can potentially question or complement the results of Chiswick’s (1986) and Chiswick et al.’s (2005) U- shaped pattern of occupational mobility of immigrants. There is considerable quantitative longitudinal research mentioned above that does not enter into qualitative explanations of the

35 life courses of a refugee and migrant in Australia and therefore does not offer better understanding and in-depth insight into EI over time. We know little about how and why some skilled, qualified and educated skilled refugees are integrated successfully into the Australian labour market while others end in occupations for which they are overqualified. This could partly be due to the lack of available qualitative data and a proper understanding of the EI processes over time. No data set has information on the EI of SRFY families or on the timetable of adult events in the lives of the SRFY study members. The question of successful integration over time, particularly EI and SEI of highly skilled and educated refugees from the former Yugoslavia 20 years after their arrival in Australia, has been the subject of little scholarly attention.

Long-term occupational mobility and attainment of skilled refugees have not been explored and we do not know what happens with refugees after 20 or 25 years after coming to Australia. Using a longer time for exploration of skilled refugee (SRFY) experiences can reveal EI patterns, relationships, and effects. Most EI research in Australia uses quantitative analysis, such as Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants Australia (LSIA) (Richardson, 2004), which does not have information on occupations held prior to migrating and has limited educational data. However, on the positive side, the data indicate the very positive explanation favoured by HC theory. This demonstrates that downward social mobility is shaped by refugee and migrant country of origin. A limitation of the LSIA-based studies is that the data situation for smaller ethnic groups is very poor. The reasons for the extensive failure of refugee EI over longer periods of time have rarely been studied through another perspective: qualitative research that considers the narratives of migrants and refugees which can provide a real insight into their EI problem.

The effect of time since migration yields changeable EI outcomes across different countries, ethnic groups and visa entry categories (Frank, 2013). Thapa and Gorgens (2006) quantitative LSIA study complement and replace old stagnant assimilation approach to EI by investigating the period migrants needed to attain the first job in Australia. Studies that have observed long-term EI scenarios have largely been quantitative surveys (e.g., surveys and censuses, mentioned above). Cross-sectional quantitative studies in contrast to longitudinal (biographical studies, do not permit the creation of the time line of events of interest (Elder and Giele, 2009). Qualitative studies do permit the time line of events, and thus the processes, to be established (Hermanowitz, 20007; Elder and Giele, 2009; Hermanowitz, 2016). Other

36 explanations of refugee EI have substantial limitations, which leads to Research Question 1: What are the key elements in the EI experiences of SRFY in Australia?

This thesis will, therefore, use qualitative method (in-depth interviews) to eliminate limitations of exclusive use of longitudinal survey data, which leads to Research Question 2: How do refugee (SRFY) EI experiences evolve over time?

2.2.3. Education history and skills

A key component of HC is refugee and migrant educational capital, consisting of their educational qualifications and skills (Bourdieu, 1986; Adamuti-Trache, 2011). It is expected that a higher educational level will lead to the attainment of EI (Dockery and Miller, 2012). Formal education, work-related experience and an additional training are investments that increase the HC of individuals (Bourdieu, 1986; Voon and Miller, 2005). The HC of SRFY is relevant as it is related to their previous and current educational and occupational status.

According to HC theory, migrants move to find employment more suitable to their level of education, skills, and experience. Few studies analyse the EI of migrant educated skilled workers with expertise in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (Boyd and Tian, 2018). Furthermore, few have examined HC by focusing on different types of education and their impact on employment outcomes for migrant groups and natives (Dahlstedt and Bevelander, 2010; Söhn, 2016). Söhn (2016) reveals huge disruption such as the transnational transition from employment to education which was imposed in response to devaluation of skills or non-recognition of foreign educational credentials and qualifications. The loss of migrants’ skills and occupational status (Shinnaoui and Narchal, 2010) represents a waste of valued HC, which leads to a loss in worker productivity for the national economy. Reitz (2002) has estimated the loss in the Canadian economy due to the underutilisation of migrant skills is around $2 billion annually. Tong et al. (2018) explore EI of non-Chinese immigrants in Hong Kong and find that educational achievement can influence and drive the process of SEI ‘differently within different social contexts’, and different groups, particularly for migrants; migrants’ qualifications and generally HC cannot be completely shifted to receiving countries. Importantly, the data of respondents’ education and skill levels, before and after migration, are one of the most important determinants for analysing their EI processes and outcomes over time in the context of HC theory (Bourdieu, 1986).

Chiswick and Miller’s (2010a) emphasis is on the properties of educational-job discrepancy on migrant earnings in Australia, with transnational evaluations (and see Borland

37 and Coelli, 2016). Their empirical studies were created by realized matches and occupation study dealings, enhancing understanding of migrant labour market experience in Australia (Chiswick and Deb Burman, 2004). They argue that transferability of skills is a function of similarities in the labour market of the home country and receiving countries, with education and language as the two most significant indicators (Krahn et al., 2000; Chiswick and Deb Burman, 2004; Chiswick and Miller 2010b; Borland and Coelli, 2016). Chiswick and Deb Burman (2004) highlight that the more general skills attained and developed through education in the origin country, the better the transferability to the host country and henceforth the lesser the deterioration in the volume of HC after arrival. They find that for the identical number of years in education, the capability and chances to transform education into adequate employment contrast and vary among migrants and workers from the host country. Their findings suggest that refugee and migrants will not be able to fully transfer the HC accrued from their arriving country to the labour market of the receiving country. This research is useful for elaboration and analysis of different types of HC investment, such as education and upskilling.

Some recent studies (Mahmud et al., 2014; Wen and Maani, 2018) have focused on over-education and international transferability of HC skills of migrants. Most studies that explore and analyse the effects of education-occupation mismatches for refugees and migrants are quantitative and use longitudinal data. For instance, Wen and Maani’s (2018) survey of the effects of education-job disparities for migrants with quantitative longitudinal data and panel data analyses encompasses a broad variety of age groups and years after arrival. They compare the match between education and profession and resultant earnings effects for migrants from an English-speaking background (ESB) and non-English speaking backgrounds (NESB) compared to the native-born population in Australia. Wen and Mani’s analysis does not support the argument that low-educated migrants do as well as similar Australian-born persons.

Other researchers have analysed the changes of migration policy that influence migrants’ probability of being over- or under-educated or correctly matched. Tani (2012) examines the influence of a modification in Australia’s migration policy on migrants’ prospect of being over- or under-educated or properly matched. The policy change contains harsher admission requirements related to age, language proficiency, schooling and job experience. Tani argues that the policy change limited the occurrence of female over- education, improved the significance of being educated in Australia to being properly

38 matched, and enticed a bigger percentage of migrants who were previously under-utilised (or over-achieving) in their arrival countries. These findings show that those who entered under more rigorous environments, i.e., the subsequent cohort, have a lesser possibility of being over-educated and a congruently higher possibility of being adequately matched than those in the first cohort. The advanced and more tenacious the occurrence of such disparities (over- or under-educated) between migrants, the greater the likely problem for countries where migrants form a considerable share of the labour force, and where a rise in employment is mostly driven by migration, as is the situation in Australia. The study uses quantitative statistical survey estimates and a comparison of the first and second cohorts of refugees and migrants. The limitation of such studies is that these are just quantitative estimates. Such comparisons and analysis, although useful, offer a limited perspective on migrants’ EI over time.

There is much research evidence which points to the multifaceted aspects of refugee EI rather than any one which is implicit and limited by the HC approach (Ariss and Syed, 2011; Lee, 2012; Ho and Alcorso, 2016). The research cited that emphasises only the characteristics of the refugees and migrants themselves tends to disregard and neglect the discriminatory attitudes by employers and obstacles to EI created by the government. Reitz et al. (2014) have suggested that government can help or limit to a greater extent refugee and migrant EI in Australia. Institutional, structural and policy barriers are huge obstacles for refugee and migrant EI (Tani, 2012; Khattab and Fox, 2016; Mahmud et al., 2014). HC theory disregards the active role of refugees and migrants as dynamic drivers of EI, and by doing so diminishes their scope of action.

Ariss and Syed (2011), Alcorso and Ho (2016) and Lee (2012) are critical of the focus on HC theory to explain EI; they suggest other explanations. Ariss and Syed (2011) argue that the HC focus undermines other types of HC, such as social, cultural, economic and emblematic forms of capital that migrants use in order to attain EI. Beyond HC theory, Ariss and Syed show that migrants count on inter-dependent bases of capital in order to have better chances to attain EI. This expands our understanding related to skilled migrants’ drivers of EI outside HC theory. Most importantly, Ariss and Syed provide broader clarification of skilled migrants’ experiences of their accumulation of capital that incorporates personal agency, structural and circumstantial influences that shape the EI mobility of skilled migrants. Their study offers better insight into the capital acquisition experiences of an ethnic minority group that has stayed under-explored in migration and refugee studies.

39 Other researchers offer a valuable critical evaluation of HC theory. Lee’s (2012) study focuses on the LMST characteristics of assessing the HC approach. An important influence is the dominance of HC theory in studies of migrant EI in Australia, because most studies are quantitative (e.g., Richardson et al., 2004; Dahlstedt, 2010; Banerjee and Verma, 2012; Tong, 2018), concentrating on seemingly quantifiable indicators of HC, and EI participation proportions. Such research is frequently based on quantifiable Longitudinal Survey or Census data. None of the EI barriers or other factors that limit refugee and migrant EI have to be explored if they are understood purely as a purpose of HC assumptions, even if they have an important role in EI pathways, processes and outcomes. The result of this focus on HC theory remains in the literature because of the lack of experiential life course refugee and migrants’ studies of EI that can potentially provide a better understanding of their EI experiences.

In short, some refugee and migrant studies show that a qualitative approach produces useful information related to migrants’ EI (Ariss and Syed, 2011; Jackson and Bauder, 2013; Zirakbash, 2014). Some of the concepts, models, ideas and results of this body of research help to explain EI in specific domains, but none provide a satisfactory explanation of EI processes over time, and each explanation has substantial limitations. However, a clear gap emerges that the policy and migration research generally has yet to provide a significant body of qualitative studies that contextualise the quantitative and statistical data.

Some researchers offer alternative ways of explaining EI determinants and outcomes. Ho and Alcorso (2016) explore the new tendency of HC analysis of migrant EI outcomes. Their study offers other ways of analysing the quantitative data and other approaches in investigating migrant EI. They challenge the politicization of studies on refugees and migrants in Australia and have found some very selective accounts of experiences portrayed as mostly positive stories, which are used to protect existing government policy, based exclusively on HC traditions. As a consequence of the Australian Government’s higher preference for qualifications and abilities in the migration programme, migrants’ HC investment has improved, thus apparently producing improved EI results in Australia (Ho and Alcorso, 2016). These studies are mostly based on the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants in Australia (LSIA) (Richardson et al., 2004; Vanden-Heuvel and Wooden, 2000; Dahlstedt, 2011 Banerjee and Verma, 2012). They provide a current version of HC theory when observing refugee and migrant EI experiences, although based on a new data set. They show that migrants with advanced levels of HC achieve improved EI than those with lower levels. Refugees or humanitarian applicants are not subject to strict HC requirements, and

40 consequently, typically, have low HC and poorer EI outcomes. Accordingly, the proponents of the HC approach point to the link between the entry type by which migrants enter Australia and EI outcomes, with migrants entering the country in the skilled-visa category usually overtaking those entering on family and refugee or humanitarian visas.

The main concern has been to compare different visa entry of migrants with those the government has decided are less needed (refugee applicants) and individuals it regards as extra worthy (migrants with high levels of HC). It follows that migrants with higher HC will attain EI more readily than migrants with lower HC characteristics and qualities (Ho and Alcorso, 2016). It is important to mention that the effect of HC is contingent on the positions that individuals are looking for. But the important question here is: is HC the only aspect differentiating diverse refugee and migrant entry? In studies on migrants, there is a remarkable lack of debate about birthplace or ethnicity that is evident in using the LSIA data. This disregard of country of origin is a retreat from earlier EI studies in Australia, which usually regard their country of origin as a vital determinant for EI outcomes. Analysis of the LSIA data confirms that refugee and migrants from ESB attained significantly superior EI results and professional status than NESB individuals (Richardson et al., 2004). For example, Richardson et al. (2004) show that, after monitoring English language proficiency, ESB migrants, mainly from Western countries, attain superior EI in Australia in comparison to NESB refugees and migrants. In short, this demonstrates that the longitudinal survey studies do not give the full picture when it comes to refugee EI outcomes.

The limitations of LSIA studies call for other approaches that will investigate the complexity of EI. King et al. (2009) and several other researchers (Ager and Strang, 2008; Liversage, 2009; Reitz, 2010, 2014) advise that, if the goal is to attain a better and complete insight of integration, there needs to be a broader investigation of the contributory contextual and other determinants. In other words, not enough is understood about the process, context, and dynamics of EI, and little has emerged from HC theory that assists to fill this gap.

Hermanowitz (2007, 2016) elaborates advantages of qualitative person-oriented approaches. He has found that qualitative studies characteristically count on smaller samples, which allow thorough and detailed insight. He points out that the smaller qualitative samples are large enough to analyse inside and between group dissimilarities or characteristics. He outlines the limitations of the quantitative approach because quantitative methods separate individuals and isolate social evidence from the social contexts in which they are situated.

41 Conversely, a qualitative approach seeks to expose individual perceptions and views of dynamics that transform or replicate social developments.

In conclusion, there is a gap in the EI literature that is focussed on EI pathways and changes. The lack of improvement in the EI raises questions about the drivers and barriers that obstruct refugee and migrant successful SEI. Previous research fails to apprehend and encompass variety of SEI determinants, influences, and drivers that stem from a specific type of social change over time. Models of labour market trajectories (Batalova et al., 2008; Anyadike-Danes and Mc Vicar, 2010; Chiswick and Miller, 2003, 2008, 2010a, 2010b, 2013) lack mechanisms linking lives with biographical and historical time, and with the changes in social life that span this time (Elder and Giele, 2009). They lack a conceptual framework that will enable a better understanding of the complexity of EI pathways and their temporal nature.

Only labour market segmentation and structuration theory potentially explain EI processes because their proponents argue that refugee and migrant groups experience different integration paths and integrate in different ethnic segments, subcultures, and structures of the host society. This view informs Research Question 3: What pathways to EI SRFY follow, and what types of EI do they experience?

2.2.4. Community relations and context in the host country

Another central theme concerning migration is social and cultural integration and cohesion. Community links encompass active engagement in both mainstream and ethnic community and voluntary work and also membership of mainstream organizations, from school councils to professional associations, and social links and networks, encompassing formal and informal relationships. Although social integration is an important aspect of EI, they are not identical. SC theory is useful and relevant in helping us partially understand and explain one part of the complex problem, i.e., EI is only one part of broader integration in host communities. As Granovetter (1985) argues, all economic activity is essentially involved in social relations. It follows that inclusive social cohesion comes from social collaboration and attainment of EI – refugees and migrants will prosper in a host society.

Migrants and refugees bring with them considerable HC, but they lack SC and social networks, not only within their own ethnic group but more importantly in the wider society, which limits their ability to make use of their HC. SC is connected to social integration in the mainstream community (Portes and Sensenbrenner, 1993; Portes, 1998). But whereas the HC

42 perspective allows for an examination of the influence of individual-level characteristics on EI outcomes, SC theory provides a framework through which social factors and forces may influence EI. Explicit focus on SC or refugee and migrant discrimination and disadvantage can obscure the more comprehensive understanding of EI experiences and outcomes in Australia such as respondent data on SRFY social bonds, bridges and networks before and after migration in the context of SC theory (Bourdieu, 1986; Portes, 1998), relating to social integration that involves the social networks and contacts of individuals. These constitute forms of SC and cultural capital that are worthy of investigation. The labour market position of an individual is not just a function of personal characteristics and talents, ‘but also of characteristics which are possessed, rightly or wrongly, to the group to which they belong’ (Castles et. al., 1988: 23).

Research evidence related to connection between ethnic SC and EI outcome is mixed. Some studies show that refugee and migrants with more SC benefit regarding their EI outcomes (Hyun-Sook, 2016). Others argue that embeddedness in ethnic networks and dependence on ethnic links can hinder EI in the host society. Similarly, Portes and Sensenbrenner (1993) emphasise the negative and positive aspects of SC within specific groups. They demonstrate that social relations need to be dynamic to accommodate more complex economic exchange. Granovetter (1985) outlines that EI is attained through a mechanism that lets persons to draw firstly on the advantages of close group affiliation but that also allows them to obtain the skills and resources needed to partake in networks that transcend their community, thus gradually connecting with the mainstream community. Information, sourced from friends and relatives, remains the most important settlement (George and Chaze, 2009) The challenge for SC research is to categorize circumstances under which the various positive facets of bonding SC in groups can be harnessed, its integrity retained and its negative characteristics dissipated, whereas at the same time helping the deprived and underprivileged gain access to formal institutions. This process may consist of changing social structures that are the very product of long-lasting cultural traditions or of powerful vested interests.

SC has various dimensions (Woolcock, 1998). Migrants and refugees with SC improve their ability to acquire economic and cultural capital and most probably their EI and upward social mobility (Bourdieu, 1986; Lin, 1999; Woolcock, 1998, 2001; Granovetter, 1973; Kalter and Kogan, 2011; Lancee, 2010, 2012). Social support and networks can also improve the entire refugee and migrant coping and recovery process (Lancee, 2011; Nakhaie

43 and Kazemipur, 2013). Lancee (2011) and Nakhaie and Kazemipur (2013) confirm that SC may contribute to economic success, but EI can also improve SC. The main argument now is that refugee EI is the result of the interdependence stuck between the ethnic origin of the refugee group and the several social elements comprising the SEI in the mainstream community. Refugees have identified more needs and support than the skilled migrants regarding access to community services and EI (Nakhaie, 2017).

The limitation of these studies is that they have not focused specifically on EI pathways, types or changes over time. This is a relevant gap because, owing to the lack of qualitative research, there is an inadequate picture of such pathways. It is thus necessary to look at the specific SC and HC of SRFY in order to see how, or if, these assist EI. Previous research fails to encompass the various SEI factors and influences that stem from a particular type of social change, from a change in SEI to change in a family. Most studies focus on current problems for refugees and migrants, with few exceptions (Liversage, 2009; Strang and Ager, 2010; Neumann, 2013). This point is also made by other researchers (e.g., Ritz, 2001, 2010; Ager and Strang 2008), who advised that a comprehensive elaboration of refugee and migrant integration also necessitates a all-inclusive investigation of contributing contextual and social determinants, influences, and drivers.

In conclusion, little is known about the EI processes that lead to successful EI for some refugees and migrants, but not for others. In any migrant group, there are individuals who do not adapt to or integrate well into the new country and experience barriers finding a job that matches their skills and educational level. There is a need for analysis of EI processes in order to comprehend how the processes unfolds and reasons for the unavoidable differences which happen to refugee and migrants in the same ethnic group (Frank, 2013). There is no concept of refugee experiential dynamics of SEI at individual, insider, experiential, micro level (Frank, 2013; Liversage, 2009). Consequently, not enough is understood about the process, context and dynamics of refugee EI. These issues inform Research Question 4: What are contributing contextual and social factors to refugee EI?

2.2.5. The institutional context in the host country

This thesis posits that happenings, experiences and situations may shake refugee and migrant EI in a different way, contingent on their timing in life. The analysis of structural and institutional contexts, such as government policy and programs (see Tani, 2012; Reitz et al., 2014) and economic and labour market situations are relevant for SEI. It is also important to

44 recognise that government policies also have an influence on refugee and migrant EI (Tani, 2012; Reitz et al., 2014).

A brief overview of the literature related to the impact of institutions and structures on refugee and migrant EI is necessary. Thomas’ (2010) research shows that structural factors affect migrants’ EI in a host society. He found that the great extent to which the skills of highly educated migrants are underutilised is a result of their employment in low-skill occupations. The critical point here is that migration flows and arrangements cannot be explained exclusively at an individual level. Economic and financial drives and motives suggest that other factors, such as the social and institutional context, might also be relevant. This is supported in several studies (Reitz, 2001; Colic-Peisker and Tilbury, 2006; George et al., 2012; Jackson and Bauder, 2013; Malik and Manroop, 2017). Some researchers highlight how structural determinants can negatively influence EI of skilled migrants.

The main discourse of EI powerfully impacts the way that skilled refugee and migrants come to accept the unopposed assumptions that the government is supporting and helping them, and that community organizations are giving helpful direction to the positive refugee and migrant EI outcomes. The consequences of this concealed discourse have been to marginalize some refugees and migrants regarding their EI (McKenna et al., 2015). Refugees perceived the job network services and job training only as a small window of opportunity to develop SC rather than to attain EI (Torezani et al., 2008).

Malik and Manroop’s (2017) study of recent immigrant newcomers’ socialisation in the workplace focus on roles of organizational socialisation tactics that help immigrants’ EI. Other studies focus on refugee and migrant structural obstacles, drivers and determinants of EI. Shinnaoui and Narchal (2010) show how non-Australian qualifications are not recognised in the Australian labour market. They explore individual prejudices and disregard of migrant HC as main barriers to EI. But their focus on racism and discrimination embedded in the cultural attitudes of the mainstream community in the host country obscures the role of individual migrants and other relevant factors in the achievement of EI, such as government and institutional support, family support, and refugee and migrant community support. More research on the effects of mainstream racism and discrimination on specific migrant communities is needed.

Mahmud et al.’s (2014) qualitative study outlines the disparities among HC of migrants and the demands of employers that negatively impact EI. Oreopoulos and Dechief

45 (2011) analyse and expose some employers’ discrimination towards refugees and migrants in the interviewing/recruitment process. They argue that, regardless of being skilled, migrants do not match the criteria of employers in doing their jobs effectively. Their research confirms that EI of migrants is not only influenced by their intrinsic abilities, but by the attitudes of employers and their negative attitudes of migrants’ general abilities, which also influences the latter’s ability to attain EI. Their research is focused on information technology (IT) specialists and does not account for the understandings of other groups, such as, for example, refugees.

According to LSIA reports (Richardson et al., 2004), refugees and migrants enjoy a wide range of Government support, including advice on work programmes, how and where to hunt for adequate positions, financial support, housing, free professional courses regarding upgrading skills, free English language classes and tax system help. SEI therefore depends to a large extent on what the Government does at all stages of entry (Hugo, 2011; Ho and Alcorso, 2016). In this light, EI is better understood to be a joint process where structural and institutional support plays an important role. Refugees perceive the job network services and job training only as a small window of opportunity to develop SC rather than to attain EI (Torezani et al., 2008). However, Government and non-government services complement SRFY informal networks, and, when perceived suitable, these helped respondents’ SEI. The social structures surrounding refugee and migrant lives at work, in the home, in the community and in the society are themselves continually changing as social attitudes and values are changing. This difference in the way in which time is built into the life course and cross-sectional organization of age-related structures also points to distinct complications in interpreting longitudinal data; changing lives (aging and the succession of cohorts) are in constant interaction with changes in society and its structures. Neither can be understood conceptually without the other (Elder and Giele, 1998).

This elaboration of limitations and gaps of the quantitative research approach is telling us that there is an obvious need to move away from dominant economically fixated ideas of quantitative objective measures of EI, which lead to government rationales and are a substantial part of social science research on refugee and migrant EI. To better understand both the migration and EI process over time, we need to emphasise the value and relevance of a qualitative method to analyse the connections between barriers to EI, factors promoting EI, and the experiential side of integration.

46 Lives cannot be fully understood or logically enriched without a deeper understanding of structures and institutions. Research on people’s lives is far more advanced today than is research on the structural changes as they interact with these lives. The current emphasis on lives, which mostly disregards the social structural dynamism, signifies a likely life course reductionism. HC and SC theory alone cannot completely describe the precarious EI situation of refugees and migrants in Australia. The neglect of structure or its treatment as a mere contextual characteristic of people’s lives is common in the literature (Reitz, 2001). A structural approach observes systems through the properties of their members (events, rates of change, background characteristics), and the contextual approach studies individuals through the properties of the groups to which they belong. The persistently disadvantaged position of refugees and migrants may be interpreted as an indicator of the operation of some form of structural discrimination (Peucker, 2009). However, over-emphasis on institutional and social context undermines the role of individuals (Adamuti-Trache, 2011) and other relevant factors and determinants in analysing and explaining EI experiences and outcomes. There are longer-term developments that should be studied, because EI experiences of skilled refugees (further considered below) continue to evolve with the passage of time and reflection.

In conclusion the precarious EI situation, and the differences in refugee and migrant EI pathways, can be better clarified by analysing the structures (labour market segmentation), and the institutional practices that create and recreate these structures (Lee, 2012; Jackson and Bauder, 2013; Hipólito et al., 2014; Reitz et al., 2014; Ho and Alcorso, 2016). Consequently, this subsection informs Research Question 5: how can SRFY experiences of EI in Australia be conceptualised for further study and policy applications?

2.2.6. Life satisfaction and well-being

In life satisfaction (LS) we have two-way relationships: LS can itself help migrants be motivated for better EI, but most likely successful EI contributes to LS. Although analysis of LS has been undertaken for some specific skilled ethnic groups and women in Australia (Usha and Chaze, 2009: South Asian Women; Lee, 2012: Korean women; Gunasekara et al., 2014: Indian and Sri Lankan skilled migrants; Zirakbash, 2014: skilled Iranian woman, Salma Bint, 2016: Bangladeshi skilled migrants), it has not been researched using a particular qualitative methodological approach, i.e., life course analysis. Furthermore, analysis of LS

47 has never been undertaken in relation to Serbian refugee ethnic group from the former Yugoslavia and combined with research of their EI experiences over time.

The literature focused on the consequences of trauma that refugees experience prior to their arrival has an impact on both health and LS (see Procter, 2000; Purnell, 2013). It proposes that there are inferior health, well-being and LS consequences for refugees who experience advanced stages of mental illnesses or direct physical consequences of torture and suffering (Procter, 2000; McKee-Ryan et al., 2005; Batalova et al., 2008; George et al., 2012; Gelatt, 2013; Yap et al., 2014; Beiser et al., 2015). Beiser et al.’s (2015) quantitative study explore determinants and influences of the integration of Sri Lankan Tamil refugees in Canada, such as pre-migration difficulties, mental health, personal characteristics, and experience after arrival. They argue that refugee SEI is less successful than other migrants due to pre-migration trauma, subsequent psychological problems, and lack of HC. Their study emphasises the relevance of adding mental health-related refuge issues in LS and SEI.

Life satisfaction affects the quality of life, which in turn impacts upon the social wellbeing of individuals and the communities in which they live. Fleay et al., (2013) explore the social and individual benefits that EI can give refugees and the consequences it has for their SEI into arriving country. Examining specific SRFY group EI experiences and their life satisfaction will provide insights into how they settled in Australia. There is much research that indicates unsuccessful EI may adversely affect well-being and life satisfaction of refugees and migrants (Beiser et al., 1988; Dunlop, 2005; Colic- Peisker, 2009; Reid, 2012). Poor refugee coping, resilience, adaptability skills, and low marital quality are often heightened during times of stress (Procter, 2000; Dunlop, 2005). And the LS of refugees and migrants appears to be, in part, equally reliant on and essential for EI status and situation. Consequently, Fozdar (2009) highlights that different refugee groups face different barriers to SEI, and as consequence this can convey different levels of LS.

Research evidence points to the link between refugee and migrant EI outcomes and subsequent life satisfaction. Olliff (2010) finds that refugees are unsatisfied and more unhappy as their readiness to put their HC towards adequate EI in Australia is let down by systemic blocks to attaining that EI. Sapeha (2015) explains variations in migrants’ satisfaction in relation to their settlement and EI experience. George et al. (2012) focus on underemployment and the life satisfaction of internationally trained engineers in Canada; their research shows high levels of life dissatisfaction (36%) for unemployed engineers, who

48 lost self-confidence and felt a sense of failure. This correlation may be challenged by the qualitative study of changes in life courses of SRFY in Australia. The basis for findings and subsequent analysis will be derived from the respondents’ answers in interviews that will probe the impact of their EI experience on life satisfaction and well-being. It is an approach that will establish the research problem, fill the knowledge and research gap, and answer subsequent research questions.

Studies related to individual LS should focus on explaining and linking life satisfaction to the broader social context encompassing EI processes and outcomes. A satisfactory review of some past period of an individual’s life requires that the individual think about that period in some depth and reflect on the historical and individual contexts that followed the period, as well as those that categorized it. One useful approach is ‘scheming’ life satisfaction at each refugee and migrant migration stage or period (Örmon et al., 2015). Some studies have explored the issues of refugee or migrant life satisfaction (George et al., 2012; Gelatt, 2013; Yap et al., 2014; Kaushik and Drolet, 2018). Kaushik and Drolet’s (2018) study of SEI of skilled migrants in Canada highlights unsatisfactory results in their SEI outcomes, which has negative effects on their LS and well-being. Refugees are not happy working in low-paid, low- skilled occupations that are lower than their credentials and skill level merit, and this precarious position in the labour market has negative impact on their life satisfaction and well-being (McKee-Ryan et al., 2005; George et al., 2012; Yap et al., 2014). These issues must be considered in any investigation of refugee LS through SEI. Whilst there is some research on skilled migrants’ EI in relation to life satisfaction (George et al., 2012; Gunasekara et al., 2014; Kaushik and Drolet, 2018), there is an absence of qualitative research on refugees’ and migrants’ impact of their HC of education and qualifications on their EI and life satisfaction.

In conclusion, life satisfaction is an important area for investigation (Gunasekara et al., 2014; Sapeha, 2015), but it is limited. Better understanding and insights are needed to understand the causes of refugee and migrant life and job satisfaction. Investigating the sources of life satisfaction and dissatisfaction and the means of coping offer an important perspective for examining the life course.

2.4. Important gaps and the approach of this thesis

There are four important gaps that have been identified in this chapter:

49 Gap 1: Most quantitative studies focus on the current problems and issues for refugees, not on their life course experiences.

Gap 2: There is an incomplete explanation of the refugee and migrant EI experiences, i.e., there is a lack of qualitative studies of small refugee ethnic groups EI over time.

Gap 3: Studies related to EI of refugees and migrants have not been focused specifically on EI pathways and changes over time.

Gap 4: Not enough is understood about the process, context, and dynamics of refuge and migrant EI. In other words, there is a lack of policy and theory development regarding EI over time.

These gaps in the EI literature derive from an evaluation of the labour market integration literature. The preceding section of this chapter acknowledges that we have much knowledge about EI from the outsider perspective. There are gaps in our understanding of EI that require an insider perspective so that we can better understand the people themselves. By positioning individual EI experiences in the times and places in which they happen, we are drawn to how EI develop over the course of the lives of the refugees and migrants leading them. By focusing on the EI of skilled refugees, the aim is to undo the developmental EI trajectories of continuity and change over their life course, specifically of SRFY.

The dominance of quantitative methodologies within the EI research literature has excluded the contribution of important qualitative approaches, such as life course analysis (LCA), which question human agency and individual decision making. Qualitative research that considers the narratives of migrants and refugees can potentially provide a deeper insight into EI experiences. The stories of refugees and migrants at the individual level offer a rich source of data that is not found in the largely quantitative EI research literature.

To help analyse the gaps in the literature five research questions that flow from the identification of gaps in the EI literature are identified as follows:

1. What are the key elements in the EI experiences of SRFY in Australia? The first thematic analysis (with nine themes) responds to this question.

2. How do refugee and migrant EI experiences evolve over time?

3. What pathways do SRFY follow, and what types of EI do they experience? The response to this is in the EI Types section.

50 4. What are contributing contextual and social factors to refugee EI?

5. How can SRFY experiences of EI in Australia be conceptualised for further study and policy applications?

This chapter has argued that the life-course approach is one that will improve our knowledge and understanding of the narrated experiences of skilled refugees (Elder and Giele, 2009). This is very useful for the investigation of ethnic minority groups (Liversage, 2009; Frank, 2013). The stories that SRFY provide allow for a profound in-depth insight of the dynamics that shaped their life through their SEI and family. It allows the capture of individual processes that are socially positioned, encompassing the psychological deepness and emotional expressiveness. The approach enables an emphasis on the dynamics and context of the EI process and experiences of SRFY, in order to develop better understanding about the EI of SRFY. Recognizing the uniqueness of each SRFY life experience and the impact of different life experiences on their social and EI patterns, processes and pathways can enable in-depth insight of SEI and the ways in which individual motivation, social structure (Giddens, 2000), and cultural and temporal location shape a person’s life.

2.5. Summary

This chapter has reviewed the EI literature, with references to HC theory, SC theory, labour market segmentation theory, and structuration theory. The theories are used to analyse EI and to help explain EI pathways, types of EI, processes, barriers, drivers, and outcomes that form EI pathways. Empirical studies on EI were also analysed to draw out key issues in this literature. From this analysis, it is clear that each theory on its own provides only a partial understanding of EI.

The chapter outlined the importance of social, economic and human capital, social capital and structural factors for successful SEI integration to understand the complex, multilevel nature of refugee SEI success in Australia. While HC and SC and grand ideas from empirical research help to explain refugee and migrant EI in specific domains, only labour market segmentation and structuration theory provide a satisfactory explanation of EI processes over time in studies that recognize the segmented nature of labour markets and are better able to explain the different EI experiences of refugees.

This chapter outlined the gaps in the literature and explained the research questions in this thesis. Four gaps were outlined: (1) the lack of research studies on life course

51 experiences; (2) too few studies on small refugee ethnic groups; (3) the small number of studies on EI pathways and changes over time; (4) the insufficient understanding about the process, context, and dynamics of refuge and migrant’s employment integration. Analysis of these gaps led to the outline of five research questions:

1. What are the key elements in the EI experiences of refugees in the host country?

2. How do refugee and migrant EI experiences evolve over time?

3. What pathways do SRFY follow, and what types of EI do they experience?

4. What are contributing contextual and social factors to refugee EI?

5. How can refugee experiences of EI in the host country be conceptualised for further study and policy applications?

The chapter has argued that LMST helps explain one of the biggest obstacles to refugee and migrant EI, to explore the possible existence of secondary labour markets and causes of underemployment that may be applied from insider perspectives.

The review of the literature produced a list of the key aspects of EI (education, employment history, cultural background, family, social relations, institutions, and life satisfaction) that are critical for this investigation. It also argued that the use of “thematic analysis” and “life course analysis” is better than the outcome focus of the current EI literature. The life course method recommends that these questions are so ordered as to prompt a life course (chronological) narrative of events and experiences. The critical point here is that refugee EI outcomes cannot be explained exclusively at the individual level and their economic, financial drives and motives, and this suggests that other factors such as social and institutional context might also be relevant.

52 Chapter 3: Methodology

3.1. Introduction The EI of refugees and migrants can be analysed over time with a qualitative person- oriented emphasis that has the potential to yield rich and significant results. Individuals and the larger group to which they belong, in this case SRFY, rather than variables, will become the unit of analysis. Deeper exploration will provide a variety of meanings, conditions and circumstances to clarify refugee experiences and perceptions. The research offers the scope to hear the voice of the marginalised individual otherwise generalised and silenced in quantitative studies built around unsophisticated statistical summaries of labour market participation rates.

The previous section identified empirical gaps and posed research questions. The research aims to fill the gap that exists with regard to qualitative studies of refugee EI experience over time by analysing experiential narratives of SRFY using life course analysis (LCA) approach.

Its philosophical foundations are in the interpretivist paradigm. This is best suited for analysing such EI experiences over time. Its main advantage is the emphasis on evolving understanding of the processes and to create comprehensive insight into how people experience change and continuity over time in a framework of wide-ranging social movements. The goal is to tell the stories of ‘internal lifetimes’ so that we understand their dynamic associations across biographical, generational and historic time (Elder and Giele, 2009). This can offer insight into experiences which the current body of knowledge does not.

Understanding such EI remains relatively undeveloped in some respects. First, the importance of the development is itself debated. Second, some research focuses on developments in relative overall employment and earnings levels, while others focus on the relative earnings net of human capital. Third, studies differ in the time phases on which focus. Fourth, some statistics remain hard to understand. Lastly, there are many credible hypotheses that need to be explored methodically and systemically. Examining these theories in relation to the data will make an original contribution to knowledge about SRFY experiences over time.

The methodology selected allows the researcher to explain personal perceptions or accounts of phenomena based upon an exploration of participants’ experiences. It also acknowledges that a degree of interpretive activity is involved in producing a relevant, practical

53 research study. Hence the researcher LCA required access to first-hand subjective knowledge of SRFY and their contexts.

To understand SRFY problems, the life course (LC) research method was utilised, with interviews and thematic analysis as instruments. Descriptive, explanatory aims that provided a good picture of experiences were aligned with the methodology. This helped address the categories, main themes, properties and dimensions. Exploring how EI pathways form and change using the LCA and an interpretive perspective lead to a rich understanding about how the participants themselves experience and perceive their EI over time.

This methodology generates EI themes, pathways, types and models. The following sections explain why this approach has to be followed, and why this methodology is fit for purpose.

3.1. Research approach: An interpretive paradigm

The purpose of this study is to provide a first step in assembling data on SRFY and their EI experiences. To meet this objective and to provide qualitative insights into the nature of that EI, the study adopts a comparative method of interpretation of similarities and differences over time. Interpretation of the data will use a sociological lens (Riessman, 2001), so that the data to speaks for itself, but within a framework from theoretical models (Spencer, 2011: 132). Using a qualitative interpretive approach (Silverman, 2010; Cherry, 2014; Saldana, 2016), the focus will be on perceptions and meanings that SRFY apply to their EI. Through the interpretive framework, the study will explore and better understand retrospective accounts of EI by way of the LCA method.

The study uses semi-structured interviews. It asked participants to describe their experiences during the three periods of migration and the current period. Interpretation helps us learn about the social world (Prasad, 2005: 13). This study’s interpretive approach also depends on philosophical assumptions that are epistemological, ontological and axiological. It assumes individuals seek meaning in their experiences and that they are able to express this. The epistemological assumption is that knowledge comes from integrating the interviewee’s perspective with the researcher’s theory-informed interpretation (Johnson and Duberley, 2000; Duberley et al., 2012). From an ontological perspective, the study assumes that the researcher does not passively receive data which already have meaning; rather, the researcher actively participates in influencing the meaning of the reality explored. This justifies the use of thematic analysis in drawing inferences about experiences.

54 Finally, from an axiological perspective, the researcher holds values that influence data interpretation. As a researcher, I am in an interpretive relationship with the respondents. Problem formulations begin with an attitude of ‘epoch’ or ‘suspension’: all my personal assumptions about causal relationships have to be set aside (Duberley et al., 2012). Of course, subjective researcher bias is possible during interviews, interpretation and analysis, because of researcher assumptions about social research, actions and interactions that will occur in the process (Toalster, 2011). However, we can reduce effects of these conclusions are treated as ‘limited, tentative generalizations, not universal statements’, and the researcher becomes ‘an interpreter of the scene, not the ultimate authority defining it’ (Bryant and Charmaz, 2010: 195). I will also be part of a ‘dialogue’ with the text in order to deepen the meaning of SRFY experiences (Brinkman and Kvale, 2015).

The researcher, as an active interviewer and participant observer, certainly influences the data, how participants select them, and how they are interpreted (Holstein and Gubrium, 1997, 2004). According to Cooley’s (1983) pragmatic approach, empirical ‘reality’ is the interpretation of meaning produced by individuals within a common project of observation. The time dimension of qualitative research provides a compelling framework for the study EI experiences.

The key heuristic device for understanding and interpretation is the ‘hermeneutic circle’. Pre-understanding and understanding are linked. We already have a pre-understanding of the phenomenon. The hermeneutic circle focuses upon the iteration of interpretation, where pre-understanding informs understanding, and both are enhanced (Duberley et al., 2012). Howell (2016) argues that the main purpose of hermeneutics is to understand communities or individuals better than do the agents themselves; this requires intuition and empathy, which in turn need self-consciousness (see also Laverty, 2003). Phenomena are viewed more directly as functions of perceptions, intuitions and personal meanings (Howell, 2016). Their investigation involves lived experiences of respondents, including characteristics and specific qualities as personal forms of meaning. The development of hermeneutic interpretation will formulate how we approach qualitative data analysis. Patterns of interpretation of transcript themes will then shape our understanding of the reports we have received (McAuley, 2004). Yet a limitation remains that we do not know what might be revealed and what might not (Saldana, 2016: 54).

Inferences thus involve direct comparison (Blossfeld and Rohwer, 1997), which generates new insights (Denzin, 1989). In this study interview responses were transcribed, and

55 components of meaning that emerged were recorded; codes were manually categorised into themes and subthemes; different codes were consolidated and grouped into categories; maps of categories were rearranged into tables of text; and themes that expressed relevant experiences of respondents were identified. Numerical matrices were generated showing which codes occurred together. Codes and categories were developed through the iteration process to represent the identified themes, and then applied and linked to raw data as summary markers for subsequent analysis. That was through comparing code frequencies, identifying code co- occurrence, defining the data items, and applying codes to sections of text. Interview data were interpreted so as to draw conclusions that help address the research questions.

An empirical interpretive approach is highly compatible with LCA methodology, since it involves a processual, temporal perspective that fits experiences, processes and pathways over time. Mead (1932) emphasises time’s significance: people live in the present, which shapes their interpretations of the past and the future. People interpret their situation in awareness of social expectations. Hence, Mead (1932: 47) argues, the ‘social nature of the present arises out of its emergence’. His perspective aids our understanding of the self, interaction and society (Flaherty and Fine, 2001).

3.2. The life course analysis (LCA) method

My research is inspired by observing a lack of empirical research in refugee and migrant EI over time. There is also a lack of research regarding micro-level findings of EI processes, pathways, contexts and dynamics that will have macro-level implications (Frank, 2013; Türegün, 2013). To remedy this deficit, LCA focuses on refugee and migrants ‘voices’, rather than solely on structural and organisational aspects of integration, to account for migration experiences at different points in time. This method will be applied to examine similarities and variations in beliefs, practices and subjective experiences. Personality development becomes a project and also a product of social demands, individual decision making and risk-taking – a a biographical achievement over a lifetime (Heinz and Kruger, 2001). LCA offers ways of talking about experience, not just in language. LC theory explains that lives are socially organized in a framework over time, and each social configuration changes the way people think and act: we learn that lives happen in the real world and people where refugees and migrants work out their pathways as best they can: human development is embedded in the life course and time (McAdams, 2008).

56 This longitudinal study utilising retrospective data after the migration event (1990s) is one of the few using the core principles of LC theory and method. An innovative contribution is the application of LCA to SRFY in order to get a better understanding of the context and dynamics of their EI processes. This study thus has a wider scope than most empirical applications could aim for (Aisenbrey and Fasang, 2010). Following Clausen (1986, 1993, 1995) and Vaillant (1993), it is expected that SRFY statements regarding their histories will provide important, otherwise unobtainable clues on the unfolding of EI processes.

Time and context are central to life course research. Changing lives changes developmental paths and courses. LCA, by focusing on the dynamics and context of the EI process, will make a significant contribution to knowledge about the EI of SRFY. This will include the ability to determine whether there are major trajectories and patterns in SRFY EI experiences of SRFY in the last 20 years.

It is an exploratory study in comparing and analysing EI pathways through applying the EI pathway and Bourdieu’s (1992) trajectory concept to longitudinal data sets. Findings will underpin further investigation. Transition in life is a process associated with socio- demographic progress from the educational system on to SEI, which requires LCA implementation. According to Bertaux (1997), we need to create a body of life course interviews with people who have shared similar life circumstances, so that life stories can produce understandings of their ‘situated courses of action’: interviewees tell not only of their own actions but also of the contexts in which their lives unfolded (Bertaux, 1997; Liversage, 2009).

3.2.1. Principles of life course (LC) theory

The main principles of LC theory are historical time and place, the timing of lives, linked lives and human agency. The key task is exploring inter-individual characteristics and experiences that predict intra-individual patterns of stability and change. The LC presents socially defined events and roles that the individual experiences over time (Elder and Giele, 2009). It can be viewed as a multilevel phenomenon, encompassing institutions and organizations and individuals’ social trajectories and their pathways, which can be multiple- dependent or interdependent, and present many similar or different issues (Elder, 1994: 5 - 15).

People’s biographies happen in specific communities and historical times. Recording their life events and their timing to produce data on the life course makes sense theoretically

57 and practically (Elder and Giele, 1998), because, as here, refugee and migrant lives are made up of linked processes in sequences of education and employment.

Cultural, institutional, social, psychological and sociobiological action are linked and impact on each other, because of contact with other persons with similar experiences. The degree of integration will differ, with some offering discontinuity or disruption, but others smoother matching of their own achievements with societal expectations (Elder and Giele, 1998).

By introducing agency into the LCA, we are able to explain that institutions do not regulate the nature of life courses, but they do contribute to it as active agents of their own history (Elder, 1994). The methodological challenge is to explore how relations between the self and others, and between person and context, are both involved in directing the life course. The LC method involves bringing SRFY into the analysis as active agents who shape and are shaped by their social world of employment. The LC perspective usually requires measurement of individual differences in developmental trajectories, or differences in personality or personal dispositions, at an earlier stage, because this help understand how individual development and social change interact (Elder and Caspi, 1990). Hence events and contexts of EI experiences of SRFY may affect individuals differently, depending on their timing in life, but by integrating all these elements, LC theory and LCA will contribute to a better understanding of the context and dynamics of EI processes and pathways of SRFY. These principles can, in turn, assist development of an EI pathway model for similar studies, and this will then be used to further extend and revise the proposed EI framework (Figure 3.1).

58 Figure 3.1: Life course general process map of refugee and migrant EI

Source: Author’s compilation based on the review of literature (Chapter 2)

This section takes a comprehensive approach to understanding the pathways, processes, factors and outcomes of participants. A striking feature of the pathways is their diversity. Identification of the different impacts that EI factors and barriers have on EI will enable construction of EI pathways (Figure 3.1). EI is not a fixed concept; it is time- and place- dependent (Rallis and Rossman 2012), both a process and an outcome that begins with the first job. EI enables people to realise their full potential but the future is not entirely in their hands: the roles they play are also partially determined by factors of family, structure and context. Structural support is important. Individuals design their pathways by managing relationships and activities that lead to greater satisfaction and personal success. The choices SRFY made during the developmental periods of their EI shape the course of their lives (Elder and Giele, 2009): respondents started looking for ways to overcome trauma and loss and recover from these in many different ways. Their pathways are a trajectory – a difficult, not necessarily straightforward path because life takes them on journeys without real planning, upward or

59 downward. LC course typologies illustrate patterns of EI pathways, and to produce these key decision points must be extracted from the interview data.

3.3. Deriving EI Pathways

Earlier concepts of EI did not locate individuals in historical contexts or identify their temporal location within the life span. They lacked mechanisms connecting lives with time and changes in social life. Grounded theory researchers sought to identify behaviour patterns in specific groups of people. Duration is inherent in life course trajectories. Its impact is a pattern where likelihood of change varies according to length of time in a context. Likelihood of successful EI indeed exhibits patterns of duration dependence. Using trajectories and by interviewing SRFY about their EI experiences over time, this study will elicit key issues, dilemmas and contradictions relevant to patterns and the refugee experiences. But a narrow focus is not preferable in our codification, because it can oversimplify the analysis and limit theory development: incoherencies and ambiguities are key aspects of life to be examined for themselves and to avoid preconceived ideas (Alvesson and Kärreman, 2011: 42).

EI pathways refer to human movement in a social field. Personal journeys are pathways along people followed: ‘At the ending points of any path stands a living body subject gifted with memories, feelings, knowledge, imagination and goals’ (Hägerstrand, 1982: 324).

Where the researcher needs to organise data systematically on some particular EI pattern, a structure that produces coherent information is needed. Importantly the interviews will collect education and employment histories before and after migration up until the present and these will be used to trace EI pathways – and where these might lead in the future.

3.4. Research Design

Creswell (2013) has described data collection as a sequence of interconnected happenings to collect data to answer research questions. If the information gathered is to be truthful and reliable, it is essential that the instrument is designed for this purpose (Toalster 2011). This section describes that process: how the researcher obtained data, and how interviews were conducted. Valid and reliable data are essential for accuracy. Qualitative studies do not address measuring what is being studied, and hence for this study the researcher is the instrument that interacts closely both with respondents and data being collected to obtain trustworthy data (Lincoln and Guba, 1985). In quantitative inquiry, by contrast, the researcher

60 maintains a distance from the data; validity and reliability are data characteristics, not those of the measurement instrument (Thompson, 2003).

Quantitative studies often rely on surveys for data collection and seek to produce general statements about larger populations (e.g., Richardson et al., 2004; Khoo, 2007). Person- oriented approaches, however, aim to reveal people’s interpretations of forces that change or reproduce social processes. They rely more upon smaller samples that help in-depth inquiry, but can still help assess within- and between-group differences. Any social processes revealed might well apply to more general populations (Hermanowitz, 2007: 629). My intention is to show how refugees and migrants EI can be studied over time with a person-oriented emphasis to yield more informative outcomes.

Interviews are, as Haas and Springer point out (1998: 28), ‘the bread and butter of nearly every piece of policy research’, because they provide vital information about qualitative areas of interest. This study used semi-structured interviews (Toalster, 2011) to allow the researcher to establish a free-flowing discussion, to put interviewees at ease, and to allow unexpected issues to come out. They were used to gain knowledge and insight into past events and situations. The research design was ‘individual-centred’ (Josselson, 2013), with experiences in Australia as the unit of analysis. The interview method generated a setting within which the respondents could share personal experiences, reflections and perceptions (through ‘proximation’) when answering longitudinal questions.

To apply the LC method correctly, the researcher had to ask relevant LC questions, such as How does your life/career/employment look in retrospect?’, ‘Tell me about your time of arrival in Australia?’, ‘What about now?’, ‘What are the key events in your life (family/community/employment, past and present) in the former Yugoslavia and in Australia?’, ‘How have things changed?’… Accordingly, the interview was structured into a series of questions and sub-questions on six key EI dimensions (Figure 2.1; Appendix 4). Some questions cannot be answered properly via surveys (Richardson et al., 2004), and, considering the advantages of qualitative research (Silverman, 2010; Bansal and Corley, 2012), the most appropriate instrument was face-to-face, semi-structured interviews. These are generally more effective than lengthy questionnaires, because respondents are less likely to interrupt an interview (Silverman, 2010). They bring a reward of having an attentive listener (and recorder) to one’s interpretation of what has been important in one’s experience.

61 The time sequence of events and situations is critical to determine causation and for generalizability of research findings. Once the respondents’ data with timing markers have been collected, the next step is to construct EI pathways for an individual in each of the domains of migration, education and employment history, institutional, and transitions. Time axes, figures and diagrams are used to analyse EI trajectories, using graphic tool to illustrate the main events encompassing employment and educational history before, during and after migration, and the current situation.

3.5. Data collection

One key decision in qualitative research is to select those subjects that can provide the data needed to answer the research questions (Babie, 2004; Denzin, 1989, 2010; Bryman, 2012). Retrospective data collected encompass last 20 to 25 years of respondents’ life in Australia. The object of observation here was SRFY life course experiences as at January- February 2016. These life stories were rich in detail, because they encompassed the social issues and disruption of life specific to SRFY, particularly migration during the 1990s and after the civil war, or close to that time. This sample provided sufficient scope to explore experiences, relationships, factors, barriers, and variability of paths over time. Corbin and Strauss (2015) suggest that sampling ‘evolves during the process’ as the researcher maximizes opportunities to compare events, incidents or happenings. A mind map of six interview dimensions of EI was derived from the literature review (Figure 2.1). The 54 SRFY gave the researcher the opportunity to learn what lies behind success stories, drivers, barriers and paths – all accounts that cannot be collected through a survey. The number of respondents was not ultimately relevant, in view of the potential richness of information about EI experiences that interviews offered.

Data from interviews were securely stored1 in a computer database for analysis. The most important aim of interviews was to encourage respondents to talk openly and to provide the researcher with data related to their EI process and influencing factors. Respondents reported what they considered the most important challenges and opportunities for their EI. They needed time to remember details of their experiences: a limitation of retrospective interviews is that, by the time of interview, some facts may become blurred, distorted or lost to memory (Toalster, 2011). This study relies solely on retrospective interviews and so it is

1 These data are securely stored following SUT University’s security and ethics guidelines and requirements.

62 acknowledged that SRFY memories may not be completely accurate, due to the passage of time.

The research questions are not viewed as intractable objectives, but as themes worthy of exploration (Appendix 4). The questions, while still related to the original areas of interest, become more focussed as engagement with the participants’ world deepened. I asked respondents to reflect on events that happened in sequence, in chronological order. I asked them to provide narratives of these events and experiences. I used thematic analysis to evaluate interviews, and the themes obtained were in time sequences, which enabled construction of individual pathways – themes on a timeline.

Using open-ended questions, while remaining focused on research questions, helps the researcher to develop on-the-spot interpretation (Brinkman and Kvale, 2015) as part of the conversation. Chapman (2015) rightly argues that interview as dialogue is seen as conversation in an equal relationship between interviewer and interviewee and is likely to be more genuine and therefore likely to produce deep insights. Prior to interview, basic information was provided to participants (Appendix 1), so that respondents were better prepared and had a better understanding of the study. Interview questions (Appendix 4) were designed in English and also translated into Serbian (Appendix 3), but most interviews (42 of 54) were in English, as the majority of participants had a thorough understanding of the English language. The length of the interview (one hour) enabled the researcher to meet the research aims of the study.

3.5.1. Participant selection

This section describes the inclusion and exclusion criteria for selecting respondents. Selected participants were those who (a) identified as Serbian refugees from the former Yugoslavia (SRFY), (b) resided in metropolitan Australian cities at the time of the study, (c) were born or spent most of their lives living in the former Yugoslavia, and had migrated to Australia in the 1990s. Also included were some Serbian migrants (13) who were interested to contribute their understanding of their EI experiences over time in Australia. Participants in different situations were chosen, as they were needed to help the researcher clarify understanding of EI experiences over time and the challenges faced.

Participants ranged in age from 37 to 67. I recruited SRFY only from Victoria due to convenience and socioeconomic similarity of the sample in other parts of Australia (Appendix 5). SRFY residing in Melbourne were invited to participate through brief advertisements and posters (Appendix 3) via Serbian community radio stations and newspapers, the Serbian

63 Orthodox Churches and Serbian sports and cultural clubs in Melbourne. Interested participants received information about the study, either by phone, hard copy or electronically (Appendix 1). Fifty-four agreed to be interviewed (Appendix 2) and were invited to participate. All Melbourne interviews were conducted in person. An important criterion was that they came to Australia on humanitarian refugee or skilled migrant visas from the former Yugoslavia between 1987 and 2007. Individuals were initially approached by e-mail or phone, with a brief explanation of the research. Once agreement to participate was confirmed, a time and place were organised, mostly in participants’ homes. Signed participant consent forms were obtained prior to interview (Appendix 2), and the researcher explained briefly the study’s aims and principles of confidentiality.

Using a snowballing technique, these participants were allowed to nominate others to participate (Biernacki and Waldorf, 1981). Snowball sampling offers an intermediary between the potential respondent and the researcher who can act as a verifier or advocate for the project and process. Potential participants can thus protect themselves in terms of their social relations with researchers and make decisions about participation, so long as the research adheres to ethical principles and does not involve coercion.

Sampling bias is inherent in simply studying people who are ‘convenient’, but other problems can also arise. Personal inclinations may affect the sample to the point where it does not truly represent the ethnic population through avoiding unwanted people. Yet sampling does not need to be representative in all respects so long as characteristics are relevant to the real interests of the study.

Data collection in this retrospective LC study is cross-sectional: the SRFY sample is interviewed only once. The researcher begins with a population in mind and then searches for possible sampling frames, having examined and evaluated frames available and deciding which frame presents a study population most appropriate to the research needs. A sample will be representative of the population from which it is selected if all members of the population have an equal chance of being selected. Conscious and unconscious sampling bias simply means that those selected are not typical of the larger populations they have been chosen from: here migrants from the former Yugoslavia are Serbs, Croats, Macedonians, etc., but the researcher chose Serbs as the most representative because Serbs in that country numbered approximately 39% (Census SFRY, 1991). The researcher as an interviewer will enter with characteristics that cannot be concealed (Silverman, 2010): he was 57 years old, a male Serbian refugee from the

64 former Yugoslavia (Croatia), who migrated to Australia in 1998. The researcher therefore provides readers with enough information about himself so they can better situate and understand his analysis and interpretation. This tells the reader about the researcher’s position (Saldana, 2015; Duberley et al, 2012).

The researcher had a wide range of interactions but selected only respondents who were typical of the group under study, lest their observations and opinions be misleading. The researcher knew the language and cultural norms of the target population, and this informed not only the mode of data collection but also factors such as interviewer matching. Close insider contacts, cooperation and collaboration with the target community at all stages helped ensure that the vital issue of trust was addressed, that the research was appropriate, and that sensitivity was understood from the perspective of the target community.

Through advertising and word-of-mouth, enough interested people were recruited. The sample achieved saturation (no new relevant concepts, categories or relationships, no new relevant data emerged; conceptual dimensions were well covered) (Chapman, 2015).

All interviewees were assured of anonymity, acknowledging that participants in projects are ‘vulnerable and relatively powerless’, and must be treated ethically (Ezzy, 2002: 156). To ensure participant confidentiality, the names of birth towns and company names in the former Yugoslavia and in Australia were withheld; names in the demographic table were anonymized (Appendix 5).

While screening ensured that all participants met the criteria for inclusion, essentially, they were self-selected, through email, phone, text (SMS) messaging contact or calling personally, during which potential participants were asked to suggest a convenient time for a phone conversation and interview time and place.

Lack of trust was potentially an important issue for SRFY, whose forced displacement caused psychological trauma and potential fear of strangers. In this case the researcher, an active voluntary member of a basketball Serbian community in Melbourne, was able to establish a premise of trust, good relationships, and a reputation in the target community.

Design and fieldwork strategies minimised the impact on data validity. Data may be less scientifically valid if they are subject to criticism that they are biased or report self-serving behaviour, but they also have their own validity standards in their relevance, believability and coherence. Such accounts are common in interpretive research (Weiss, 2004).

65 The researcher’s professional integrity was reinforced by the fact that he knew the language, culture and norms of the community and took into consideration methodological issues related to representativeness, bias, causal inference, shortage of statistically analysable data, and possible lack of methodological transparency. Every respondent thus received the same stimulus, so that any difference was real difference, rather than a consequence of the research process itself.

An interviewer from the same country of origin was beneficial, but could also pose methodological and ethical problems: it could compromise the validity of some responses where there was a social desirability element – for example, respondents may not say that they carried out unskilled work in their former country, as they did not want this to be known by other Serbs in the area (it might affect their community standing). The researcher avoided conducting interviews in his own home to avoid concerns over confidentiality. There were other benefits and costs in the shared background: it enabled a more collaborative approach, easy access to community organisations and potential respondents, but the researcher’s own social network was avoided because this could compromise the validity of some responses where there was a stronger social desirability element.

For some SRFY, challenged with a difficulty such as mental illness caused by torture in a wartime camp, other war traumas or in the family, just having a considerate and compassionate interviewer, especially one whose questions helped to focus on issues to be dealt with and who could listen attentively, proved rewarding enough to ensure participation: the 54 interviews led to 237 typescript pages.

Limitations such as unmeasurable bias are recognised. The use of memory as a source has been criticised as unreliable (Somech and Drach-Zahavy, 2007; Toalster 2011). These interviews could not be regarded as representative of the broad spectrum of workplace experiences within only one ethnic group. Individual subjective perceptions may not necessarily be objective and correct. But the issue of objectivity and/or value of neutral research has been disputed by researchers who argue for reflexivity, so that researchers reflect on their own role in the research process (Silverman, 2010).

Interviews will indeed be able to draw out detailed issues, experiences and perceptions that deepen our understanding of challenges and opportunities of refugees and migrants in their successful inclusion into society and workplaces. Life review brings to mind how a person thinks now, not always how they might have thought in the past nor how an observer might

66 have viewed an issue. This does not invalidate the scientific value of personal accounts when research is focused on developmental issues (Elder and Giele, 2009; Toalster, 2011).

It can take much time to build trust and establish credibility in such a community (Bloch, 2007), but this researcher has been a part of it for the previous 19 years. Reputation and honesty about life and work experience generated trust as the most important element for getting better and richer in-depth insight about experiences and perceptions of SRFY. The researcher embraced the fact that he knew many people in the Serbian community, and this was an advantage. Setting emotions aside was the first step towards judging and seeing with clarity.

3.5.2. SRFY sample characteristics

The timeframe was related to Serbian refugees and migrants who came to Australia between 1990 and 2007. The initial specification of age, 37 to 67, meant that most of those interviewed were between 40 and 55 years old: 13 skilled migrants from Serbia, and mostly humanitarian migrants (refugees) from Croatia (21) and Bosnia and Herzegovina (20). Gender proportions were 28 (52%) male and 26 (47%) female (Appendix 5).

Educational background was a significant identifier. The majority had a university bachelor degree (38: around 70%), four held PhDs and two had Master degrees. Others finished secondary college education (school). All but five participants viewed themselves as successful and expressed satisfaction with their lives overall (Appendix 5). The majority of those interviewed were from upper class highly-educated professionals or from middle-class families.

Thirty-eight (70%) were married. Others were either single (two females: I 48, I 50, no single males at interview), widowed (two females, no males), or divorced (one female, two males) (Appendix 5). In terms of ethnicity, 53 identified themselves as Serbs (98%), 21 from the former Yugoslav Republic of Croatia, 20 from Bosnia and Herzegovina, and 13 from Serbia. One respondent, a refugee from Croatia, had a mixed marriage, both in her family and in that of her parents (Appendix 5).

3.6. Data analysis process

This section documents how the iterative process between data collection (findings) and instrument development occurred. The emphasis is on what emerges from the interaction

67 between researcher and respondent. That is what drives the code development and theme identification (Guest et al., 2012).

The first step in the data analysis and interpretation took place during interviews. Participants’ responses confirmed the importance of the decision to create an atmosphere in which SRFY could share their moving life experiences and the researcher could make sense of them. Descriptive and explanatory aims provided a good picture of SRFY EI experiences. They were in balance with the study methodology and its goals and helped the researcher to address the categories, main themes, properties and dimensions.

The analysis process was open to the perceptions and understandings voiced by participants in order to achieve a better understanding of the complex nature of their EI. Analysis emerged from interview interaction that allowed probing of attitudes and experiences, and generated a wide range of information on aspects of SRFY life, encompassing a range of personal, contextual and structural factors. There is a clear match between data collection and the analytical approach. The research process was iterative, moving in investigative circles rather than via a static linear approach.

3.6.1. Thematic analysis: Process and identification of themes

A thematic analysis was used in this project, which is typical for a researcher undertaking exploratory work. It remains most useful in capturing the complexities of meaning within textual data. It requires involvement and researcher interpretation. It goes beyond counting words or phrases, focusing rather on identifying and describing implicit and explicit ideas within the data – themes (Guest at al., 2012). It should be flexible and responsive to the process but there are many factors to consider to ensure that analysis is efficient and meaningful and reveals high-level themes with meaningful, practical implications (Boyatzis, 1998). In this study, the focus shifted to patterns of relationships among the instances of meaning in the data. Thus, the researcher was able to address what Gibson and Brown (2009: 128-129) call general sets of aims of thematic analysis by examining commonalities, differences and relationships. Insight into the meaning of SRFY stories depended on deep reflection through careful reading of transcripts and on the quality of reflective notes and analytical memos.

3.6.2. Interview notes and transcriptions

Initial, first-level analysis took place while writing up transcripts and notes after interviews. The researcher also made notes about the potential significance of the text.

68 Periodically, the researcher stopped and compiled notes about themes noticed, and considered the components of meaning that seemed to be emerging. They were important pieces, suitable for integration into the final report. Such pieces can be edited readily and used (Katz, 2015). Good thinking through analytical notes and observations, coupled with coding and categorising, led to higher-level themes. This was a way to reflect on the organisation, structure and contents of the final report.

Transcribing interviews is not only the physical act of moving the oral record to a written form but also interpretation of spoken expression and meaning as text (Brinkman and Kvale, 2015). The researcher personally transcribed interviews in order to engage in the data and its analysis from the beginning. Transcribing enabled him to shape the way the text could best prompt his memory of how participants expressed themselves (Fontana and Frey, 2008). Using a transcription protocol ensured that transcription was consistent and appropriate for the analytic aims. Establishing a translation approach early helps ensure that data will be useful (Saldana, 2016: 73).

After completing a transcript, the researcher immersed himself in reading the printed version to gain an initial understanding of the respondent’s story as a whole. He engaged with the text and asked questions, underlined and highlighted important parts, and made notes in the margin about topics and perceptions being articulated. He wrote a half-page summary for each participant. He engaged in a dialogue with the text in order to deepen the meaning of what SRFY said. Then he accumulated summaries as a first step in forming an integrated, coherent representation of perceptions and understanding of EI experiences.

Transcription was verbatim, thereby enhancing validity. Initial analysis of the data was undertaken for the research proposal and to ensure a thorough inventory of coded data (Saldana, 2016: 55). Then maps of categories were rearranged into tables of text. Cyclical collection, coding and analytical memo-writing of data are not distinct linear processes but occur throughout the investigation (Saldana, 2016: 55). Miller (2015) (and Miller et al., 2015) has noted that the nature of qualitative data can condense it to a single theoretical framework, and, using different, even divergent conceptualisations, can prove the most useful means of making sense of a complex dataset. Moving back and forth between theory and data can enrich understanding of experiences. Codes and categories were developed through the iteration process to represent the identified themes, then applied and linked to raw data as summary markers for subsequent analysis. Iteration was useful because it brought in new perspectives

69 and techniques, it reviewed first interpretations, compared code frequencies, identified co- occurrences, defined data items, and applied codes to text (Saldana, 2016).

3.6.3. Coding: First cycle

Coding is intended to generate new knowledge, new insights and understanding and to see knowledge as cyclical and iterative (Saldana, 2016). The first stage involved reading transcripts and identifying themes that expressed relevant experiences. This involved two steps. The first was open coding: transcripts were read holistically and key issues were noted. Codes were manually categorised into themes and subthemes, interview data were interpreted, and results were presented as text (see Corbin and Strauss, 2015). The researcher identified labels and codes in the first cycle as they emerged. This was done manually in order to better understand what was going on. The researcher looked at the text and identified what participants were talking about, highlighted relevant text, put labels on the side as comment and identified themes, then put these in a separate document. The researcher linked text fragments with themes by putting a few words on emergent themes and a number in front of the theme in order to be able to group themes more easily in the second coding cycle (see Corbin and Strauss, 2015). In first-cycle coding, the researcher created one summary document with a list of all topics and numbered interview topics, as in a tree. For example, Section 2.1, where the topic of the section is employment, and its first subsection number 1 is the employment experience gap. A separate interview document with interview text (quotes and side comment boxes with numbered themes) was also compiled. Numerical matrices were generated to summarise which codes occurred together. The result was 16 pages of coding, with numbered codes for the 54 respondents. At that stage, the researcher was unsure how themes related to other themes or how important a theme was. The importance of a theme in the first coding cycle was only illustrated in the specific relation of one theme to another.

Codes were essential elements of the research story. When clustered through similarity and regularity, they assisted development of categories and analysis of connections (see Charmaz, 2000, 2008). During the first-cycle coding, all themes were left where they were found – even if the same theme appeared across different topics. Then the researcher started reading again and this time coded the textual data using defined concepts, then checked and reduced the number of codes in order to summarise them.

Since the number of codes accumulated and changed quickly as analysis progressed, the researcher kept a record of emergent codes in a separate file. This can be reviewed both on

70 the monitor screen and on a hard copy to assess its content and subsequent evolution. Maintaining this list provided an analytic opportunity to organise and reorganise the codes into major categories and subcategories.

The level of personal involvement determined how the researcher perceived, documented and coded data. This influenced the types of questions asked, and types of responses received, and the interview notes and impressions that followed (Brinkman and Kvale, 2015). The focus was on what the text was saying. The researcher was interested in that, without personal conceptions, interference or preconception. The researcher segmented the written paragraphs and sentences and used respondent words: for example, ‘free flyers’, ‘former Yugoslavia’, and so on. Such phrases made for native, not technical, language – that is, respondent language. Coding was not a fixed representation but a dynamic process through which the researcher considered and interacted with further observation and ideas. Code and category were two separate components of data analysis. Evaluation was built on the perspective of interviewees, and what they considered important was noted as such.

3.6.4. Coding: second cycle

Second-cycle coding methods were advanced ways of recognising and re-analysing data coded through first-cycle methods. Each required linking apparently unrelated facts logically, thus fitting categories one with another to develop a coherent meta-synthesis of the data. Evaluation and interpretation undertaken by the researcher was separate from the coding process. The researcher’s own reflections and observations were used as primary data in the post-coding analysis. This analysis was not like the process of coding an interview. During second-cycle coding, codes become categories; then, in subsequent iteration, they become common themes and are then grouped together, while keeping in the background any important details about different nuances captured under different topics. Specific codes, analytical categories and themes were not predetermined. Evidence of this can be found in any part of the data from interviews. The second-coding cycle further managed, filtered, highlighted and focused the salient features of the qualitative data for generating categories, themes and concepts or grasping meaning (Saldana, 2016).

The aim of the second stage was to identify emerging themes and relationships. Essentially, a theme attempts to capture the essential qualities or meanings as reflected in the transcript. Second-cycle coding is to evaluate, interpret and relate themes to one another. The main task of the second-cycle coding was to group the themes into categories. This involved

71 treating data as a whole and identifying connections between the themes identified in the first stage. This step involved listing the emergent themes and reflecting upon commonalities or ideas that fit together. The second stage of analysis provides the basis for the illumination and explanation of the data, which involves translating the emerging themes into a narrative account of the experiences of the participants. The researcher also searched for patterns in codes by examining the frequency of codes across participants.

A longitudinal coding method profile focuses on life course studies. Longitudinal designs incorporating measurements over time are usually depicted as superior to ‘cross- sectional’ studies, in which respondents are interviewed at one time only. Longitudinal studies are sometimes misleadingly equated with those that gather longitudinal data via prospective designs, whereas longitudinal designs in fact often do use retrospective methods (Saldana, 2016). Longitudinal coding is the attribution of selected change processes to qualitative data collected and compared across time. In longitudinal coding, the data are reviewed categorically, thematically and comparatively across time to assess whether participant change may have occurred (Saldana, 2016). The current study is a cross-sectional study, where respondents are interviewed at one time only. Saldana (2016) argues that longitudinal or dynamic data on occupational histories can be collected quite reliably retrospectively. Here second-cycle coding was necessary to explore the EI complexities over time. The start of that coding began when the researcher wrote down the key objectives and steps of the second-cycle process and started grouping and integrating 16 pages of codes into nine main categories and into three main themes. Coding comprised reconfiguration of the codes themselves, as developed to that point. Such methods are appropriate for condensing large amounts of data into smaller numbers of analytic units and for development of major themes from the data (Saldana, 2016). They are also appropriate for the search for causes and explanations in the data, examining social networks and patterns of human relationships, forming theoretical constructs and processes, and laying the groundwork for cross-case analysis by generating common themes and directional processes. During the cycle, the researcher combined text that was related to one of the six interview dimensions. Each required linking apparently unrelated facts logically, fitting categories one with another, to develop a coherent metasynthesis of the data. Before categories were assembled, data had to be recoded because more accurate words or phrases were discovered for the original codes.

With each successive cycle of coding, the codes become fewer in number. The primary goal during second-cycle coding was to develop a sense of categorical, thematic, conceptual,

72 and/or theoretical organisation from the collection of first-cycle codes. The first-cycle codes were reorganised and reconfigured into a smaller list of broader categories, themes, concepts and/or assertions. Codes and sub-codes were transformed into categories (and subcategories, if needed), which then progressed towards major themes or concepts. Second-cycle coding involved reorganising and condensing the vast collection of initial analytical details into categories and concepts. The variety of coding methods offered a range of possible lenses, filters and angles to consider and apply to the researcher’s approach to this study.

Pattern or focused coding helped to categorise and crystallizes the analytic work even further. Pattern method in second-cycle coding is particularly appropriate for condensing large amounts of data into a smaller number of analytic units and for developing major themes from the data. It is particularly useful in the search for causes and explanations in the data, examining social networks and patterns of human relationships, forming theoretical constructs and processes, and laying the groundwork for cross-case analysis by generating common themes and directional processes (Miles et al., 2014).

3.7. Summary

Given the articulated gaps, questions and objectives of the research to contribute with empirical data to the development of refugee and migrant EI models, the study utilised a qualitative methodology, which is better suited to gaining an understanding of refugee social and EI experiences and the role of meaning making in the participants’ understanding of these experiences.

Data collection methods were developed through engagement with the empirical world of those studied rather than being created a priori. Viewing relationality in the context of SRFY enables a nuanced, complex view of their EI experiences and pathways over time, and a qualitative methodology offers a powerful means of creating this processual knowledge. A life- course method, insider perspective focus, micro-level (individual level) explanation of employment integration produces experiential insights that can be classified in a typology. This approach required the use of semi-structured interviews. The study collected a robust set of interview data from SRFY. Detailed analysis has been conducted on the sample. The researcher categorised the most important interview responses at each step of the definitional process, and proposed that concept in order to organise and analyse the data. By doing this, it was possible to review data and to generalise findings.

73 The methodology enabled thematic analysis of EI trajectories as the invisible pathways along which people moved until the present moment. It allowed the researcher to illuminate and explain personal perceptions or accounts of phenomena based upon an exploration of participants’ experiences, while at the same time recognising that any explanation requires a degree of interpretive activity. On this basis, the researcher arrived at LCA as a methodological framework. LCA required access to first-hand and subjective knowledge of SRFY, their ideas and the contexts that outlined and enabled their migration, as well as their life and EI experiences. Interviews and thematic analysis were the instruments. Descriptive and explanatory aims provided a good picture of EI experiences over time. These were aligned with the methodology and its goals and helped address the categories, main themes, and properties and dimensions. This methodology aided in interpretation and explanation of participant’s experiences to generate relevant and useful outcomes and results.

The study is grounded on three interacting, but analytically distinct, emphases to suggest how refugee and migrant EI will be explored, discussed and analysed:

1. An emphasis on time and place as under-utilised dimensions on which to direct further study of refugee and migrant EI over time;

2. An emphasis on the subjective EI experiences as a concept that qualitatively encapsulates temporal and spatial dimensions; and

3. An emphasis on EI study in life course perspective.

Subjectively (and objectively) refugee and migrant EI are, of course, not static. By situating subjective EI experiences in the times and places in which they occur, we are drawn to how EI plays out over the course of the lives of people.

The instruments and methods applied all converge to contribute to the significance of the study. There were two ways of how findings have been presented; both were found useful in this research. One was developing profiles of individual participants and grouping these into categories (Chapter 4), used as case studies (Chapter 5) to illustrate EI pathways, types of EI, and the EI conceptual framework (Chapter 6). The second was to mark individual passages or excerpts from the transcripts and group these in thematically connected categories (Chapter 4). This has been suited to the purpose of exploring refugee and migrant pathways to EI, its types the conceptual framework. This approach is similar to Bloomberg and Volpe’s (2012)

74 approach. There are strong synergies between the LCA, interpretive perspective, processual elements of qualitative research, and the chosen methodology for the study.

The next chapter presents the study Findings. It will provide a thematically structured account of the experiences reflected in respondents’ accounts.

75 Chapter 4: Typical elements of a life-course EI experience

4.1. Introduction As the first research question focused on the SRFY interview responses, their interpretation of their EI experiences over time and perception was paramount. Case studies were provided that pinpointed good practices and success stories in a number of different EI outcomes and contexts. Each was followed by a discussion of how the data addressed the issues these represented with reference to the original research objectives.

This chapter provides a thematically structured account of the experiences reflected in respondents’ accounts. In categorizing how the individual’s EI problem is defined and dealt with, it was necessary to get an account of what was perceived by respondents. This chapter explains what each category is and how that category is revealed in the interview responses. The researcher identified relationships and links between categories, and, based on these, developed a longitudinal narrative.

The purpose of this chapter is to provide qualitative insights into the nature of the employment integration that Serbian refugee (SRFY) employment integration experiences over time, by presenting thematic analysis findings and listing the nine broad categories or subthemes identified.

The presentation of these subthemes is organised according to a chronological progression of life course (LC) experiences (Figure 4.1.).

Thematic analysis in nine categories demonstrates the typical elements of a life-course EI experience. Subthemes of each theme will also be presented.

Figure 4.1: Elements of a life-course EI experience: EI categories

4.2. Experiencing Loss

Loss is a recurrent subtheme throughout the interviews. This section presents key evidence that reflects loss as experienced by the interviewees. Exploring SRFY experiences of

76 loss is relevant in order to better understand the barriers and difficulties they faced not only in the pre-migration and transition stages but also in the post-migration stage. Loss is temporally directed: loss before migration, loss during migration (the transition period), and loss after migration. Each of these is illustrated below.

Figure 4.2: Experiencing Loss: Subthemes

4.1.1. Loss before migration

4.1. Experiencing loss: 4.1.2. Loss during migration

4.1.3. Loss after migration

4.2.1. Loss before migration

Loss experienced before migration to Australia appears, in the accounts of many respondents, as the first stage of life course disruption. All respondents stated that life in the former Yugoslavia before the civil wars in Croatia (1991-1995) and Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992-1995) was very good, which makes their sense of loss even more profound and dramatic. These civil wars caused losses and disruptions such as forced migration, loss of possessions, of homes and familiar surroundings, of knowledge about the future, of neighbourhoods, of family and social relations, of meaning and continuity in life, even loss of identity, and, among all these, loss of jobs and careers (see Figure 4.2).

SRFY had to leave because they had no choice: it was forced migration due to Civil War, ethnic conflict, discrimination and hatred. In Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, their lives and families were in danger. Such traumatic experiences challenged interviewee capacity to explain or speak about it:

Because we were forced to migrate, we experienced something terrible which is hard to explain completely to anybody, I think that there is no bigger evil, except killing us, or disabled us or something like that, forced us to leave where we were born, you are left alive but something unspoken. (I 39)

77 Another described the ordeal of having to save one’s life and child, living estranged and having lost all material belongings, all familiar surroundings, even insights into the future:

To be in the war with small baby in Croatia, it was terrible, dramatic, we were escaping to save our lives, I was in other people houses, then in my house, again to escape into unknown, without anything, very hard and traumatic times. (I 40)

Loss of jobs was mentioned within the context of these wider and deeper losses:

Economically we have been quite good, we did have couple of houses over there, cars, good job, everything, and suddenly you have nothing, no job, no house, and we had been paying rent for couple of years in Serbia, until we got a visa. (I 30)

With regard to job loss in particular, employment status prior to migration is described nostalgically:

Employment was permanent employment there, and I was a lawyer over there, for those circumstances, it was actually good life. We lost our material possessions, and all we get was child, and a couple of documents and that is how we get to Australia. (I 19)

Loss of employment occurred in some cases through ethnic discrimination:

I was in a part of Bosnia where the majority were Muslims, and as a Serbian I lost a job at pretty much the beginning of the – after the war started. Even though I hold special qualifications for that job and I was the only one in that team who had it, they put somebody else on my position and asked me not to come to work. (I 21)

Loss of homeland was also felt as a personal tragedy for some:

We never thought of going anywhere from our country. We loved living in our country before the war, as it was a good life. We loved Yugoslavia, which was taken away from us and destroyed almost overnight. We were left without any ideals; we were lost and looked upon with contempt by others who were favouring extreme nationalism. (I 41)

Closely linked to the loss of homes, assets and roots was loss of family links during the pre-migration period:

During the war, family used to live in three different places, not together, no communication, no jobs, no money, it is really, really hard, the hardest period of my life, I find so many difficulties. (I 17)

78 One interviewee, comparing the sense of neighbourhood he experienced in his previous life with the one he has in Australia, describes a gap he believes will never be filled:

We can never be completely satisfied because our roots were destroyed. Emptiness is staying with us. When I visited my home, I was walking around hills and forests and that was my soul filling, my batteries inside, everything. We had upbringing in a way that our neighbours were like our relatives. (I 39)

The importance of loss of employment was not simply experienced as something material, but more profoundly as something giving meaning to one’s life:

Job is the most important thing, working is … having a job is somewhere to go to that gives you a life purpose, a reason to wake up in the morning, a reason to have your make-up done and hair, to dress up and…What I miss in my life is like my law society, my law friends. I miss my solicitors, my barristers, my expert witnesses. (I 5)

4.2.2. Loss during migration

For several respondents, transitioning from the former Yugoslavia to Australia meant loss of job opportunities along the way:

We could not find any job in Serbia. My children, huge inflation, no support with domestic people. Unease and that terrible uncertainty was probably the most difficult part of my life as a refugee. I did not see a future being refugee in that country; no one was offering me any help in terms of my employment, prospects for employment. (I 29)

4.2.3. Loss after migration

SRFY also experienced different kinds of loss after migration: social identity and social status, neighbours, community links, professional identity, skills and qualifications, professional links, and access to work (see Figure 4.2).

Some SRFY experienced disruptions in the continuity of their lives, with significant consequences for their physical, mental and emotional well-being, amounting to a complete loss of one’s self:

79 I had that willingness, and capacity to accept that I am on the ground zero point of my professional and personal development in life which I also encountered that many people in my surroundings from my background struggle with. It was an enormous loss – being nothing, suddenly. (I 26)

As some could no longer rely on family and friends, they appealed to the Serbian and mainstream community and its support structures, organizations and connections.

Shortly after their arrival in Australia, many SRFY experienced unemployment, underemployment or misalignment between their skills and qualifications and the jobs they were able to secure. Their employment integration stories speak of loss of skills, lack of professional recognition, and the ongoing pain of not having had the opportunity to fulfil themselves, as they might have been able to, in normal circumstances, in their original milieu (see Figure 4.2). A qualified veterinarian from Serbia explained:

That was the only thing that can possibly be one source of my dissatisfaction in life in Australia that I am not working in my profession here, and that is my only pain, Achilles heel, I wanted to show what I knew, that all of this university knowledge and gained skills and experience are demonstrated here in Australia. (I 46)

The experience of loss of professional status also became acute due to an increasingly competitive labour market and lower demand for workers, at least in some industries, in Australia over the last 20 years:

Because of economic situation crisis and shrinking of manufacturing sector, production is slowing more and more. It is a chain reaction. There is no work for me now, actually last for the last months. Therefore, yes, for me loss of my job is a key negative event for my family and me. (I 38)

He mentioned that support groups and social support from the ethnic and mainstream community did help.

Most SRFY said that they had friends and relatives already in Australia, which eased their SEI process. Support and links inside the Serbian community (relatives, friends, church support, and ethnic humanitarian and welfare organisations) were important for the decision to migrate and accelerated SEI in Australia. Their employment integration was closely intertwined with social integration, which shows the complex ways in which employment integration issues are embedded in the social context.

80 Regardless of war trauma and hardships experienced in Yugoslavia, and then losses experienced in Australia, a common thread across these accounts is a high level of resilience in preserving their integrity and moral values, emphasising the importance of education, respect for others, and the centrality of family in one’s life.

Accounts of loss are important in order to better understand SRFY perceptions of and responses to difficulties encountered after migration to Australia, and the material and emotional-psychological context in which their SEI was to take place in their country of adoption. The next sections illustrate how SRFY experienced, responded and adjusted to their new life conditions and environment.

All other relevant quotes from subthemes of Chapter 4 can be found in Appendix 6.

4.3. Motivation as coping and resilience response for EI

Figure 4.3: Motivation as coping and resilience response for (EI): Subthemes

4.3.1. Setting short-term goals

4.3.2. Setting long-term goals

4.3.3. Fear

4.3. Motivation: 4.3.4. Altruism: Helping people

4.3.5. Family

4.3.6. Passion

4.3.7. Never giving up

Participants responded differently to loss and trauma by developing various coping and resilience strategies. Motivation appeared as an important part of, and a driving force in, the process of recovery and adaptation. This section presents the main motives and needs that propelled respondents’ actions, as well as the kinds of actions they undertook to achieve SEI. In the interviews, motivation appears as related to ideas such as short- and long-term goal setting, fear, altruism, passion, helping the family, and not giving up (see Figure 4.3).

81

4.3.1. Setting short-term goals

Goal setting is the motivational practice most frequently identified by respondents. They describe goals that may be general and short-term or specific and long-term. The desire for autonomy and independence, to be in control of one’s own schedule, and to be in charge rather than taking orders proved a great motivator for some respondents who decided to open their own small businesses, e.g., as painters, cabinet makers, veterinarians, builders and engineers. One-interviewee stated:

You do what you want to do, you need like a goal, and you just work for that. (I 30)

Most focused on realistic goals and plans in Australia. They exercised high levels of

F motivation to reach their short- or long-term goals even when confronted by difficulties. o LcW iSo Aue CvNr nst A forest engineer, who held managerial positions in Croatia, recalled his efforts and aeek you rsei jnp eadnT ofa efafco hard work in the last 18 years since he started a flooring business: bc rem ob th aarme oi dnamo fle vdcew eyv aphn e/a At the time of our arrival, I was 45 and my wife was 42 years old. We were neisb dkb caeuo fil ecvrs ade meeas aware of our age, we tried to focus on achievable goals, and we achieved those. (I 41) msg effmt uio nlune laj tytt llo us yrb Respondents who focused on short-term goals were aware of their perceived EI e barriers, such as age. They were the ones taking low-paid, low-skill jobs as labourers in factories, service industries and the construction sector, regardless of their previous education, skills, knowledge and experience in Yugoslavia.

In contrast to setting short-term goals that were in effect giving up on their previous profession, giving up on their university education, skills, knowledge and experience, some respondents focused on long-term term goals, which is the focus of the next subcategory.

4.3.2. Setting long-term goals

Some respondents were able to set long-term goals and apply a particular level of effort for a certain amount of time in order to attain their goals. For example, a qualified veterinarian with 11 years’ work experience in Croatia described his strong need for achievement, strong determination, and focus to do what was needed to pursue his goal, i.e., to study hard and achieve commensurate employment as a veterinarian, through additional education in Australia:

82 I know it is not easy to study but if you have your goals, you just do it. I knew the priority is education, and after the education all those things will come much easier, so if you put right priority in order, you’d do the better, I still enjoy it. (I 30)

He has successfully run a veterinarian business in an affluent Melbourne suburb for the last five years.

Similarly, a doctor was successful in qualifying again as general practitioner in Australia:

We did not want just to look to work any jobs; we want to work in our profession. (I 33)

According to the respondents, their motivation stemmed from the quality of their persistence in setting short and long-term goals.

4.3.3. Fear

One important factor that triggered respondents’ efforts to work and study hard was fear. An economist, now a university professor in Australia, explained how fear of failure motivated her to study:

Out of fear of failure, I was so fearful that I am going to fail, I was fearful that if I fail my exams, that I will betray my family. I worked really hard and I finished fourth year of psychology with the highest results. (I 26)

To achieve SEI, some respondents made extra efforts that helped them to recover from loss and uncertainty. They reported feeling both fear and satisfaction working in precarious jobs when they knew their material goals were aligned with family priorities. An example is a statement from a farmer, now working as cleaner in Australia, who was interviewed with her husband:

We were constantly afraid that we will stay in state of having nothing so we wanted house as soon as possible, to have something, to live normally. (I 40)

In this case, the economic factor was important. But economic resources were unequally available to SRFY, as some had more resources to facilitate their SEI, and others less, considerably less, or none at all.

83 4.3.4. Altruism: Helping people

One respondent’s primary motivational force and source of satisfaction in her work was the opportunity to help others as a doctor: by saving people’s lives she finds in her work full satisfaction, devotion, a great sense of achievement, and an important contribution to society:

I am a caring person, and I wanted to translate that into what I am doing. That is what gets me up every day, improving everybody’s life, it is possible, and to be free of some condition, disease, or illness, or even negative thought, it is really big relief… (I 48)

4.3.5. Family

Helping family occupies a prominent place. One interviewee describes how living safely and peacefully in Australia was the first and constant family priority:

I came in Australia with my family in 1994 and we came on a refugee visas, so the reason for migrating was Civil War in Bosnia and the main reason was just to escape war atrocities and to find a place for a better life and a safer place for our children. (I 34)

Yet another talked about his decision to accept any paid job, and then adjusted to the reality of his new career path. An engineer from Bosnia, after arrival he graduated in English for Engineers in Moorabbin and completed an additional Information Technology course in Hawthorn, but could not find a job in that field:

I find out, how to live and support a family. Feed the children, and that is more important than chasing a particular job. I actually prepared all my previous life, prepared for some higher jobs and better pay, it did not happen unfortunately, I did not reach this level but what to do, it will be all right anyway. (I 14)

Similarly, a focus on family, unselfish devotion, concern and sacrifice for the family unit is evident in a university-educated fine artist who has spent all his 16 years in Australia working as a painter on building sites or in domestic jobs:

My start in Australia was hard from the beginning. Therefore, I was looking to do anything just to survive and just to know that I can feed my family, I can support them, and they can be all right. I was also working for such long hours, and it was between 10 to 12 hours every day. (I 12)

84 Altruism, whether through helping others and caring for one’s family, is a very strong motivational force that has inspired respondents in their life and work.

4.3.6. Passion

Passion is suggested as strong internal force and drive, in many cases retaining and holding the family together. Some respondents reported that they were highly motivated to complete additional professional courses in fields such as veterinary science (I 30), medicine (I 29, I 33) or psychology (I 26). They explained this motivation as the great love and passion for their field. One recalled:

When I said that I followed my heart it is not romantic or dissolution of statements. It was literally that more by heart, emotions and enthusiasm, actually tries or cries for humanity, rather than my cognitive intellectual capacities, because, remember, we came traumatised, fearful, lost, scared, disoriented, not speaking English. (I 26)

4.3.7. Never giving up

The idea of never giving up is perhaps the strongest subtheme related to motivation and leading into the personal agency subtheme. Some respondents described their motivation to reach their goals even in the light of adversity. For example, a doctor explained how important it was to persevere in realising one’s goals, especially when realising that it was not going to be easy:

There is nothing overnight, but if you really believe, and you wanting something for yourself, it will happen. Never, never, give up, you cannot, if you give up, when things go straight, you have to be basically careful and still persistent, because there is only one way to get there, and you were driving it. (I 48)

The idea of never giving up reflects persistence in a course of action, in spite of all difficulties, barriers, problems, losses, traumas, obstacles and discouragements faced.

85 4.3.8. Summary

Respondents’ statements show various motivational forces at play in SRFY processes of recovery and adaptation for SEI in Australia.

Their personal experiential accounts reflect and illuminate different aspects of motivation, such as setting short-term and long-term goals, feelings of fear, aspirations to greater good and purpose, altruism, the need to help their family, having a passion for achieving something, and never giving up (despite obstacles that may have appeared insurmountable).

Most SRFY successfully set up short-term or long-term goals. The main motivation seems to have been their desire for autonomy and independence, to be their own boss, and to start up successfully their small businesses. Most SRFY considered they had achieved their goals despite the many difficulties and barriers they faced in a new environment.

SRFY who focused on short-term goals were those who, due to economic factors such as lack of resources, family duties, age and health, felt constrained to choose to work in low- paid, low-skill jobs, and did not pursue work aligned with their original education and profession. Another group, however, more passionate about their profession, focused on long- term goals and accepted that it would take years to finish additional education, upgrade their English language proficiency, and become qualified to work once again in their field. Most had a strong sense of purpose and of the importance of their jobs for Australian society, for helping others, and they were successful in their SEI.

Respondents augmented their life stories with additional details that revealed the depth of their experiences and the nature of their motives. Some were able to articulate their overarching goal that had guided them throughout their journey. In this context, the next subsection focuses on the personal agency subtheme, which presents respondents’ accounts of how they took independent action, on their own initiative, in order to achieve short- and long- term goals.

4.4. Personal agency

Figure 4.4: Personal agency: Subthemes

86 4.4.1. Replacing uncertainty with opportunity

4.4.2. Making choices and decisions

4.4.3. Having competence recognised

4.4: Personal agency: 4.4.4. Cognitive flexibility: Divergent thinking

4.4.5. Nonconformity – Avoid conformity

4.4.6. Confidence

Narratives about loss revealed that respondents were powerless in the social context of civil war. Yet, in accounts of motivation, individuals appeared to play a more prominent role in the gradual process of recovery and adaptation.

Most SRFY arrived with a set of specific skills. The study therefore looks at the SEI process, what happened, and what actions were undertaken in this process. The personal agency subtheme refers to all aspects of what the respondents did and how they took action. The agency aspects identified in the data are replacing uncertainty with opportunity, making decisions and choices to control one’s own life, having competence recognised, having cognitive flexibility, avoiding conformity, using active problem solving, and having confidence (see Figure 4.4).

4.4.1. Replacing uncertainty with opportunity

Replacing the language of loss and uncertainty with the language of possibility and

opportunity is evident through some respondents’ statements: R e p l a There is nothing for free but there is an opportunity. You can make it, materialise Mc AaiS wkne aega whatever you want, so if you are little bit harder worker, whether it is physical or U rCPr Pen LPhoc rAnePoGch Fas intellectual work so you can succeed. If you really want studies, you just grab it and just odereioef lcRi basrcaro Aeket lpsoseltr mxosi etones-aO bifi v use it, it is in front of you, and you just take it. (I 30) mafartsi p ibSle -bNlvoen p tiuiA sieAeCtto ilpat olwgrotyr oipnt liCeniwt ntoci During the pre-migration, transition and post-migration periods, participants stated vtontniu yret iynccrgtn ntuh tyeodi geO let that their personal decisions and choices in responding to a variety of challenges, xLpi tipe sfos er difficulties and barriers were among the most important factors that facilitated their quicker t u n i employment integration in Australia. There is a connection between positive emotions and t y the ability to take on new challenges. An example of one respondent’s combination of

87 positive attitude and emotion is found in a short statement from a refugee from Bosnia and Herzegovina, a teacher in Yugoslavia and in Australia. When asked at interview for the first (part-time) job in a migrant resource centre what she would bring to the job, she answered:

I will bring my smile. (I 34)

Because of her own experience as a refugee, she could easily understand and recognise students’ problems, fears and situation, as she had felt and experienced the same problems. After finding a job, she completed a Graduate Diploma in teaching, and then obtained another job commensurate with her education level.

4.4.2. Making choices and decisions

Respondents’ accounts suggest that they do not passively receive social influences or structural limitations. Instead, they describe themselves making choices and decisions formed on other possibilities that they see and notice. Knowledge does not occur in a vacuum; it involves a combination of existing knowledge and new knowledge and experiences. Regarding her future profession in Australia, one respondent talked about accepting a challenge and embracing change with a spirit of optimism:

I had always aspiration, ambition and wish to study psychology. My background was in economics, nothing to do with what I am doing now. I applied for University degree in psychology, so I had that willingness, and capacity to accept that I am on the ground zero point of my professional and personal development in life. (I 26)

Respondents’ planning and choice making within the specific limitations of their context are shown to have significant consequences for their future life and EI. Another response, from a medical engineer, suggests making choices to control one’s life, by having a focused mind and being decisive:

We decided to get maybe better perspective in looking for jobs, to maybe go into further study, and I decided to use my prior knowledge to continue with the same job, so just to improve little bit my knowledge about medical technology. (I 36)

88 4.4.3. Having competence recognised

Some respondents were confident in their capacity as engineers, as their engineering qualifications were immediately recognised in Australia:

I was an engineer at one company. I come as a skilled migrant, on my qualifications. They accept me based on my subjects I have passed; reputation of the University of the country of origin was recognized. I got all rights to start working as professional engineer here in Australia. (I 37)

When people did not have their professional competence recognised, they had to adapt to the context and learn new skills.

4.4.4. Cognitive flexibility: Divergent thinking

This ability is illustrated in a statement from an engineer from Yugoslavia who undertook additional education (Master of Business) and who, besides working as an engineer, was for a while a business development manager in Australia before the manufacturing crisis:

I worked as a business manager. I would definitely choose my highest qualification, Master’s in Business skills, because it is much more flexible, dynamic as well, you monitor engineering development, you have broad picture and great general knowledge of what is going on. (I 37)

This response presents someone who enjoys the creative part of his managerial job, where he can combine individual ability and individual attitudes. It also suggests courage to face new challenges and cognitive flexibility to learn, rooted in the belief that learning new things is exciting.

Several responses indicate a focused mind, independence to rely on one’s own skills, potential, knowledge and experience, decisiveness in action and a capacity to function as an agent of one’s own destiny and future:

The thing is that we did not rely much on anyone, do this for us, so it was not like perfect, probably, but it is working, so it is good, because you did it on your own. (I 35)

Some interviewees talked about how they better prepared themselves and selected opportunities that gave them a head start, relying on self-confidence. An engineer with

89 extensive experience in Yugoslavia took matters into his own hands and sought EI opportunities through unpaid voluntary work in an engineering company. An example of great determination and perseverance, he came across as someone whose convictions were stronger than doubts, he was following his dreams and ambitions, and he was looking for, found and seized an EI opportunity when it presented itself:

The moment when I went; when I had a chance to work that work experience and when they allow me to work that 15 months in the company. I saw how people are working. I believe that people, still today I am with them. (I 28)

4.4.5. Nonconformity – Avoid conformity

One respondent challenged the status quo, the idea of conforming to traditional community expectations, and did not care what other people thought:

I was stigmatized because I was a bad mother, instead I am going to farm and earning money or going to factory, working hard, I studied and then was not accepted and understood in ethnic community, but it was very well accepted and admirably in mainstream. (I 26)

4.4.6. Active problem solving

The way SRFY take action inevitably influences the direction of their life and consequently achieving EI in Australia. Respondents may break with convention, they are proactive, they have self-awareness, they understand their strengths, and they follow their dreams, passions and ambitions.

Some describe how they adopted an active problem-solving strategy in order to attain employment integration:

I would try to find solution to it, rather than blaming. So, if there is a problem, it is not just talk about the problem, but often what we can do to solve it rather than criticise it. (I 34)

90 4.4.7. Confidence

Some respondents showed strong confidence and belief that that they could be successful in their goal to work in Australia, in their dream job, at their level of education, skills, qualifications, knowledge and experience.

One provided an interesting example of understanding and awareness in finding new opportunities. He initially worked in low-skill jobs in Italy and quickly overcame the language barrier, which facilitated easier and smoother integration in Italy. On arrival in Australia, he also learned English very quickly. After a couple of years in Italy, he ended up working in engineering, his field of expertise. While on a temporary skilled visa in Australia, he loved the country and decided to stay, as he foresaw a better life and future career opportunities. Two years later, he started his own business. While in Italy, he had felt like a second-class citizen; in Australia he was able to work in his field from the beginning:

I did not have any barriers because I got a job from the first day, so I moved straight away to work and I did not have any problems. Even if I did not get that job, which was promised, so then I could easily find job, I think there are lot of opportunities for people who want work. (I 51)

4.4.8. Summary

Respondents began looking for ways to overcome trauma and loss and to recover from them in many different ways, depending on many different temporal contexts and determinants. The examples above identify personal agency as an important theme and factor in achieving SEI; this refers to respondents’ actions, choices, decisions, behaviours, and related cognitive and emotional aspects.

In regard to the role of personal agency in EI, by setting their goals SRFY started taking an active role by replacing uncertainty with opportunity, by making decisions and choices to control one’s own life, by avoiding conformity, by active problem solving, and by making choices that gave them a chance to control their lives.

Respondents’ statements showed the vital role of human agency in explaining various degrees of success in SEI in Australia. What we learn from these accounts is that individual motivation and personal agency actions influenced SEI processes and outcomes. Personal agency and personal control constituted a vital part of these processes, where individuals

91 selected themselves into roles and situations. In doing so, within (and sometimes despite) given constraints, they constructed their own life course. The most frequently reported qualities associated with evidence of personal agency were persistence, technical and interpersonal skills, wisdom, strength, courage and confidence. These responses indicate that strong will and belief in achievement were important personal factors in fulfilling wishes, dreams and hopes. Interviewees attributed their success to their determination and belief that they would be able to overcome any barriers to employment integration.

There follows an account of barriers to SEI, grouped into a separate subtheme.

4.5. Barriers to SEI

Figure 4.5: Barriers to SEI: Subthemes

4.5.1.1. Low English language proficiency 4.5.1.2. Poor health

4.5.1. Internal barriers to SEI: 4.5.1.3. Advanced age

4.5.1.4. Lack of systemic knowledge

4.5.1.5. Lack of confidence

4.5.2.1. Complexity of a competitive labour market 4.5.2.2. Employment experience gap

4.5.2. External barriers to SEI: 4.5.2.3. Qualifications not recognised

4.5.2.4. Discrimination against newcomers

4.5.2.5. Lack of or inadequate institutional support 4.5.2.6. Family financial pressure

The barriers subtheme refers to all aspects of internal and external barriers to SEI experienced by SRFY that obstructed them in achieving their objectives, goals, plans or ambitions. Some were not able to overcome barriers due to severe psychological impacts

92 caused by loss and trauma. These internal, psychological barriers will be presented first. Second are some of the main structural barriers to SEI of SRFY. These structural barriers are external obstacles inherent in the social context the respondents have experienced in their attempts to achieve SEI (see Figure 4.5). Given the negative consequences of underemployment and unemployment for individual and social well-being (Batalova et al., 2008; Daig et al., 2009; Reid, 2012), the identification of internal and external (structural) barriers is of crucial importance.

4.5.1. Internal barriers to SEI

After arrival in Australia, most SRFY remained traumatised by loss – feeling anxiety, a lack of confidence, fear and uncertainty about what the future would bring, what would happen next, what their life would be like in a new, strange environment. SRFY identified some of the main internal barriers that initially after arrival prevented their SEI in Australia, such as lack of English language proficiency, poor health, advanced age, and psychological barriers, such as lack of confidence (see Figure 4.5). Interestingly, for those who adapted better and did not experience significant structural barriers, awareness of internal barriers was more specific. For instance, one respondent, a mechanical engineer from Serbia, who undertook English language training and achieved high proficiency, migrated to New Zealand on a skilled migrant visa and then migrated to Australia after five years; his profession is in high demand at the moment, and he spoke confidently:

There are no barriers, only psychological barriers. (I 49)

This attitude is in stark contrast to the perceptions of others who believed the barriers encountered were nearly impossible to overcome, that they would never be able to adapt to the new environment. It took years for some to realise that they were capable of doing something worthwhile with their lives in Australia. Notably, this change of attitude (and opening to possible solutions) came with a new understanding that the real source of barriers was internal rather than external.

The main internal (understood as personal, individual) barriers identified by respondents were low English language proficiency, lack of systemic knowledge, poor health, advanced age, perception and feeling of being excluded, and a lack of confidence.

93 4.5.1.1. Low English language proficiency

Most respondents reported that low English language proficiency was the most serious barrier to their SEI in Australia. A lawyer turned casual emergency teacher in Australia said:

Language is the biggest, and the first, and the last and the second and every possible barrier that you can face in a country you come to live in. So, in regard to us settling in and assimilating, and becoming a part of this society – the language is the number one thing. (I 5)

Another, a refugee from Bosnia with a university degree in economics, revealed:

I was not able to overcome language barrier, because that barrier I had to change from my economist profession and work in construction building industry, where it was easier to adapt to work without heavy reliance on language and communication skills. (I 27)

Some considered that overcoming the language barrier would take too long while the time investment would still prove high-risk, and so they concluded it was not worth the sacrifice of effort and resources. They adapted by seeking jobs in less language-dependent areas. This in itself required strength, resilience and coping skills. One respondent emphasised the vital relevance of English language proficiency in a positive manner, welcoming the opportunity to start life over again:

When we came here to Australia, my first priority was to learn how to speak English, and to improve my English as much as I can, because communication is the major thing. Without that you cannot actually ask or expect any English, any prosperity. (I 29)

For most SRFY, the social integration process was slow and ineffective mainly because of lack of English proficiency, which impeded their communication and development of social ties.

4.5.1.2. Poor health

For some respondents, social integration and the recovery process were painful and long, and they were not able to fully recover. Some were unable to recreate their former lives and their existence fell to a very basic level. Further, while unable to recover from war trauma and loss, the outcomes of settling in Australia were not what they aspired to, expected or desired:

94 Due to war trauma, age and health problems, I was not able to learn the English language. (I 19)

Some reported health issues as one of the main barriers to employment integration. It is important to clarify that health issues arise after working in physically demanding jobs in Australia, mostly in manufacturing in low-paid and low-skill jobs that can result in work injuries.

4.5.1.3. Advanced age

Some respondents reported their age as one of the main barriers to their SEI. One, aged 65, who had worked as a tertiary-qualified physical education teacher at primary school level, expressed regret at not pursuing further education in Australia in her field of expertise:

Too old, it is too late now. (I 25)

Some did not take additional English classes due to lack of time and an inability to make a decision at the right time. They did not even try to have their university qualifications recognised. Some now recognised the importance of additional education and believed that, if they had done something differently, they would have taken a different life path. Another respondent strongly believed that his age was the reason for not getting a job he applied for in Australia, despite his previous experience as a train driver in Yugoslavia:

If you are older it is very hard to find a job in your profession, no matter experience, no matter how good you are, it is just a matter of your age. (I 23)

A combination of respondents’ low English language proficiency, poor health and advanced age led to other barriers to SEI, such as lack of confidence, and perceptions and feelings about being excluded.

4.5.1.4. Lack of systemic knowledge

On arrival in Australia, SRFY found themselves at a disadvantage in the employment market, due to unfamiliarity with the labour market, limited English language skills, and atrophy of skills caused by job loss during the Civil War. Lack of systemic knowledge refers

95 to a lack of familiarity with the new social realities specific to Australia, and lack of familiarity with the workplace culture and norms:

When you come to Australia, you are lost, you do not know how this society operates, so we lack that basic support, basically you are coming to the basics that ask for ticket, after 6 months I was more confident to communicate basic communication. (I 30)

Some respondent stories showed how the three barriers – lack of systemic knowledge, poor health and advanced age – combined create the perception that there was no solution for employment integration in a field commensurate with previous work experience.

4.5.1.5. Lack of confidence

Lack of confidence was also a recurrent theme in the context of describing barriers. For example, a respondent with a traumatic work and life experience from the former Yugoslavia was unable to cope with abusive customers as a part-time shop assistant. She felt unable to respond to the rising demands of part-time work, study and family, which inevitably took a physical, mental and emotional toll:

All was on my shoulders. I did not have husband to support me. I am not the sort of person who is confident. If I cannot do something 100%, I will not start that job, that is my personality, attitude, unfortunately maybe not good, if I cannot give 100%, I will not start. (I 54)

She rationalised her lack of confidence in terms of perfectionism. This possibly stemmed from a deep feeling of insecurity. Furthermore, due to her husband’s death during the Civil War, she suffered from neurosis and depression:

Doctor recommended me to go to pension with diagnosis: psychologically troubled due to war trauma and personal tragedy. (I 54)

This poor health, fuelled by a lack of confidence, prevented her from successful employment integration. It suggests that, as some refugees had their traumatic experiences compounded by unsuccessful and demoralising experiences in Australia, this increased their lack of confidence in their ability to adapt to the new environment, thus creating an insurmountable barrier to their SEI.

96 4.5.2. External barriers to SEI

SRFY reported some of the main external barriers to SEI that impeded their EI in Australia were complexity of a competitive labour market, employment experience gaps, qualifications unrecognised, discrimination against newcomers, and lack of adequate institutional support (see Figure 4.5).

4.5.2.1. Complexity of a competitive labour market

Some respondents attribute their unemployment predicament to the complexities of a competitive labour market and to economic uncertainty:

I lost my job after 11 years working hard in the metal industry in Australia primarily because of economic situation. When one profession loses the job, the other profession is affected, like a chain reaction: you lose jobs, you cannot find jobs, economic situation is hard, crisis is looming, but, all in all, even if situation stay like this, it is again good. (I 38)

Similarly, another whose unemployment affected both his social integration and the quality of his family life stated:

I think it’s very hard to get a job in any category in Australia, it is very competitive. (I 5)

Some reported that access to adequate employment due to labour market competitiveness was one of the main barriers to their EI. They completed additional professional courses (I 14, I 32, I 35), but could not find a job in their field after those courses. An illustrative example of the influence of the international competitive labour market on Australia’s labour market is this:

After I completed this course, actually what happened on the labour market, Asian countries have experienced IT, people that actually made boom in Australia, many experienced people lost jobs here because they offered actually cheaper service. That is why I never worked in the IT industry. (I 32)

Another statement is an example of company downsizing due to company strategy to reduce production costs:

97 I went to get work experience in Freight Victoria. About 3000 (employees) have to be released at that moment, so I find out it is very difficult to get into this business knowing that 3000 people are going to lose their jobs as a technological surplus. (I 14)

Hence the competitive labour market may be a barrier to employment integration and lead to economic uncertainty.

4.5.2.2. Employment experience gap

Some respondents reported that they had experienced not having any Australian work experience as a significant barrier to employment integration. Opportunities to acquire work experience are perceived by SRFY as significantly different across professions. These factors and barriers are important, because they can explain differences in SEI processes and outcomes of SRFY. Combined with the barriers created by a competitive labour market, lack of local work experience can lead to lack of access to employment.

Collectively, respondents reported that the combination of a competitive labour market and an employment experience gap were initially some of the most serious barriers to their EI. One had recently finished her PhD in the arts and has been working in recent years in a shop selling clothes; she cited lack of job opportunity in her field of expertise as her main employment integration barrier:

I just might have chosen wrong profession, there are less opportunities, and especially in Australia, which is more business and sports oriented, rather than arts, culture, humanities… (I 50)

This statement refers to a mismatch in employment experience. Similarly, a medical technician, did not work in her field of expertise in Yugoslavia or Australia:

I work many different jobs in Serbia, in restaurant, pizza maker, and supermarket. In every industry, I started to … in every industry two or three years, fashion clothes industry. In Australia, I started to work in 2006 in, on farm flowers – one year, and after that I started to work in plastic factory and I still working there. (I 7)

Lack of opportunity and employment experience is identified here as the main barrier to adequate SEI.

98 4.5.2.3. Qualifications not recognised

Some respondents stated that after arrival their prior knowledge, credentials, skills, experience, and qualifications were recognised only to a very limited extent or not at all. Some educated professionals indicated that they found jobs in their previous field of expertise at a level below their original jobs. An economist remarked:

My qualification education was not recognised in Australia, not even my driving licence was recognised in Australia, and that was really a significant barrier. (I 26)

4.5.2.4. Discrimination against newcomers

Some cases of discrimination against SRFY after arrival took two forms. One consisted in negative media and consequently mainstream perceptions, stereotypes and attitudes towards SRFY. The other was related to work discrimination – simply on the assumption that newcomers are high-risk (may not adapt) or may require additional training resources:

I think that the biggest problem in this country was that our Serbian people from the former Yugoslavia were demonised, defamed by media. Australian people did not have a true representation or picture of what kind of people we are, of our families. They looked on us with suspicion and many times I experienced unpleasant situations. (I 27)

Media reporting of the Civil War had on occasion portrayed Serbians as aggressors. Some respondents stated that media disinformation about the war had become regular, not only in Australia, but also in the Western media of the 1990s more generally. They said that media disinformation created stereotypes and negative attitudes, which confused and affected the minds of ordinary Australian people who did not get a real picture, situation and context of events in the former Yugoslav state. Another stated that she initially faced discrimination in Australia because of her non-Australian characteristics, such as her name:

I found it very disappointing that although the law specifies that there is no discrimination in Australia. I found it very difficult when I started applying for jobs. It was simply because of my surname, which it ends in ‘ić’, that I had difficulties and being rejected simply because my surname was not Smith, or Brown or Green. (I 1)

The statement showed that, in some cases, mediatised perceptions of the Civil War in Yugoslavia influenced employment access. Some respondents said that they have been

99 overlooked for better jobs because they were not Australian. One had worked very hard, believing that only hard work would bring him promotion but, unfortunately, this was not the case; instead of promotion, he was ostracised, discriminated against and bullied. He left the company and took an opportunity to open his own small cleaning business:

The manager said that I am the best employee in the last five years in that factory, who worked there; I worked again very hard and determined. Then I saw that in a job promotion the manager was more looking who is who, and not work performance of each employee. (I 39)

Thus it is not just about being discriminated against for not being Australian and being a newcomer. It is also about observing that promotion is not on merit and not on appropriate criteria. These accounts may depict a clash of values and principles rather than purely discrimination on ethnic grounds. These responses evoke the critical importance of not having a chance of and access to employment, and the external employment integration factors in EI that are outside individual control.

4.5.2.5. Lack of or inadequate institutional support

There is interrelatedness of internal SEI barriers, related to personal characteristics, and external, related to institutional, organizational or structural, systemic barriers. For example, some SRFY were unable to overcome the English language barrier. That was combined and became connected with structural barriers, such as the absence of institutional support and guidance upon arrival in Australia. Some respondents were unable to get referees needed for their job applications or to pass a professional examination, and therefore were initially unable to satisfy basic requirements in order to work in their field of expertise:

I could not get any valid information initially from any government institution, what to do here when I arrived here as an overseas doctor, because we come on a family support entry, not through UNHCR. It was difficult, because there was no formal programme to help us. (I 29)

Barriers to SEI, such as discriminatory employer attitudes, disadvantage and hostility towards newcomers, seemed, in some cases, much harder to overcome than barriers entrenched in difficulties related to language proficiency and professional skills. To illustrate, some SRFY

100 reported having undergone a process of re-qualification, obtained good proficiency in English – and then still being unable to find a job in line with their qualifications, knowledge, and skills.

4.5.2.6. Family financial pressure

For some SRFY, family financial pressure was one of the greatest barriers to their SEI. One described a family situation that prevented his pursuing his engineering profession:

To get a job take a time, so we had a decision. I will stop study and will go to work and my wife will follow her study. The idea was that after she finish and find a job, she will support me to study. It has never happened because of my wife, she was not enthusiastic, and so at the end it has happened that I am stuck in business for the family to survive. (I 14)

These examples demonstrate that, while family pressures are external to the individual, they are very close to home, compared with other structural barriers. Of course, pressure caused by family needs is a combination of family and individual ambitions, on the one hand, and pressures from the wider external setting, on the other. Linking external pressures to internal factors highlights the interdependencies that already exist between the two categories of barriers.

4.5.3. Summary

Respondents’ accounts of their experiences of barriers illustrate how problematic it was for SRFY who before worked in specialized, qualified and managerial professions to resume their earlier occupation in Australia. They indicated a wide range of barriers, from downward occupational mobility to discrimination.

Some do state that time constraint was a major limitation in overcoming certain barriers to SEI, but generally their statements suggested stories of resilience, recovery and positivity. In time, some were able to overcome barriers to SEI, while for others these barriers remained.

The temporal aspect of SEI barriers is reflected in the dynamics of change in SRFY lives and context. Barriers must be reviewed in appropriate depth to understand how any specific internal or external barrier is linked with others, and how social contexts influence SEI of SRFY. As barriers to SEI change with time, respondents are able to overcome some, such as English language proficiency.

101 Using the direction of temporality, an integrated narrative unfolds, where respondents tell of experiencing loss followed by recovery, of refocusing their lives by exercising motivation and personal agency, and of encountering various barriers to SEI. When able to overcome barriers, the story of SRFY becomes one of adaptation. How respondents experience changes in order to adapt is the focus of the next subtheme.

4.6. Adaptation

Figure 4.6: Adaptation: Subthemes

4.6.1. Conforming and accepting constraints (passive adaptation)

4.6.2. Ability to identify goals and ambitions

4.6.3. Ability to shift focus

4.6. Adaptation 4.6.4. Ability to persevere

4.6.5. Adjusting to a new environment

4.6.6. Ability to learn/Overcoming barriers

4.6.7. Ability to respond to change

4.6.8. Being independent

The subtheme of adaptation highlights how respondents experienced the overcoming of barriers to their SEI, thereby adding new insights into the complexities of the SRFY integration process.

Adaptation, as conceptualised in this study, refers to all aspects related to the respondents’ skills and abilities relevant to overcoming barriers to SEI. The relevant capabilities or types of abilities identified by respondents were adaptive differences, passivity, conforming, accepting constraints, ability to identify future actions and goals, ability to persevere, ability to shift focus, to adjust to a new environment, to learn, to respond to change, and to be independent (see Figure 4.6).

102

4.6.1. Conforming and accepting constraints (passive adaptation)

The adaptation process for some SRFY was initially very slow. It was not effective and was the result of half-hearted or insufficient responses to barriers to SEI. Some respondents believed that control of their life was not in their hands. Their passive approach and attitude towards life was that they could do nothing about their current life situation, either with regard to work or to other significant aspects:

The first six months for me were the hardest ones. I was even thinking to come back to [Yugoslavia]. It was so hard for me, all of that adaptation. New country, fear of unknown at the beginning, as I fell over from Mars, from another planet. I did not know anyone, people, tradition, culture, state. (I 54)

The respondent expressed feelings of fear, uncertainty, despair, depression, and sadness for loss of everything due to war trauma. This statement is not so much about passivity as it is about a deep fear of new things, of anything that is too different (unfamiliar), of uncertainty. Consequently, the respondent was not able or confident to cope well with a new life context, life changes, and their current situation. In passive adaptability, the emphasis is on being reactive and subject to conformity. Some respondents were conventional and uncomfortable with change and new experiences. They were cautious and used to a slow pace, to a routine and having plenty of time. When the emphasis is on passive adaptability, the main issue for some respondents was to ‘fit in’, to go with the flow, to accept constraints.

4.6.2. Ability to identify goals and ambitions

Adaptability also encompassed SRFY ability to clearly identify future actions, goals and ambitions. Some interviewees decided what was truly important and put their effort and energy into these. One who used to be a teacher loved her profession and wanted to continue with teaching in Australia. She had a belief that she would be able to find a job in her field. In addition, her individual attitude that she could do anything removed all potential mental barriers. She believed in herself, that she could do anything to realise her goals. She was confident that she would gain necessary additional education, skills and knowledge. She had a willingness to achieve her life and work ambition and goals and she achieved successful EI:

103 I did not want to change any other career, I just wanted to still stay in education where I am currently. I fully achieved my dream and my goal, now, I think, I am really back where I can say similar to when I was back in Bosnia, back to normal. (I 34)

This is an example of not changing course and of reaching a familiar level of achievement, comparable to that enjoyed prior to migration.

The best example of the importance of having identified clear goals and ambitions is in a statement of a former lawyer who wanted to work as a lawyer in Australia:

Because of differences between legal systems in the former Yugoslavia and in Australia, I had to complete 14 subjects and additional conditions. I succeeded, I got a good character reference from standing judge in my home city, I got from the professional Association a good reference, and I did have [some] from my former employer as well. (I 19)

This illustrates perseverance in reaching a set goal, irrespective of barriers. He was able to overcome all barriers in order to realise his ambition to work in his previous profession. The process took around seven years. He worked in a factory, studied at the same time, and had to pay University fees to be a lawyer. He could cope with changes in life due to education, human capital, motivation, ability to adapt, and could learn quickly in a new situation and environment.

4.6.3. Ability to shift focus

Some SRFY, who were not successful in gaining employment commensurate with their education, demonstrated adaptability in that they were able to find jobs in other areas. One with Political Science University qualifications from Croatia decided that he had little chance of pursuing that profession in Australia, so took a realistic approach and pursued other fields of interest. He is now happy with a new profession in a supportive company:

The reason why I choose the TAFE was because I had my University degree from overseas, but it was political science, that was not kind of recognized and an official there advised me to go to TAFE to be a social worker, so I chose the accounting. (I 35)

However, there is a sense here that the new orientation did not bring with it a complete restoration of the respondent’s previous professional level. Adaptability in this example includes the respondent’s ability to be open to the present moment and to adjust his behaviour

104 as needed. When the emphasis is on adaptability, the priority is to ‘fit in’, to go with the flow, and therefore to accept constraints.

4.6.4. Ability to persevere

Adaptability might require considerable perseverance and a passion to retrain to achieve a previous profession:

The process took around seven years. It took me three and a half years at Uni. It took me two years in English, to get English proficiency, and it took me one year for the practical placement and practical legal training, and another year. I forgot to add, I had also one year of practical legal placement. (I 19)

This statement highlights the respondent’s perseverance, patience, hope and strong motivation. As with other examples, length of time needed for succeeding is a consideration often emphasised.

4.6.5. Adjusting to a new environment

Many respondents reported accepting, in the shorter term, employment positions below their skill levels. Short-term adaptability required them to sacrifice time, comfort and social relationships in order to survive, support their families, and improve their status in the longer term:

The first ten years were like tremendous storm, working hard, progressing, and adapting, fitting, learning. That was mixed with enormous fear, with enormous sense of success, and with the enormous sense of adaptability. We are talking about first ten years when we are learning, fought hard, work hard, studied full-time. (I 26)

This economist in Yugoslavia decided to change profession upon arrival in Australia, and to return to her original field of interest and main passion for working with people. Eventually, she was able to reach the highest level of education in Australia, a PhD.

Some SRFY demonstrated amazingly rapid adaptation to new, completely different environments:

105 We were adaptive to new environments, new way of thinking, new way of living, respecting rules and everything, policies, respecting others. We found a place where you can finally live by the rules, so everybody is trying to do his best. (I 51)

This is an interesting example of highlighting the respondent’s key values operating in his adaptation process: multiculturalism, equality, freedom, and ‘living by the rules’, i.e., not having to learn tacit ways of dissimulating social conventions in order to survive. His wife had to make cultural adjustments to a new environment.

Both examples highlight adaptive qualities such as fast social learning, intuition, vision and focus.

4.6.6. Ability to learn and overcoming barriers

Education was a vital part of SRFY adaptability and adaptation, of overcoming various internal and external barriers, and of experiencing recovery and, ultimately, SEI. Collectively, happy, stable and harmonious relationships inside the family emerge as the single most important factor in SRFY recovery and successful adaptation in Australia. In the family, all members rely on each other, support each other, and parents and children learn together, with education as the main family value:

My children were like friends in a one way and colleagues in another way, my children and I, and my husband. After my third year of study, he told me, like, if you can do it then I can do it to, and then I inspired him to enrol in a TAFE course, to verify his overseas qualifications in building design engineering, which he did. (I 26)

This is a good example of the central role of education in improving formal education levels as a value and goal for a family’s future, motivating and inspiring family members, increasing their sense of purpose and togetherness as a family.

One statement shows the importance of understanding different life contexts at different points of time and the interrelatedness of many categories such as motivation, barriers, personal agency and family:

You need to be motivated, to have lot of internal strength, and support. Our daughter was only four and a half years old, our son was only 15 months old, we did have support from

106 relatives for nine months, but after that we had to move further, to chase our education, to chase our goals and we had to support each other to bring up the children. (I 29)

This statement highlights the centrality of education as both a life value and a path to integration, and the role of family cohesion and support in achieving education goals.

Some respondents were self-confident and believed in their abilities. They were able to be flexible anywhere in the world, and to accept and manage change. Some accepted the challenge to embrace change with a high energy level and a spirit of optimism. One, 55 years old and PhD-educated, noted:

When I moved to Australia, I could not immediately move to the field of research because I have not worked in that field for almost ten years. For that reason, I first came to Monash University and I undertook that course in biomedical engineering, and so I have changed again from working for the industry. (I 52)

This is a case where the ultimate goal had not changed – and barriers were perceived as interim stages towards the same goal. The qualities emphasised here are focus and perseverance.

4.6.7. Ability to respond to change

Some appeared particularly receptive, adaptive and proactive because of their individual qualities. They were able to develop a new mindset, embrace new ideas and new ways of doing things – in other words, to behave as innovators and risk takers. An example is a respondent who appeared particularly receptive and adaptive to change:

Instead of changing the situation, that I could not, I change my approach, I change myself, and I changed my interests. However, there are pathways of overcoming things, there are ways of breaking that barrier, and there are ways of infiltrating that job market. (I 45)

The respondent influenced and framed new opportunities for herself, not accepting what came along. This is evidence of how opening the mind to new ways of looking at things is crucial in order to better adapt to a new situation and to gain SEI.

With regard to adaptability, one respondent touched on the complexity of recording and identifying changes over time, as life conditions worsen or improve and needs and abilities change:

107 Each change in something must be observed from different angles and different factors that may influence the change have to be considered. Similarly, in life, there are different factors influencing our decisions and our life. (I 42)

The respondent defined the situation, reacted to objective conditions with pre-existing attitudes and acted accordingly. After remarriage and divorce, he pushed against difficulties and challenges he faced in a new environment. He shows resilience, a fighting spirit, and a never-give-up attitude that helped him to overcome barriers and adapt to a new life.

4.6.8. Being independent

Similarly, one respondent with a high need for achievement opened and ran a business in order to have freedom and independence, putting all his energy into professional responsibilities for this:

I run my own business. Some problems that I had, I have overcome through my hard work, dedication and persistence. I do not think that I can say that from the material point of view that I am well off, but I think that I have enough to support my family and live a decent life. (I 41)

Again, in this statement it is important to note the trade-offs: there are the gains (ownership/control, independence, reputation, business success, material comfort) but also losses (tough times proving oneself, limited material benefits, some regret that the work the respondent is doing is not fully satisfying in that it is not what he really wanted to do in life).

4.6.9. Summary

These examples of various abilities for adaptation of SRFY show progress from initial feelings of fear and despair to acceptance of given conditions. They include sacrifice for family, finding new opportunities in employment or self-employment (but with traces of regret that this is different from what they wanted in life), and restoring their previous aspirations and status, or even exceeding these in some cases.

SRFY experienced challenges and difficulties due to war trauma, and their statements demonstrated stories of resilience, recovery, adaptation and positivity regarding life in Australia. SRFY were and are subject to huge changes in life. Through their self-confidence,

108 intellectual investment and adaptability, some better prepared themselves for SEI opportunities.

Findings in this section emphasise the adaptive strength and resilience that SRFY bring to the task of attaining SEI. Complementing respondents’ accounts of personal reliance, support from others emerges as a key factor in the SEI of SRFY.

4.6. Support from others

Figure 4.7: Support from others: Subthemes

4.7.1. Support from others before migration

4.7.2. Support from others during migration (transition period)

4.7.3. Support from others after arrival in Australia

4.7.4. Support from friends and relatives Support from others: 4.7.5. Ethnic community support

4.7.6. Institutional support

4.7.7. Support from work colleagues and neighbours

Exploring respondents’ experiences of support from others is crucial to better understanding the recovery process, the adaptation of Serbian refugees, their different paths to EI, and influencing factors in EI. As with other subthemes, support from others is temporally directed, and three main stages can be identified on the temporality dimension of support: before, during and after migration (see Figure 4.7).

109 4.7.1. Support from others before migration

According to respondents, support from others experienced before migration was mostly given by family, friends and relatives, during and after the first moments of loss and life course disruption during the Civil War. A refugee from Croatia stated:

I come from a close-knit family of five, four sisters, and I am the fifth one. We were supportive for each other. When I was living there, I lived in my parents’ house and my mother was looking after my daughter whilst I was working, all until I left with my kids, and then I lost all that support, and it was very difficult. (I 29)

Another recalled:

The top impacts are from support of my neighbours, friends, relatives, who saved my life and my family in civil war period in Bosnia and Herzegovina. (I 34)

Respondents reported the crucial importance of support of their neighbours, friends and relatives that not only saved their life and family in the Civil War, but also helped them to escape horror and chaos. For a few, other types of support, such as wider community support and institutional support, were conspicuously absent.

4.7.2. Support from others during migration (transition period)

Some respondents from Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina migrated initially to Serbia or to other European countries such as Greece, Germany and Italy, depending on their opportunities. According to respondents’ statements, support from others during migration was given by friends and relatives in Serbia. One explained:

We were just refugees and did not have any help from the government either. We were lucky enough to find some people that helped us, along the way. We still did not feel that we are accepted. Quite often there would be sparks; you are refugees, so as a refugee in your own country in that time it was hard. (I 36)

Most Serbian refugees from the former Yugoslav republics of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina had difficulties finding a job in Serbia because of the economic crisis, economic sanctions and high unemployment. A few lucky ones obtained a job because their qualifications, skills and experience were needed, and they had social connections:

110 My wife was given a job as an anaesthesiologist in a private clinic, in a small town, and I was then working in a sawmill, in another town. My experience in dealing with the Australian Embassy in Belgrade, Serbia, was very positive. We were given the Australian visa in a record time possible. (I 41)

There was also institutional material support given to some SRFY in Serbia from the International Red Cross and quick and effective administrative support in processing some visas applications from the Australian Embassy in Belgrade.

Some specific factors pertaining to Serbian refugees from Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina after fleeing from persecution to Serbia in the 1990s are at work here. Initially, some SRFY had little choice or idea about their place of resettlement. They were unable to return to Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, as they came from a civil war and conflict. The timing of migration and the migration process influenced – to some extent – SRFY recovery, adaptation, social integration and resettlement in Australia.

4.7.3. Support from others after arrival in Australia

Interesting is a statement from a Serbian refugee family from Croatia. Initially, they migrated to Germany, since they had a relative there. They had a traumatic experience in Austria, hence arrival in Australia was a particularly important moment:

Twenty hours later, when we finally arrived in Melbourne, a social worker with tattoos and beard welcomed us with few words and with smile: ‘Welcome to your country, WELCOME HOME’, which we never forget. (I 10)

This was a huge morale and motivational boost for the traumatised family.

4.7.4. Support from friends and relatives

Overall, most respondents had friends and relatives before arrival in Australia on whom they could rely and who supported them in all three stages of migration:

My husband has a brother and sister here. So, his brother came one year earlier and on a refugee visas and that probably being that refugee status the first thing is to resettle. We

111 stayed with the family; of course, we came with two kids, two bags and plane tickets, because the family bought those plane tickets for us. (I 34)

This points to the precariousness of their material condition upon arrival. Given that the family had bought them the tickets, presumably they themselves had no money. Another respondent expressed great respect and appreciation for his uncle and aunt who helped his family with their application and financially supported them family before and after migration:

I could not study so hard without help of my uncle and auntie, who took care about our children. I will get up at six, seven, in the morning, sometimes, to catch a bus, not to be late. My uncle will give me a lift to Dandenong. I will be there, come home, not to worry, at three o clock. Auntie is a great cook, master chef. (I 28)

This shows the direct link between support from others (relatives) – by giving time, conditions, the opportunity to learn – and overcoming one of the most serious barriers to SEI, namely, lack of English proficiency.

4.7.5. Ethnic community support

Many respondents reflected on the positive influence and initial support of the Serbian ethnic community after arrival, such as Serbian humanitarian organisations and the Serbian Orthodox Church. Ethnic support provided not only social support but also helped some SRFY to get a job in Australia, although mostly in low-status and low-paid jobs with few exceptions. One statement shows a different experience:

Your general language including both English and Serbian language is advantage for this company because you can communicate and talk English and you can talk Serbian. (I 8)

In this case, an Australian employer needed an employee with Serbian language skills in a particular context. Psychologically, what was usually perceived as a barrier (speaking a different language from English) now became a strength – thus how others perceive us is not really who we are, and can be changed. Someone who understands this is likely to be more focused, motivated and adaptable to changing environments.

Another respondent gained two full-time jobs, one in a plastics factory and another in the construction industry, in his 20 years in Australia, thanks to ethnic community support:

112 Both of jobs I got because of some friends from Serbian community. That means, in both cases, I got help from Serbian community. (I 23)

Examples like this suggest that ethnic communities in Australia can constitute an important support factor in refugees’ adjustment and adaptability development.

4.7.6. Institutional support

Most SRFY were supported and financed by Government, for example, through various migration visas, programmes, professional placements, financing English classes, social support benefits, accommodation, additional professional education and courses. Collectively, SRFY reported that they were supported and welcomed after arrival in Australia:

We were invited in that time from Victorian Premier of Australia, Steve Bracks, so we met him at the airport, and we made some pictures, they invited us to meet with him, like new migrants, and they gave us actually bag with gifts, it was olive oil, and little tree. (I 51)

It is not often a regular practice of top Government officials, such as a Premier, to welcome a refugee family. Another respondent said:

We were well supported initially simply because we came as refugees. Within few days, few hours, we had to report to Centrelink, and had that payment, some kind of help. That was fantastic, the fact that we know that whatever happens, we can always rely on, we have human rights. (I 26)

There is a positive psychological effect that this initial support from Centrelink had on the respondents being able to recover their dignity, to fight against the sense of ‘failure’ they had during the migration experience. Successful employment integration of SRFY depended on government support programmes for refugees and migrants, which gave them an opportunity to update or to use their skills and qualifications if they were needed in the labour market, so that they had a better chance to be employed:

It is frustration, you do not do a job, you do not work, and the Government loses a lot in the other way, losing skills. People like could not believe you are sitting in Melbourne and doing like the jobs which are, not in expertise, does not need any skills for that, and over there is a lack of vets. (I 30)

This account suggests that Government should allow refugee and migrants to have the option to search for jobs closer to home, or direct them to take on jobs in more remote areas,

113 where skills are highly sought – any of these options are win-win situations, and anything is better than sitting at home and not using valuable knowledge, skills and experience that may atrophy with time. Thus institutional support and the structural conditions of society are emphasised:

I have to say that AMES programme helped me with finding a job with CSIRO because I did not approach CSIRO directly by myself. That was a very well-designed course. (I 52)

The key elements emphasised here are the focus of the Australian Multicultural Education Service (AMES) course on practical, employability skills, and their preparedness to find appropriate jobs for their clients. It is worth noting the important educational and socialisation role of the AMES in the integration and settlement of refugees and migrants as perceived by the service recipients themselves.

4.7.7. Support from work colleagues and neighbours

SRFY also reported support from the mainstream community as very important for their SEI. Considerable support from English language teachers in Australia to SRFY helped them in recovery and adaptation, socialisation, and consequently SEI. From respondents’ statements, it is fair to say that they used and relied on the support of both ethnic and mainstream communities. One respondent did not hesitate to ask for help from her work colleagues during her simultaneous work and study:

I did not have problem to ask for help at any stage. I worked in a restaurant as a dishwasher. At midnight, when everything was fixed and clean, and waiters was just about to prepare to go home, I would actually show them my assignment and ask them, can you help me with sentences and grammar. (I 26)

Another also praised friendship and neighbour support in Australia:

We have good very relationship with them. We communicate as much as I am able with my limited English, of course, they are helping me a lot in everything, and we are really very good friends, visiting each other, helping each other. (I 27)

This suggests an ability to overcome any tensions or conflicts that would have existed among different nationalities in Yugoslavia. It also reveals the importance and value of

114 neighbourhood among Australians, and their receptivity and understanding, despite language barriers. This is a vital social integration link within the process of SRFY socialisation.

4.7.8. Summary

Institutional (structural) provision and support and the welfare state are influential in helping or limiting attainment of refugee and migrants SEI. The respondents appear also as individuals capable of both self-reliance and reliance on others for support and community. From participants’ comments and statements, we observe that various aspects of support helped recovery and integration of SRFY. Life-course disruptions and disadvantages of SRFY tend to be temporarily restored by community support or by educational and Australian Government assistance.

Recovery, adaptation, and SEI of SRFY in Australia are intertwined with, and dependent on, support from various sources external to the individuals experiencing disruption, at all stages of migration. Statements reflect the sort of support from others and resources in the community that were experienced as most helpful for SEI.

4.8. Family

Figure 4.8: Family: Subthemes

4.8.1. Preservation of the family

4.8.2. Competing priorities

4.8. Family: 4.8.2.1. Study

4.8.2.2. Work

4.8.2.3. Study and Work

4.8.3. Education of the children

115 Exploring SRFY families’ transitions, priorities, roles and relationships is important: there is a vital role of and place for the family in the social integration process. Respondents’ narratives about family indicate preservation of the family as the central priority around which all other considerations revolve: transition challenges, competing priorities, valuing education and nurturing loving, harmonious family relationships paint a complex picture of the crucial role of family as a source of both constraint and support throughout the SRFY experiences of SEI. Each of these key elements of the family subtheme is illustrated below (see Figure 4.8).

4.8.1. Preservation of the family

Individual transitions of SRFY are linked to family transitions in relation to major social and historical changes such as the Civil War. It appears that the single most important thing that mattered to SRFY before and during migration was the preservation of the family:

As with every parent who had to evacuate family and kids from war affected area, kids primarily, that is parents’ obligation, my wife and myself to evacuate kids. (I 53)

SRFY families in hard-pressed circumstances managed to survive civil war chaos. Through their family, friends and Australian Embassy officials, most SRFY gained information about the refugee programmes of the Australian Government, and this influenced their decision to migrate to Australia:

I was living in a war-affected area in the former Yugoslavia, explicitly in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the only motivation was to save life and my whole family, and to survive, and Australia was one of the countries which attracted myself and my family. (I 27)

Having survived traumas and horrors of civil war, SRFY felt a strong need to maintain their families in Australia, as one of the most important pillars of their life. Hence, family transition from one place to another constitutes the context and/or challenge for family preservation.

4.8.2. Competing priorities

For some respondents, competing priorities affected their ability to achieve harmony and balance at home and work.

116

4.8.2.1. Study

Due to work and study commitments, some SRFY families spent less time together, which can negatively affect the quality of parent-child relationships. One respondent, a lawyer, stated:

My family suffered due to my work and study commitments. (I 19)

Another, a doctor in Yugoslavia and in Australia, remarked:

In my free time I spent studying and especially at night when kids went to bed and I studied individually during when they come to child care, in regards to domestic life, lot of housework, yeah, lot of work around the house and around the kids. (I 29)

The respondent was tenacious in continuing studies at every possible opportunity as a pathway to improving SEI in the longer term, but also acknowledged the demands of home life.

Another prioritized her husband’s law career as a way for a better future and family prosperity. While the husband was studying to work again as a lawyer as he did in Yugoslavia, his wife, with a secondary college education, prioritized care of the children, working in a factory:

I did not have a chance to go to a school. I needed to take care of two kids. We choose my husband because he is a lawyer, was lawyer overseas to get his career back and I stayed back and take care about family and kids. (I 20)

One member goes out to work to earn most of the income, as this person has a better chance of employment integration. The other has to sacrifice career progress aspirations in order to provide the support child rearing and maintaining a home, working at whatever jobs are available to increase family income. There is a threshold: when income is considered sufficient, other priorities take hold – spending more time looking after children.

4.8.2.2. Work

Work and lack of work assumed a large role in life. One respondent reflected on the impact that losing his job had on his family:

117 It is psychologically hard, feeling of frustration and unhappiness, neurosis is there, less contribution to family budget, it is very hard for loans to pay, for house, for everything you have got, but wife is working, luckily, full-time work. (I 38)

Negative employment integration outcomes, such as underemployment and unemployment, adversely influence emotional life. This family was cushioned by an additional income, but this was not an entirely satisfactory outcome for the out-of-work partner.

The pursuit of employment might come at the cost of separation from family. That loss was deeply felt by one respondent, an engineer, who has only seen his family on the weekends for the last eight years:

I found a good job. It is secure job, they are looking after me. It is hard to decide let us do something else because I am separated with my family from Monday to Friday. I work in Bendigo and my family is here in Melbourne. I come back here on weekends, Friday, and spend a weekend. (I 37)

4.8.2.3. Study and Work

In some instances, it took a long time for couples to be able to work normal shifts, due to the demands of juggling child rearing with working to earn a sufficient income:

Because we had young family it was very hard to manage, so we would be going two different shifts. My husband and I would go to the class in the morning, and I would go in the afternoon, and then when he comes from school, I would wait for him at the train station, so he would give me a ticket, and I would give him children. (I 34)

There were different, practical ways to deal with the same problem.

Participants prioritised what mattered most to them. Taking care of the family and spending quality time with children came first:

I wanted us to continue our study. I wanted to recognize university [my Yugoslav] diploma, but I realised my husband needs to recognize his diploma. I decided to go to TAFE for two years and I have done that, two kids, you have to go and help kids, and everything. I wanted to keep us all together and help my husband. (I 31)

118 The wife sacrificed her university degree by not pursuing education in order to take care of the children and family. However, she was keen to finish TAFE and to find an accounting position. The husband’s veterinary career was seen as the family’s priority. Family goals were successfully realised when the husband finished necessary examinations for becoming a veterinarian and opened a successful business in an affluent suburb in Melbourne. The husband’s individual aspirations coincided with the main family goals. The trade-off here was that the wife’s career was sacrificed.

The interest in balancing work and education also extended to the next generation. One family moved to the country because of the respondent’s chance to work in a secure, well-paid job. After finishing free specialised education needed to work again as a doctor in Australia, part of her contract with the Government was an obligation to work in a rural area for five years (there is traditionally a shortage of doctors in rural areas):

I signed [a contract] at that time to work five years in the country, doctors to get a chance. Main reason why we moved back from Warrigal to Berwick was that our older daughter studied at university and she tried to travel. I did not want to spread family to let her go away, so we now live in Berwick. (I 33)

After nine years in Warragul, the family adapted quickly and very well in school, work and life, as the mainstream community accepted them openly. One of the daughters started university in Melbourne. Family circumstances changed, with a similar job in Melbourne, moving the family to Berwick, where they had lived before and where they wanted to return, a place of family well-being. A family member’s relatively highly paid job and status, a job opportunity related to a government support, and future education for their children determined the children’s well-being.

The husband, with secondary college education, made the decision to sacrifice his career and take any job, as his priority was for his family to prosper further. He finished an information technology (IT) course in Australia and could not find a job. His wife studied medicine to requalify. The respondent worked night shifts in order to have a time to care about children and be with them children during the day:

I actually changed my job to be able to pick up my daughter from the school bus. This means I am starting at 6am and finishing at 2pm. That is how I am able to pick up her every day from school bus. She does not show any interest to change the school [in Warragul] because of all her friends were there. (I32)

119 The child’s integration was the highest priority: the child should grow up with a different chance of integration and not experience the dislocation and loss of friends that the parents had experienced. On the other side, there was the wife’s study priority, because she was deemed to have better chances to acquire a qualification and better longer-term income. To make this happen, the husband sacrificed his opportunities to advance a career of his choice.

4.8.3. Education of the children

Continuing the education theme, as the previous example showed, the next generation’s options were viewed as a priority. SRFY families encouraged and supported their children to pursue further education, emphasising how education was important:

I succeed in my work and with my behaviour and engagement to save the family, educate kids, up bring them to stay healthy humans. They are successful, they both finished universities and work, they are well integrated in this society, in our community as well, and they have high reputation in their community. (I 27)

4.8.4. Summary

SRFY families have different priorities at different points in time. The short-term priority before migration was to escape the horrors of war; after migration it becomes finding a job to feed the family, then finding work in their field of expertise. This led to encounters with decisions about balance, choice and priority – who should work, who should study, whose opportunities were better in the longer term. Family members may have to make tough choices and sacrifices. The family becomes the conditional context in which short-term employment and long-term education goals are balanced to optimise opportunities for SEI, and in some cases sacrifice means that improved SEI opportunities are deferred from one generation to the next. Where SRFY work and family demands are synchronized, they have a substantial positive impact on social and EI.

120

121 4.9. Identity

Figure 4.9. Identity: Subthemes

4.9.1. ‘Free flyers’

4.9. Identity 4.9.2. Ethnic identity and social ties

4.9.3. Professional identity and social ties

4.9.4. New identity

SRFY ethnicity, profession, age and educational background were some strong identity identifiers. Identity was expressed in terms of interpersonal relationships, community involvement, voluntary work and active engagement in both ethnic and mainstream communities (see Figure 4.9).

4.9.1. ‘Free flyers’

Three respondents reported that their social ties and engagement were oriented neither towards the ethnic community nor to the mainstream community. They also achieved neither social nor employment integration. Their identity was not precisely formed. Their new identity, post-migration, was based neither on an ethnic nor Australian identity. One such respondent called himself a ‘free flyer’:

Throughout my life here I was a ‘free flyer’; it was more internal casual socialising, not close friendships and support, sometimes for soul. (I 53)

The respondent did not want, and did not try, to approach his ethnic community due to his values of cosmopolitism, unity and brotherhood. Friendships and ties based solely or exclusively on ethnic belonging, ethnic lines and division were not what he wanted and appreciated. It was opposite to his upbringing and his way of life in Yugoslavia. He also said that he was nostalgic regarding his previous job and multicultural life there.

122 Another emphasised experience with ethnic mixed marriages in Yugoslavia as a reason to reject continuing or new ties:

We seek refuge from Kosovo, from Pristina to Croatia, where my children there were ostracised and terrorized in Croatia as Serbian bastards. I have to run away from various places, from loving home of my parents. Environment in Croatia were horrible, actually, my neighbours tried to kill my son. (I 26)

Inter-ethnic tensions in Yugoslav communities had created integration problems for mixed-marriage families, who did not feel they belonged anywhere, and felt neither safe nor welcome in times of nationalistic euphoria. This experience appeared to colour their willingness to accept ties in Australia: they used their experiences as a criterion for socializing – or not. Yet with those who shared similar negative experiences and similar viewpoints, they enjoyed contact, and they did finally experience safety, freedom and certainty in Australia without fear of persecution:

So, we found people here who have a similar viewpoint as we do on anything related to faith and ethnicity. With those people we meet occasionally, have a barbecue and coffee and it is nice to get together. That is our social life. We are atheists, and do not belong to any church or religion. (I 41)

For these respondents, nationality or ethnicity was not central to who they were and where they belonged. As they also said when interviewed, they tended to praise the multicultural society that existed before the Civil War in the 1990s and they rejected nationalism. In Australia they did not wish to confront their ‘historical baggage’. The ‘free flyers’ were not changing their ethnic identity, they simply chose to make that identity less significant within their overall personal identity. But this self-chosen double exclusion from the former and new community may also risk minimising their chances of SEI, because they missed opportunities that come with social links and networks, particularly in gaining employment.

4.9.2. Ethnic identity and social ties

Other respondents found it important to their identity to preserve ethnic language, tradition and culture:

123 Both son and daughter married for members of our community. In that domain, I am very satisfied because my grandkids, three of them, they speak Serbian language. We are trying to preserve our culture, language and tradition, and our church is present here, we are all active there, and in Serbian community generally. (I 27)

His children, the second generation, while educated and successful in SEI in Australia, were thus also active in their ethnic community.

There is, therefore, a deep-seated role for ethnic identity, even in cases of successful SEI. Tensions may exist between one’s need to keep connected to an ethnic identity and the competing impulse to accept the new home and culture.

Moreover, just as the ‘free flyers’ cited multiculturalism and cosmopolitanism in the former Yugoslavia, others, who elected to orient themselves more to the ethnic community and identity, cited the same qualities to justify engaging more closely in Australia:

I have lots of Serbian, I have lots of Bosnian, Croatian friends, for which I am proud. After all, we lived there together and I cannot see why we cannot live together again, and I work for all of them, which I am proud of as well, and I have Australian friends. (I 21)

Identity here is what these respondents attribute to themselves: the main axis of their identity is their strong sense of ethnic belonging. They derive a substantial amount of their customs, ethics, ideals, principals, and shared culture from their ethnicity.

4.9.3. Professional identity and social ties

For some, professional identity has been one way to integrate into the Australian mainstream community. Educational background aligned with a profession was a significant aspect and identifier. Some, successful in their employment integration, were more likely to emphasize their specialized, qualified job, as the most significant element of their identity. One enjoyed close mainstream community ties:

Job was good, schooling was good, and housing was good, lot cheaper than here. I liked the small community; I liked the sort of security we had there. I have no problems with anyone. It was really great for our family that all the options, opportunities that come along happened really at very good time for us. (I 33)

124 For this respondent, a general practitioner in a small country town (see Section 4.7.2), the main axis of her identity was her profession, because it was the most significant for her social position and status, sense of security, standard of living, her choices, and a harmonious life. Around that she built her Australian identity and fostered the security of her family.

4.9.4. New identity

Some respondents’ social ties, engagement and activities are oriented to both the ethnic and mainstream community. They enjoyed ethnic and mainstream community support. They thus gained a new identity, which recognized, embraced and accepted their ethnic background, but they also felt Australian. This offered another opportunity for recovery and successful SEI.

Yet others found ways to be connected to both ethnic and mainstream communities:

We are also keen to continue our involvement within the Serbian community and we are still part of it in Melbourne. At work, I have friendships with different nationalities. That is one of beautiful things in Australia. Multicultural environment has only enriched me as a person. (I 52)

Networking enabled the respondent to sidestep some of the employment integration barriers and ignorance about how this new society operated. Embracing multiculturalism at work enabled this respondent to strengthen socialization through work and enlarged social ties with more ethnic diversity beyond what might have been experienced in Yugoslavia. The respondent accrued new experiences over time, which may prove to be so essential as to make an identity.

Social connections and friendships provided support that assisted recovery and adaptation. Due to socialisation, the overwhelming majority of respondents’ children and family members feel their Australian identity. Most are highly educated and focused on their professional identity and career. They are mostly professionals with a high level of English proficiency:

I realise that entire family was proud and empowered, that we finally kind a fit somewhere. I remember children being happy to go the school because their mum volunteered in a school, and we kind of started to develop a very gentle and gradual sense of belonging. (I 26)

125 Temporal location also shapes a person’s life. One family had language and adaptation problems initially in Australia and decided to return to Yugoslavia with their son:

We just go back [from Australia] to try, not to try, he finished here the primary school. He did not like [being in Yugoslavia]. I said, ‘This is your home! You’re born over there’, he said, ‘No, sorry, mum, over there in Australia is my home!’ I just feel same, you know Australia is my home, like my son. (I 25)

The parent thus discovered that identity was not permanent or static but had changed and developed with new life experiences. Time had moved her on.

4.9.5. Summary

Some respondents, ‘free flyers’, did not have a strong sense of belonging and identity in relation to their original ethnic community nor to the mainstream Australian community. Some focused on the ethnic community, others constructed an identity through their profession; some developed a dual identity (ethnic and Australian), others developed a new one as Australians. But understanding of identity is not permanent or static; it changes and develops through being influenced by life experiences.

While norms shifted to reflect new ways, there was a recognition that not everyone took the same path and that there were important similarities and variations regarding SRFY senses of belonging (identity) in Australia. Refugees who felt excluded from both ethnic and mainstream communities found identity anchors in something other than ethnic or religious affiliation (e.g., similar views). Those who settled well into ethnic communities and found employment through the ethnic community supported alternative pathways into the mainstream. Some who were driven by professional identity became successful in gaining mainstream employment. Others developed a new identity as they managed to adapt and transfer or extend their Yugoslav and European cosmopolitanism and embraced Australian diversity, celebrating its multiculturalism and opportunity-creating society. Some respondents were more likely to emphasize their professional work as the most significant element of their self-identification because it gave them higher social status, self-sufficiency, intrinsic satisfaction and a means of self-expression; for them, employment integration played the most important part in determining their identities.

126 SRFY identities were coherent, contested, or somewhere between. Identity was a social, individual, and/or a relational attribute. SRFY’s new identity has become an outcome of their social ties. They reconstructed their identity in a new environment that was offering more opportunities in the long term. Such identities were socially constructed and therefore relative to time, place and personal experience. Respondents developed a complicated sense of themselves (their identity) in Australia. In some cases, Australian and Serbian identity came seamlessly together. Some SRFY who arrived in the 1990s acknowledged that the Australian environment positively influenced not only their SEI process and outcome, behaviour and lifestyle, but also their attitudes, values and sense of identity. Overall, most SRFY were well integrated into Australian society, culture and way of life. Their culture, beliefs and values were in harmony with Australian values, culture, beliefs and way of life.

4.10. Fulfilment

Figure 4.10. Fulfilment: Subthemes

4.10.1. Fulfilment as an outcome

4.10.2. Fulfilment in connecting communities

4.10.3. Fulfilment as feeling of accomplishment (of dreams, hopes, passion)

4.10. Fulfilment 4.10.4. Fulfilment in EI

4.10.5. Fulfilment in communication and relationships with others

4.10.6. Fulfilment in a new-found identity

4.10.7. Harmonious family

If fulfilment is described as an attempt to achieve something better in one’s personal and work life, then some of the respondents have achieved that fulfilment, and that can be traced through multiple stages. The first would describe their yearning to establish themselves

127 in their new country, in a new environment where bare living will not suffice. To establish themselves they needed to learn the language and to understand the laws of the host country. Fulfilment from those, at times small, incremental changes showed their resilience, in which each successful step towards their goal was seen as success. Once the social norms were established and functional English attained, the next stage could begin: looking for work that was meaningful in a number of ways – for some, it was monetary reward, for others regaining entry to their profession. Fulfilment appeared to be related to the transformative process of becoming a better, happier person by achieving self-actualization in commensurate work, by helping others or by engaging in community work (see Figure 4.10).

4.10.1. Fulfilment as an outcome

A sense of fulfilment was perceived as a positive outcome of EI:

Now, I can say, quality of our life is good, I have a job that I absolutely love, I am privileged and blessed and honoured that I can actually give back to the community and society. I am an educator, I am a lecturer, teaching, nurturing young people. Now I start to purge, now I start to glow, now I start to research, it took some time to nurture myself, my loved one. (I 26)

Fulfilment is a process of personal success and development through realizing one’s full work and intellectual potential.

Fulfilment also encompasses interconnected processes and achievements in personal life and family goals, family happiness, family harmony and stability:

All our wishes became reality. The family is still together, like 20 years ago. In the meantime, we brought another young family member. This was our wish, which could not happen in our country. Now, we have our jobs, we have nice relaxed life. Actually, in Australia we have really well settled life, and everything is going how it should be at the moment. (I 34)

Another described his path to fulfilment as a process of personal growth through study, successful employment integration, a modest life, and family happiness:

I said, I got my own practice now, I got enough clients. My wife is happy. She has all the things, holidays, whatever she thinks, nice dresses, shoes. We have to go to some different

128 safe haven where we did not know the language, we did not know many things about the life here, but we did fit well in this system. I am really happy. (I 19)

Fulfilment was in SEI.

4.10.2. Fulfilment in connecting communities

One respondent was contributing positively to society and making the world a better place to live in:

I was their Secretary of Serbian arts association, and that obviously broaden my horizon, in terms of contacts, and possibilities, and I had finally ability to do something, to organize events, especially music events, arts events, and on music scene. I felt very welcomed, I felt like I was building a bridge between two cultures. I developed big community of Australian friends, until today we are still great friends. (I 50)

Respondent felt fulfilment by connecting and bridging ethnic and mainstream communities through art and poetry.

4.10.3. Fulfilment as feeling of accomplishment (of dreams, hopes, passion)

Some respondents were passionate regarding fulfilling their dreams and hopes for a better future:

I love and appreciate this country for accepting us and giving us new chance for better, safer and happier life. (I 26)

After all those years and after we were going through all stages of adjustment into the Australian society, I feel that this is our home, I feel that I am emotional at this spot. (I 33)

This emotional statement was the expression of a complex experience: the respondent and her family had been uprooted from their home in Croatia, and now they had a new life and home in Australia.

Fulfilment also came with professional achievement:

I am very much in wellbeing. Even if I stayed back overseas, I would do something with helping people, in medical field. I believe that I fulfilled my dream. I like working with people,

129 and feel great accomplishment, satisfaction, drawing from that, improving everybody’s life. (I 48)

SRFY reported that their migration to and integration in Australia are a fulfilment of long-frustrated wishes:

When we come to Australia, we were like born again. (I 39)

Overwhelming, the majority of SRFY used a compare-and-contrast strategy in order to comprehend their lives’ narrative and make sense of important, life-changing events that may have shaped their sense of fulfilment:

We are here like in heaven. It was very hard economic and political situation in the former Yugoslavia; we have good quality of life in Australia. (I 19)

4.10.4. Fulfilment in EI

SRFY reported having selected jobs that revolved around passion and purpose:

We are very happy here because we got jobs, both of us, from the beginning. I think that this is the best country in the world to live in and we are very happy. What I like the most is the people here. They are all friendly, not that stressed like Europeans and some other places, they do not fight each other. (I 51)

One respondent’s fulfilment lay in doing what she loved and loving what she did:

The most important was that I was able to pass my exam, to work in my profession. That is huge satisfaction. My profession is satisfactory, because I am helping people every day. (I 29)

Company engagement, support, empowerment, and trust and loyalty between employee and company can contribute to feelings of satisfaction, happiness and fulfilment.

4.10.5. Fulfilment in communication and relationships with others

Many respondents reported that they looked for a company that was positive, supportive, respected multiculturalism, and valued life outside work:

130 I had a great understanding in my company, support. These people here I seem to use to people who are coming overseas and they can really understand, but I was working in a company, major thing is that I had support from the company and all that people and still we met each other, we are great friends. (I 28)

The quality of relationships and communication with work colleagues and with others outside of work were preconditions for a sense of fulfilment:

I have excellent colleagues first of all, and second of all I get to meet people who I know I can make change in their life. It is not just educating them about their health issue. It is also talking to these people. If you talk to someone 10, 20, 30 minutes, they actually forget about what is their main problem, why they came there, they smile, they looked like more positively. (I 48)

4.10.6. Fulfilment in a new-found identity

Some respondents reported that they found fulfilment in a new identity in Australia:

We are not even dreaming about going back, so our kids are now Australians, we are half, half, probably more Australians than only European now, but now practically this is the only country that we have, we respect it and we always will say that, we got everything here. (I 30)

The respondent and his family are in harmonious relation to the new environment. Embracing the mainstream community has taken them to another level on the way to firmly gaining a new identity and a state of harmony and fulfilment.

4.10.7. Harmonious family

Family values, such as modesty, not material things, are very important for family prosperity, stability and harmony:

My family is very modest. We are not megalomaniacs, it is not about money, I think money is important, a necessity, but does it have to control my life, no, and I think I would rather have less money, but be happier, than the other way around, so I achieved my goals, so therefore, I can say that I am satisfied. (I 34)

131 There is a positive relationship between family harmony and quality of life, social and EI and life satisfaction.

4.10.8. Summary

For some SRFY, SEI was both a process and a positive outcome, a source of harmony, fulfilment, life satisfaction and well-being. Fulfilment was presented as a transformative process of achieving positive and pleasing outcomes related to great accomplishments and realisation of the respondents’ dreams of a better, safer and prosperous life in Australia. In order for SRFY to achieve harmony and fulfilment, an essential condition was an adequate, meaningful job.

Respondents identified finding employment as critical to the process of integration. The most important factors for a SRFY’s sense and state of harmony and fulfilment were the person’s ability to make progress with their work and to work in line with their education, skills, knowledge and potential, on the one hand, and to give back to the community through charity work and feel useful by interacting with others and helping them to improve their lives, on the other.

While experiences varied, overall SRFY were citizens who felt that they belonged and were contributing with their work, knowledge, skills, and experiences to Australian society. Some felt nostalgia but most believed they were generally better off in Australia and happy with their life.

The next chapter moves to the interpretation of EI experiences of SRFY, to patterns of relationship between the instances of meaning in text (data) in order to construct EI paths.

132 Chapter 5: Types of life-course EI experience

5.1. Introduction Chapter 4 presented the findings that resulted from the thematic analysis of the 54 interviews from an analytic perspective. The identified themes were sequenced chronologically, thus providing the key elements for a life-course account of EI experiences. These elements are used in Chapter 5 to sketch all respondents’ EI pathways, which are then grouped them into types of EI pathways, based on their most salient similarities and differences.

Thematic analysis in Chapter 4 focused on the interpretation of EI experiences. It explained each identified theme, and how it was documented in the interview responses. It identified relationships between these themes and organized them on a temporal vector. In Chapter 5, these chronologically sequenced themes used in identifying individual EI pathways are then grouped into ‘ideal types’ (Elder and Giele, 2009) of life-course journeys, giving a more nuanced insight into refugee and migrant EI over time than Chiswick et al.’s (2005) U- shaped model of labour market trajectories. In the latter, refugees and migrants arriving in the host country seem to experience only two significant states: they initially become unemployed or underemployed (the fall), and after some time they get work in their profession (the rise). Chapter 5 summarises and aggregates a more complex variety of individual EI pathways into a broad life-course typology, where each type is explained and illustrated, using the most representative cases.

Findings in Chapter 5 respond to the second research question (what are refugees’ and migrants’ EI pathways and typical life course journeys?). As the literature on refugee and migrant EI offers a wide variety of alternative explanations for their EI over time, theoretical views are canvassed to identify EI patterns, pathways and types as the purpose of the analysis in this Chapter.

The following subsections focus on (1) a discussion of identified life-course pathways to EI, and (2) the grouping of these life-course pathways into types.

5.2. EI pathways from a life-course perspective

Each respondent’s EI experience can be visualised as a life-course pathway. Corresponding diagrams of each pathway can be drawn, and the nuanced differences between them highlight the differences in individual circumstances, level of agency, barriers and other

133 drivers that historically shaped their uniqueness. By examining how the pathways were formed, we are able to identify more clearly the agentic role played by refugees and migrants in pursuing their own EI goals and in achieving EI outcomes.

Originally defined as a step-by-step course of action taken to achieve a goal, the concept of ‘pathway’ is used here to map a sequence of experiences leading, in some measure, to EI. This allows for surprises and accidents along the way, thus reducing the possibility of premature pattern-fixing and of reproducing taken-for-granted assumptions about specific patterns (Alvesson and Kärreman, 2011: 42). An EI pathway can be complex, difficult and not necessarily straightforward. Planning may often be frustrated and course changes are common in adaptation processes. Both similarities and differences between individual pathways point to EI barriers and drivers in ways that are not articulated by respondents. Such insights can be used at higher levels of policy and community action.

Although trajectories are based on intra-individual temporal patterns, the meaning of intra-individual change cannot be understood by examining its relationship to social and historical context. The term trajectory is used in multiple ways, from global ways of talking about longitudinal analysis to time trends based on aggregates such as, for example, patterns of unemployment/employment over time to individual patterns of stability and change (Elder and, Giele 2009).

Clarity is maximised if the definition of trajectory is specific. Based on the second research question, trajectories are defined as sequences of transitions that will form EI trajectories of SRFY.

There are two stable EI trajectories: 1) SRFY who work in commensurate jobs (obtain EI), and 2) SRFY who do not work in commensurate jobs. Based on and Elder and Giele’s (2009) concept of life course ‘trajectory’, each EI pathway is described using the subthemes identified in Chapter 4 as life-course stages aligned on a temporal vector, as follows: 1, loss; 2, motivation; 3, personal agency; 4, EI barriers; 5, adaptation; 6, support; 7, family; 8, identity; and 9, fulfilment. This is illustrated in a diagram that shows sequential flow of stages experienced by the respondent from the beginning of migration to the present – that is, the occasion of reflection provided by the research interview. A generic diagram is presented in Figure 5.1. (below).

134

135 Figure 5.1: Generic diagram of a life-course EI pathway

Personal Loss Motivation Barriers Adaptation Support Family Identity Fulfilment Agency

Stories behind this sort of diagram may take different forms. For example, I 37 had interesting shifts in his pathway. Working as an engineer in the former Yugoslavia and getting the same job in Australia, he then finished his Master in Business and obtained a manager job in car manufacturing. However, after five years of working in his dream job, he lost it due to external forces (a diminishing manufacturing sector) and he returned to his previous engineering job. In another example, while in Serbia (the pre-migration stage), I 2 worked in a variety of jobs: as a waitress and sales representative, then as a manager in an alcohol company, and then completed a qualification in physical education at Belgrade University and worked as a basketball coach of a prominent club in Europe. However, he was not successful and not happy in Australia while working as a sales representative, so he opened a small business as a packages delivery driver. He has recently retired, living on a disability support pension.

Using diagrams of this kind to trace the individual EI pathways of respondents, we are then able to identify patterns of EI experience that can be aggregated into types. By undertaking this analysis, we can identify key drivers and barriers that influenced and made the difference between success and failure in EI.

Due to space constraints, this chapter does not contain all 54 individual pathway diagrams. Instead, it emphasises the similarities and differences that led to the formation of the EI experience types outlined in section 5.2. It became clear that all EI pathways had four migration stages: pre-migration; during migration (transition to Australia); after-migration (settling in); and the current stage. The pre-migration stage contained stories of civil war loss and trauma – a significant historical point of reference for this category of refugees and migrants. However, beyond this point, the individual stories of life, family, education, and employment experiences vary considerably.

The next section discusses individual agency and contextual drivers in the form of EI drivers and barriers.

136 5.3. EI Types

Once individual EI pathways were identified and visually represented, they were further grouped and abstracted into four ideal types. The most salient common elements on these pathways formed the key features of a particular EI type, as represented in this section’s visual diagrams. The four ideal types identified here are: type 1, The ‘Adaptive Professional’; type 2, The ‘Hero’; type 3, The ‘Pragmatic Coper’; and type 4, The ‘Survivor’. These ideal types are indicative of the most representative pathways in the studied sample.

The EI pathways were grouped into types to help discover why some respondents were successful in their EI, and why some were not. This section also explains how one ideal life course or type differs from another. Differences point to EI barriers and factors in a way that is not articulated by respondents. Differences in individual EI pathways are important but similarities are more important, so that in an analysis of life course types the focus is on similarities.

The following four subsections explain each type in more detail with examples, relatedness with themes, illustrated with event/time history axis and trajectory.

5.3.1. The ‘Adaptive Professional’

The first ideal type is characterised by nine of the interviewees (I 1, I 26, I 28, I 34, I 36, I 37, I 49, I 51, I 52). Type 1 is characterised by a positive attitude and a high level of effort which one invests in the pursuit of EI. Consequently, individual and family goal, and hence EI patterns, are largely determined by individual qualities and decisions which stem from that orientation (Figure 5.2.1). For example, one of the important indicators of EI orientation can be the degree to which one’s job from the former Yugoslavia has continued in an unbroken and smoothly running adaptive professional EI pathway.

‘Adaptive professionals’ had a particular profession in the pre-migration stage, and had worked in that profession in the former Yugoslavia. After their migration, they confronted SEI barriers, adapted to the new social environment, and found success in that new environment by changing a previous profession due to the difficulty in finding a job in that profession (I 26), not wanting to work again in that profession, but to reach their desired profession.

Some SRFY did not want to start at the bottom and decided that was a logical EI path for them. Some displayed strong internal characteristics that increased their agency and capacity to overcome EI barriers. They also had to look for chances and opportunities and

137 accept those opportunities when they arose (I 28). They enjoyed the creative part of their job, where they could combine individual ability and individual attitudes. Statements also suggested courage in facing new challenges and cognitive flexibility to learn, rooted in the belief that learning new things is exciting. Some individual factors for successful journeys included clear goals, strong motivation and resilience, determination and a long-term vision.

138

Figure 5.2. Type 1: The Adaptive Professional

Personal Loss Motivation Barriers Adaptation Support Family Identity Fulfilment Agency

139 As temporally oriented themes from the Diagram of Type 1 (Figure 5.2.), ‘Adaptive Professional’ shows that the theme of ‘Loss’ did not impact significantly their SEI after arrival. They had clear, long-term goals to work in their previous profession and no language barriers. For example, I 49 and I 37 came on skilled visas and knew the language well from the beginning. Some SRFY integrated relatively quickly and successfully into the Australian labour market and made a positive economic contribution with their hard work, knowledge, experience, skills, qualifications and potential. This path was related to internationally similar, and therefore transferable, qualifications: skills from electrical and or mechanical engineering, for example, enabled such re-entry.

Life course typology describes SRFY who entered high-level work in Australia on the foundation of their Yugoslavian qualifications, education, skill and experience (I 28, I 49, I 51, I 8, I 37). They had successful EI. Five, all mechanical engineers, had their qualifications fully recognized. One, an engineer with extensive experience in Yugoslavia (I 28), took matters into his own hands and sought EI opportunities through unpaid voluntary work in an engineering company. An example of great determination and perseverance, he came across as someone whose convictions were stronger than doubts, he was following his dreams and ambitions, and was looking for, found and seized an EI opportunity when it presented itself. Others were also better prepared, relying on self-confidence (I 49), were proactive (I 28), and selected opportunities that gave them a head start (I 28); they wanted to continue in the same job and EI pathway from the former Yugoslavia. They also had a quality of self-awareness, an understanding of their strengths, high and active problem-solving skills and a focus on long- term term goals to work in their field of expertise.

In regard to some SRFY personal agency, successful EI encompasses a sense of dignity, self-worth, confidence and achievement, values, goals, beliefs, satisfaction, happiness, optimism which comes from self-actualisation, realising their full intellectual potential and capacity, which comes from hard work, motivation, persistence and determination. Some showed strong resilience and had support from friends and relatives from the Serbian community and that was combined with great support from Government.

These respondents achieved fulfilment by doing what they loved, and loving what they did, and that was working in their profession enjoyed in the former Yugoslavia. Positive change happened when these participants improved their previous EI pathway. ‘Adaptive professionals’ reinvented their profession by ‘reinventing themselves’ through retraining or

140 entrepreneurship to take up new and satisfying professional roles. Some (I 26, I 52) achieved success and job fulfilment in another profession of comparable or better status by developing a more pro-active approach to the SEI.

Table 5.1: I 28 Event/time history

# Year Event 1. 1982 Finished Engineering Degree/University in Croatia 2. 1983 Started as Engineer in Croatia 3. 1993 Migrated to Australia 4. 1994 Finished TAFE English course for Engineers 5. 1995 Started volunteering in engineering company 6. 1996 First job in Australia: Practising engineering work 7. 2016 Started and continuing same to work full time paid engineering work

Table 5.1 provides an example of Type 1 employment integration trajectory: The adaptive professional (see Figure 5.2.). I 28 finished electrical engineering at university in Croatia in 1982, and started to work in his profession in 1983. He had experience, knowledge and project skills from all over the world. He was able to recover and adjust to a new situation (Theme 6) after migrating to Australia in 1993, to overcome trauma and losses (Theme 1), and respond to change. He learned English for 510 hours, a basic course, and after that took a specialised English course for engineers (Themes 2 and 3). Great support from family (Theme 7), who took care of children while the parents were studying, gave him time, and the opportunity to learn English. Government support (Theme 7) for free English classes, a specialised course for engineers and social support benefits equipped him with the basic conditions to achieve EI and consequent fulfilment (Theme 9). His determination (Theme 2) to work in the same field of expertise gave him strength to look for companies where he could use his skills, qualifications, knowledge and experience (Theme 8) (Figure 5.3).

Figure 5.3: I 28 Event/time history trajectory

141

There is not one EI trajectory but multiple trajectories of SRFY. There is also evidence of the possible U shape trajectory of Chiswick and Miller (2012): I 28 came to Australia and experienced downward occupational mobility, but was motivated (Theme 2), keen and able to learn English, find a company and work on a voluntary basis to gain necessary experience and to show his great skills, experience and knowledge; that strategy paid off and got him a job in the same company where he still works. Personal agency, family support, relatives’ support, and Government support helped I 28 achieve fulfilment (Theme 9) and the goal of working in the field of expertise.

Table 5.2 below provides event/time history of Type 1 employment integration trajectory: The adaptive professional (see Figure 5.4.) for respondent I 52.

142 Table 5.2: I 52 Event/time history

# Year Event 1. 1990 Finished engineering degree, university in Bosnia 2. 1992 Started as an engineer in Serbia 3. 1994 Migrated to Italy: unemployed, son born in 1994 4. 1995 Worked as a waiter 5. 1998 Contract work in engineering profession in Italy 6. 2000 Migrated to Australia 7. 2005 Re-educated in Australia: gained biomedical Master’s degree in Australia in 8. 2006 First job in Australia: practising biomedical engineering 9. 2016 Continuing the same job

Figure 5.4: I 52: Event//time history trajectory:

143 Respondent (I 52) finished an engineering degree in Bosnia in 1990. In 1992 she migrated to Serbia and started to work as an engineer there. Due to an economic crisis in Serbia, she and her husband decided to migrate in Italy in 1994. They were resilient, able to adapt to a new situation (Theme 5), and aware that learning Italian was the first and biggest obstacle (Theme 4) to a better job and life in Italy. Their son was born in 1994. After experiencing war trauma in the former Yugoslavia and unemployment and loss (Theme 1) of professional status, working survival jobs in Italy in the initial transition period was a necessity for them. After some years overcoming barriers (Theme 4) of learning Italian and survival jobs, they were motivated (Theme 2 and 3) and ready to start a new life and career in Italy, as they both were able to get a fulfilling job in their electrical engineering profession (Theme 9). From 1998 to 2000 she was able to get contract work in the engineering profession (Table 5.2).

The husband was sent by his Italian company to do some engineering work in Australia. He loved Australia at first sight and the whole family decided to live in Australia. She migrated to Australia to join her husband with their son in 2000. I 52’s initial impressions of Australia were not great, because she was unemployed and she had settled well in Italy with her profession, while her husband moved to Italy then to Australia on professional skilled visas. She decided to undertake study and went to university to upgrade her skills. She re-educated herself and finished a biomedical Master’s degree in 2005. Her career has remained in biomedical engineering.

A key event for I 52 in Australia was from website information about a government seven-day course for skilled migrants and contacts to get her a job in a scientific institution (Theme 7) – where she worked for more than 10 years, successfully working on different projects. Her first job in Australia was commensurate with her qualifications in Australia and it has continued. She feels her Australian and Serbian ethnic identity strongly and is active in the Serbian and broader community, as she was in Italy (Theme 8). She gained her PhD in Australia and for her it is the best country in the world. Respect in Australia for everyone is the key word; it provides freedom, opportunities, multiculturalism (Theme 9) (Figure 5.4).

144 Table 5.3: I 26 Event/time history

# Year Event 1. 1990 Finished economics degree, University in Croatia 2. 1991-1995 Worked as an economist in Kosovo 3. 1995-2001 Became a refugee, escaping from Kosovo to Croatia, then from Croatia to Bosnia 4. 2001 Migrated to Australia 5. 2002 Started first job delivering newspapers and as a kitchen assistant 6. 2003 Started as disability support worker 7. 2005 Community worker 8. 2005-2010 Sessional tutor, from 2005 to 2010 whilst studying 9. 2010 Changed profession in Australia: Government-funded PhD project; gained PhD degree in 2010 10. 2011 Started (and continuing) as a coordinator at university and lecturer in 2011.

145 Figure 5.5: I 26: Event//time history trajectory:

Table 5.3 above provides event/time history of Type 1 employment integration trajectory: The adaptive professional (see Figure 5.5) for respondent I 26. I 26 followed her dreams to study and to work in another profession (Themes 2 and 3): she completely changed her profession in Australia. She appreciated and praised great Government support while studying for her PhD (Theme 7). She gained that degree in 2010. She was accepted from the beginning into the mainstream community, but not in the ethnic community, because of her Serbian and Croatian ‘mixed’ parental marriage and her own marriage. The main axis of her identity is her professional identity (Theme 8). Her personal transformation happened when she escaped from an ethnic ‘cage’. She found her self-worth, her dignity, to realise her full intellectual potential. Her personal transformation in restoring dignity and self-esteem is exemplary: from a lost refugee (Theme 1) to fulfilment. She reached a better and higher socioeconomic position than in the former Yugoslavia, full professional affirmation and EI success in Australia. She did not listen to others’ advice, and did not allow them to discourage

146 or confuse her. She followed her dreams, her ambitions, trusted herself, and never gave up. Her professional success can be an inspiration and role model for other women, showing that the world is what you make it (see above Figure 5.5).

5.2.2. The ‘Hero’

The second ideal type is represented by six respondents (I 15, I 19, I 29, I 30, I 33, I 48). For some, the secret to personal happiness was helping others and working at what they loved (I 48, I 29, I 36). They had clear goals and took firm decisions after arrival and progressed steadily along that pathway, regardless of barriers and long-term additional education they had to undertake in order to reach their primary goal to work in their previous profession (Figure 5.6.).

Some who were successful in their SEI led well-balanced, happy and fulfilled lives. Respondents of the ‘Hero’ type had clear long-term goals to work in their previous profession. They were extreme cases of the ‘Adaptive Professional’ type ‘on steroids’, given their ‘heroic’ determination to succeed in SEI in Australia. Determination to succeed involved persevering through years and years of sacrifice and re-education to regain lost professional roles. It meant a long journey was necessary to achieve their professional goal.

Respondents stated that there was no future in initial survival jobs and changed jobs for a combination of personal, professional and family reasons. Seven wished to continue with a similar or the same job held formerly. Many changed their EI pathway primarily because they were not satisfied with their situation and job status and wanted to explore a new pathway. They invested time and effort in retraining and education over a period of years. They redirected their EI path after exposure to other job experiences. The path of re-entry looks to be predominantly knotted to particular occupations and subsequently entrenched in the historical timing of specific labour market needs. Respondents in this ideal type changed mainly through a strong desire or need for autonomy and independence, the fact that they did not like the job, that it was low-paid or low-skilled, or for lower working hours and job flexibility compared to their former jobs. They did not accept a lower salary and a lower standard of living working in a factory as a process worker (I 19). They had effective, active coping strategies, including investment and taking on new education and employment opportunities that positively contributed and helped their EI.

They chose to be underemployed or unemployed initially in order to upgrade qualifications and skills to attain EI and to work in jobs commensurate to their education and

147 qualification. They managed to deal with and were able to overcome all their SEI problems. This slow and steady process of EI created a solid foundation for those who reported high levels of job and life satisfaction. They actively sustained more long-term ambitions for successful EI. They planned for the longer term and were prepared to change their attitudes and strategies to pursue their EI goals. They were able to persist in pursuing and acquiring education, additional knowledge, expertise or experience to attain EI. They wanted and were able to achieve a certain style and standard of life.

The drivers that made these respondents continue on the same EI pathway were mainly self-effort, self-motivation, and support from the family, community and Government. For six SRFY, the choice was a well-thought out decision after their experience in other jobs. Some did not have their qualifications recognized and hence went to university to get a degree with a clear goal to re-enter their previous profession. Of these, some had already decided that they wanted to pursue a professional job in line with their education pathway and they joined a university with that intention. Because of national accreditation bias against non-Australian graduates (which is not unique to Australia: Chapman and Iredale 1993), humanities graduates had very little chance of successful EI in their field of expertise. Some, around a third, turned to re-education. Some were active in making friends in both ethnic and mainstream communities, with many social connections, and, as a result, were successful in SEI. They changed track only after determining through first-hand experience that their personal values, needs and abilities were simply not well-suited to that particular work environment.

Successful EI was attained when refugees and migrants were working in the field at the same level of skills, qualifications, knowledge and experience as previously. They were passionate about their profession, focused on long-term goals and accepted that it would take years to finish additional education, upgrade their English language proficiency, and become qualified to work in their field. Most had a strong sense of the purpose and importance of their jobs for society, for helping others, and were successful in their SEI. These results included rewards from advancement in their career, personal satisfaction, dignity, happiness, well-being, inclusion and integration with the community. It also meant achieving dignity through successful EI. When SRFY worked in fields that they were passionate about and loved their work, they experienced fulfilment: an example is I 26.

Type 2 initially sacrificed their professional goals to support the family, but aimed to achieve a long-term goal of employment in the same profession as in the former Yugoslavia.

148 This goal has been achieved, which brought professional and personal satisfaction. Having a focused mind and being decisive, some respondents avoided conformity, followed their dreams, and accepted all challenges and embraced change with a spirit of optimism. They had decisiveness in action and a capacity to function as an agent of their own destiny and future.

Table 5.4: I 19 Event/time history

# Year Event 1. 1987 Finished law degree, university in Bosnia 2. 1988 One-year professional placement in the legal profession in Bosnia (former Yugoslavia) 3. 1992 Full-time job in law in Government in Bosnia (former Yugoslavia) 4. 1994 Sought refuge and migrated to Serbia in 1994 for 6 months 5. 1995-1997 Studied English for two years 6. 1997-2001 Worked in factory for four years, re-educated to become lawyer 7. 2002 Completed final components of law degree 8. 2003 First six-month contract legal position, resigned from first position 9 2003 Opened own legal firm in 2003 and continuing in that.

149 Figure 5.6: I 19: Event//time history trajectory:

Source: Author’s data analysis.

Table 5.4 above provides event/time history of Type 2 employment integration trajectory: The Hero (see Figure 5.6) for respondent I 19. Having identified clear goals and ambitions, I 19 did not want any career other than a law career. He was very motivated and determined (Themes 2 and 3) to work in the same profession, whatever the time and sacrifice needed to realise that long-term goal, knowing that it involved many barriers (Theme 4). He regularly attended English classes for two years. He worked in a factory for four years, and at the same time studied law, from 1997 to 2001. Because of differences between legal systems in the former Yugoslavia and in Australia, he had to complete 14 subjects and additional conditions. He succeeded, he received a good character reference from judge in his home city attesting to his professional and personal integrity and reputation, and he had good references from the professional association and from his former employer. This illustrates perseverance in reaching a set goal, irrespective of barriers (Themes 3 and 4). He was able to overcome all barriers in order to realise his ambition to work in his previous profession. He could cope with changes in life due to education, human capital, motivation, ability to adapt, and could learn

150 quickly in a new situation and environment (Theme 5). He had less time to spend with family and his wife took care of the children while he was studying and working (Theme 7). He gained his law degree in 2002. He opened own legal firm in 2003 and continues in that. He is very happy with his achievements in life (Theme 9). The process of regaining his lawyer profession took him around seven and half years (Figure 5.6).

Table 5.5: I 29 Event/time history

# Year Event 1. 1981 Finished medical university for GPs in Croatia 2. 1982 Started as a GP in Croatia (till 1992) 3. 1992 Migrated to Serbia 4. 1993 Migrated to Australia 5. 1993-1994 Undertook basic English course 6. 1995 Continued to study English for health professionals in 1995 7. 1996-2001 Studied again from 1996 to 2001 to become a GP in Australia 8. 2002 Attended six-month course as preparation for practical/clinical examinations in 2002 9. 2003 Working for three years in a country hospital 10. 2003-2006 Finished three years’ specialised general practitioner practice course 11. 2006 Started GP job in a metropolitan area; this continues

151 Figure 5.7: I 29: Event/time history trajectory:

Table 5.4 above provides event/time history of Type 2 employment integration trajectory: The Hero (see Figure 5.7) for respondent I 29. The respondent finished Medical University for GPs in Croatia in 1981. She worked as General Practitioner (GP) there from 1982 to 1992. Civil war was raging: in Croatia she lost her job (Theme 1) and was forced to migrate to Serbia in 1992. The family migrated to Australia in 1993. She had great initial nine months’ support from relatives (Theme 7) and at the same time attended English courses in 1993 that stretched to 1994, taking care of the children (Theme 7) as well. She was determined to work in the same profession (Themes 2 and 3) regardless of family duties, time factor and barriers (Themes 2, 3). She finished English for health professionals in 1995 due to free Government courses and classes (Theme 6), which helped her overcome the biggest barrier for advancement in Australia (Theme 4). She continued to study English for health professionals in 1995. She again studied medicine from 1996 to 2001 to become a GP and continued to meet her family obligations (Theme 5). She attended a course as preparation for practical/clinical

152 examinations in 2002, and worked in a country hospital, 2001-2003. She finished a three-year specialised GP practice course, from 2003 to 2006. From 2006 she started a GP job in Australia in a metropolitan area. She endured the 11 years’ time needed to reach her long-term goal to work in her previous profession, and that achievement was her main source of her professional identity (Theme 8) and fulfilment (Theme 9) (Figure 5.7).

Table 5.6: I 29 Event/time history

# Year Event 1. 1984 Finished veterinary scientist course at university in Croatia 2. 1985 Started as a veterinarian in Croatia 3. 1995 Migrated to Serbia 4. 1997 Migrated to Australia. Worked about a year delivering newspapers in 1997, started attending English classes 5. 1998 Finished AMES 510 hours in English course 6. 1999 Finished specialised English course for medical professionals 7. 2000-2002 Studied veterinary science for three years to pass examinations to become a veterinarian in Australia 8. 2002-2003 Unemployed for one year 9. 2003-2005 Did volunteer work at the RSPCA and some veterinary clinics to get more experience in the field 10. 2005-2007 Doing veterinarian work in rural areas 11. 2007 Started own veterinary practice in 2007and this continues in a metropolitan area.

153 Figure 5.8: I 30: Event//time history trajectory:

Table 5.6 above provides event/time history of Type 2 employment integration trajectory: The Hero (see Figure 5.8) for respondent I 30. The respondent gained a veterinary science qualification at university in Croatia in 1984. He worked as a veterinarian there, 1985-1995. They lost their jobs, house, everything (Theme 1), and were forced to migrate to Serbia in 1995, and received a visa in 1996. They finally migrated to Australia in 1997. He worked as a casual delivering newspapers in 1997, and at the same time started attending English classes. He had long-term goals and decided to study and work in the same veterinary profession (Theme 2 and 3). He finished the AMES 510 hours in English course in 1998, and after that a specialised English course for medical professionals in 1999, overcoming the first barrier (Theme 4) and as a step for recovery and adaptation (Theme 5). He studied veterinary science for three years to pass examinations needed, from 2000 till 2002. He had great support from his wife who took care of the family while he was studying (Theme 6). He was unemployed for about a year from 2002. He did volunteer work at the RSPCA and other

154 veterinary clinics to get more experience in the field from 2003 to 2005, then worked as a veterinarian in the country from 2005 till 2007. His identity is based on his profession (Theme 8). From 2007 he started and is continuing his own successful veterinary practice in a metropolitan area, reaching full professional goals and fulfilment (Theme 9) (Figure 5.8).

155 Figure 5.9. Type 2: The ‘Hero’

Personal Loss Motivation Barriers Adaptation Support Family Identity Fulfilment Agency

156 5.2.3. The ‘Pragmatic Coper’

The third ideal type is reflected in ten interviews (I 4, I 8, I 11, I 20, I 21, I 31, I 32, I 35, I 39, I 42). ‘Pragmatic Copers’ settled for medium and low-skilled occupations. Some SRFY were mainly concerned with the loss of job security. Respondents in this type were flexible: they wanted and achieved employment in any field, even if it was not commensurate with their previous qualifications and work experience. Yet they were successful in gaining long-term employment and financial stability. They stated that they were happy with the job they were doing at the moment, despite it not being their dream job. Their job had a functional purpose, not a self-fulfilment function (Figure 5.9).

Some SRFY became small business owners to avoid unemployment or underemployment. The main motivation seems to have been their desire for autonomy and independence (I 41), and to start up successful small businesses. A mechanical engineer, thanks to his earlier advances in education and employment, now owned a small kitchen-making company, with four employees (I 42).

For some respondents, EI was the realization of an intended outcome wanted from the start. It was also a subjective, individual experience. Each individual had a distinctive meaning, explanation, and definition of what it meant to be successful; and that meaning, explanation, and sense of success was cherished differently from situation to situation. Respondents used different standards to evaluate their EI experiences and attainments. This happened because some issues and problems prevailed at different points in the life course. One parameter usually took centre stage, with the remaining parameters active but taking on a secondary role.

‘Pragmatic copers’ saw their current job and situation as a means to wider ends. They pursued family goals over EI and adapted. They managed to deal with some of their SEI problems and barriers, but were not working in a job of their expertise. They were realistic and were aware that directional job change was not possible at this stage.

157 Table 5.7: I 31 Event/time history

# Year Event 1. 1984 Finished economics, university in Croatia 2. 1985 Started to work as an economist until 1994 3. 1995 Migrated to Serbia 4. 1997 Family migrated to Australia 5. 1998 Started and finished AMES 510 hours in English course 6. 1999 Started TAFE accounting course 7. 2001 Finished TAFE accounting course 8. 2001 Started to work as an accountant 9. 2002 Continuing to work as an accountant.

Figure 5.10: I 31: Event/time history trajectory:

Table 5.7 above provides event/time history of Type 3 employment integration trajectory: Pragmatic copers (see Figure 5.10) for respondent I 31. I 31 finished Economic

158 University in Croatia in 1984, and worked as an economist from 1985 to 1994. The family had to seek refuge in Serbia from 1995, after losing everything (Theme 1). Their daughter was born in 1996 in Serbia, and a year later the family migrated to Australia (1997). After arrival, undertaking free English classes was the first barrier to overcome (Theme 4): she was keen to finish the AMES 510 hours in English course in 1998. Rationalising that her husband’s veterinary career was the priority, she was motivated (Themes 2 and 3) to undertake a TAFE accounting course in 1999, which she finished in 2001. She was fortunate and got a job as an accountant in 2002 through social links (Theme 6). She was able to adapt very quickly and happily in Australia (Theme 5). The focus on family was her and the family’s priority (Theme 7) and that was the main reason why she was not pursuing further her profession as an economist (at University level) from the former Yugoslavia (Theme 5). She continues to work as an accountant. Her axis of identity is neither ethnic nor professional, but rather is family happiness (Theme 8) (Figure 5.10).

Table 5.8: I 35 Event/time history

# Year Event 1. 1991 Finished Social Science Degree, university in Croatia (Level 7) 2. 1991 Migrated to Serbia 3. 1992 Started labourer job in Serbia 4. 1999 Migrated to Australia and undertook English classes 5. 2000-2001 Re-educated in Australia: started Diploma in Accounting in 2000 and finished it in 2001 6. 2002 Started first IT support contract job in a gas and electricity company 7. 2006 Started full-time job in a gas and electricity company in 2006 8. 2016 Continuing in the same job.

159 Figure 5.11: I 35: Event//time history trajectory:

Table 5.8 above provides event/time history of Type 3 employment integration trajectory: Pragmatic copers (see Figure 5.11) for respondent I 35. The respondent finished a social science degree at university in Croatia (Level 7) in 1991. Due to civil war, he was forced to migrate to Serbia in 1991 (Theme 1). Both sons were born in Serbia. To survive, he found a labourer’s job in Serbia in 1992. He migrated with the family to Australia in 1999, and straightaway undertook English classes (Theme 4). He strongly believed that he would not be able to find a job in the social science field and decided to take a more realistic option of pursuing another profession where he would be able to find a job easier and faster. He started a free Diploma in Accounting course (Theme 6) in 2000 and finished it in 2001 (Themes 2 and 3). While looking for a job after the accounting course he found and accepted an IT-support contract job in a gas and electricity company in 2002 (Theme 5). He started a full-time job in the same company in 2006. The company has been very supportive and he is continuing in that same role (Theme 6). His main axis of identity is neither ethnic nor professional, but family (Figure 5.11).

160 Table 5.9: I 41 Event/time history

# Year Event 1. 1977 Finished Forestry Science University in Croatia (Level 7) 2. 1978-1983 Worked as a Technical Coordinator of one of the Units within the Forestry Department 3. 1985-1993 Worked as forest technology lecturer in high school and University until 1985, and then various managerial jobs in forestry in government in Croatia from 1985 until 1993 4. 1993 Lost his job in Croatia in 1993 5. 1995-1996 Migrated to Serbia in 1995. Worked in a sawmill from 1995 until 1996 6. 1996 Migrated to Australia in 1996. Undertook English classes 7. 1997 Undertook a small business management course 1997 8. 1998 Self-employed as a gardener/arborist and as a carpet/floor layer in 1998 9 2012 Continuing the carpet/floor layer job from 2012.

161 Figure 5.12: I 41: Event/time history trajectory:

Table 5.9 above provides event/time history of Type 3 employment integration trajectory: Pragmatic copers (see Figure 5.12.) for respondent I 41. The respondent finished Forestry Science University in Croatia (Level 7) in 1977. He completed a one-year probation period in 1978, and after the probationary period worked as a Technical Coordinator of one of the Units within the Forestry Department from 1978 to 1983. He worked as a forest technology lecturer in high school and University until 1985. He was in various managerial positions in Forestry Government in Croatia from 1985 to 1993. When he migrated to Serbia in 1995, he lost everything (Theme 1). His family came to Serbia in 1995 under very dramatic circumstances, with nothing but the clothes on their backs (Theme 1). Within three months they were processed and given priority status as mixed marriage refugees. He worked in a saw mill from 1995 in Serbia for eight months to survive. The family migrated to Australia in 1996 and in the same year started English classes. In addition, he undertook a small business management course in 1997, and became self-employed as a gardener and arborist and as a carpet and floor layer in 1998, which continued until 2012. The carpet and floor layer business continue.

162 He had completed within a year the Government-based program on how to establish a small business. This enabled him to start up his own business, but also equipped him with the knowledge that had helped him in establishing himself as a small business owner (Theme 6). He chose this pathway because he did not know how bad it would be for his health or he would have chosen another pathway. But he was in a position where he could not choose to study further because he was supporting his wife and children at school (Themes 2 and 3). His age was also against him, so he thought that he could not really afford to lose time and to spend it on further education. He spent two years studying English and work-related courses that could be useful for his future employment. He did what he did as the best possible solution for him in his life and family circumstances where his wife and his daughters were studying, and due to financial family pressures, he decided to work in a job not relevant to his qualifications, knowledge and skills (Themes 5 and 6). If he had come to Australia as a younger man (Theme 4), he would have gone to university to study ecology, protection of wildlife or forestry. This would have been close to his original university degree. His identity was based on his previous profession from the former Yugoslavia (Theme 8), not on ethnicity. He did not achieve fulfilment in Australia (Figure 5.12).

163 Figure 5.13. Type 3: The ‘Pragmatic Coper’

Personal Loss Motivation Barriers Support Agency Adaptation Family Identity

164 5.2.4. The ‘Survivor’

The fourth ideal type was characterised by 29 interviewees. Some did not want and had not tried to pursue professional practice in their original fields of expertise. Some struggled to find a suitable option. Some settled in a new pathway of EI, which was working in an inadequate job for the sake of the family. The fourth ideal type took any job as soon as possible, with no plans for further job prospects. SRFY initially felt vulnerable in Australia and the need for security was critical. The meaning of home as a place to rebuild traumatized and suffering lives had enormous significance.

After arrival, some SRFY remained traumatised by loss – feeling anxiety, a lack of confidence, fear and uncertainty about what the future would bring. They were not able to overcome internal, psychological and/or external, structural barriers to social and/or employment integration barriers due to severe psychological impacts caused by loss and trauma (Figure 5.13).

Table 5.10: I 17 Event/time history

# Year Event 1. 1990 Finished mechanical engineering degree (Level 6) in Bosnia 2. 1991 Started as an engineer in Bosnia 3. 1994 Migrated to Serbia 4. 1995-1996 Migrated to Australia in 1995. Finished English course in 1996 5. 1997 First job in Australia as a mechanical engineer for six months 6. 1998-2006 Worked for others as a painter from 1998 to 2006 7. 2006-2015 Worked as a painter for himself, as a painting contractor 8. 2016 From 2016 onwards retired due to health and age.

165 Figure 5.14: I 17: Event//time history trajectory:

Table 5.10 above provides event/time history of Type 4 employment integration trajectory: Survivor (see Figure 5.14) for respondent I 17. Respondent I 17 finished a mechanical engineering degree (Level 6) in Bosnia in 1990. In 1991, he started to work as a mechanical engineer there. As his life and his family were in danger due to civil war (Theme 1), the family migrated to Serbia in 1994, then to Australia in 1995. He was able to finish an English course in 1996 (Theme 4). He was initially very motivated and happy when he started his first job as a professional placement as a mechanical engineer (Theme 2 and 3) for six months in 1997 due to Government support (Theme 6). Although he demonstrated in his job excellent knowledge, experience, creativity and enthusiasm, the company did not want to pay him the rate for his profession – his pay was less than a trade assistant’s – and thus he did not want to continue in that company. He changed profession and started work for others as a painter from 1998 till 2006. From 2006 until 2015 he worked as a painter for himself, as a mid-

166 level contractor. In 2015 he retired due to health and age. He devoted his life to his family (Theme 7) and was very proud when his son continued in his footsteps, finished university as a mechanical engineer and works in his engineering profession. His axis of identity is ethnic identity (Theme 8) (Figure 5.14).

Table 5.11: I 17 Event/time history

# Year Event 1. 1985 Finished teaching academy degree (Level 6) in Bosnia 2. 1986 -1993 Started teaching in Bosnia until 1993 3. 1994 Migrated to Serbia 4. 1995 Migrated to Australia. Started but not able to finish English course 5. 1996 Started kitchen assistant job. Continuously working for 20 years as a kitchen assistant until 2015 6. 2016 Retired due to health and age

Figure 5.15: I 18: Event//time history trajectory:

167 Table 5.11 above provides event/time history of Type 4 employment integration trajectory: Survivor (see Figure 5.2.4) for respondent I 18. The respondent finished a teaching academy degree (Level 6) in Bosnia in 1985, and started teaching there in 1986. They lost everything due to the civil war (Theme 1) and were forced to migrate to Serbia in 1995, then to Australia in 1995. The respondent started but was unable to overcome language barriers to finish an English course in 1995 and gave up (Theme 4). She decided to take any job and soon started as a kitchen assistant in 1996 (Themes 2 and 3). Taking care of the children and family was the first priority (Theme 7). She continuously worked for 20 years as a kitchen assistant until 2016, when she retired due to health problems and age. Her identity is based on ethnic identity (Theme 8) (Figure 5.15).

Table 5.12: I 46 Event/time history

# Year Event 1. 1988 Finished in Belgrade University of Veterinary Science 2. 1988 Started as veterinarian in Serbia (until 2002) 3. 2002 Migrated to Australia 4. 2003 Finished AMES English language classes 5. 2003 One month’s veterinary work experience in a veterinary clinic in Melbourne 6. 2004 Started his own courier delivery business 7. 2014 Stopped working due to health problems 8. 2016 Unemployed, on Government (Centrelink) support

168 Figure 5.16: I 46: Event//time history trajectory:

Table 5.1.3 above provides event/time history of Type 4 employment integration trajectory: Survivor (see Figure 5.16) for respondent I 46. I 46 finished veterinary university in Serbia then came in 2002 to Australia on a married visa (his wife had Australian citizenship). He worked as a courier, in a small business. He had 15 years’ experience as veterinarian in Serbia. In Australia he finished English classes and a level 4 certificate, but he missed one opportunity for an express veterinarian course which lasted 10 weeks and was easy to pass, but that ceased. He met one private business veterinarian, and secured with him three days’ practice, and on the third day he did an operation on an animal. He had to work hard to pay the mortgage. He did not want to again study a two-year veterinarian, expensive course, but he greatly missed his profession. His unsuccessful EI in Australia was one of the factors that contributed to divorce, not having children, working in a courier job he did not like, and not continuing English or upgrading his veterinary qualification to gain recognition and to pass veterinarian examinations (Figure 5.2.4.3).

169 Table 5.13: I 46 Event/time history

# Year Event 1. 1976-1993 Finished construction engineering degree in Bosnia. Started working as a construction engineer in Bosnia until 1993 2. 1993-1995 Unemployed in Bosnia 3. 1995 Migrated to Serbia 4. 1995 Migrated to Australia, 1995. Started, but unable to finish a basic English course 5. 1996 Casual newspaper delivery job 6. 2014 Unemployed (Centrelink support) from 1996 7. 2014 Retired due to health and age issues

Figure 5.17: I 53: Event/ time history trajectory:

170 Table 5.13 above provides event/time history of Type 4 employment integration trajectory: Survivor (see Figure 5.17) for respondent I 53. The respondent finished his construction engineering degree in Bosnia in1976, and started to work in his field of expertise, but, due to civil war, he was unemployed in Bosnia from 1993 until 1995. In order to save the family and children (Theme 1), he migrated to Serbia in 1995, and in the same year the family migrated to Australia. He was unable to overcome the first and most important barrier of the English language (Themes 2, 3, and 4) and to adapt to a new environment (Theme 5). He was unemployed (on Centrelink support) from 1996 until 2014 and retired due to health and age issues in 2016. He praised support from the Government (Theme 6) and his neighbour from Bosnia in Australia. His main focus was on the family (Theme 7) and the children’s future. Both of his daughters are very talented and recently finished the highest level of educations (PhDs), which made him a very proud father. His wife died in Australia 15 years ago. His axis of identity was neither ethnicity nor a profession (Theme 8); he is a ‘free flyer’ (Figure 5.17).

171 Figure 5.18. Type 4: The ‘Survivor’

Personal Loss Motivation Barriers Adaptation Support Family Identity Agency

172 A Type 4 gave up and settled unhappily for unemployment or under-employment, struggled with family, institutional and other barriers, and ultimately did not achieve positive EI. Long-term under- or unemployment were, and remained, the main problems for this group. ‘Survivors’ were unwilling to change, despite their dissatisfaction. They reported they were not happy about their EI and their jobs; they were aware that they needed to make a change, but believed it was not possible. I 11 and I 12, university-educated arts teachers, were such examples. They were unable to attain commensurate employment. They achieved a measure of limited EI but were unhappy with it.

The key to finding happiness and satisfaction in life in Australia was not just achieving a commensurate job. For this type, it was about doing any job to feed the family, because caring for family and children was for some a major factor in determining their EI pathways. They pursued family goals and adapted to their current situation. I 12, for example, shifted from being an art teacher in Yugoslavia to working as a painter in Australia.

Some SRFY struggled to find a suitable option. After arrival, some did not translate overseas qualifications via the overseas qualifications’ unit (I 7 I 25, I 3, I 43), which reduced their chances for EI. Some had ‘soft’ skills from the humanities and social sciences which caused them to experience considerable difficulties (I 12, I 13, I 50). Initially, I 28, I 52 and I 8, refugees from Croatia and Bosnia, had problems learning English.

Refugees and migrants are often vulnerable and the need for security is critical. Although positive and optimistic views were very much to the fore in interviews, the explanations of some respondents indicated that SEI was not straightforward as a process. Investigation of EI suggests a number of explanations for unsuccessful or negative SEI.

Deficits in organised and informed early involvement to support transition to employment were costly in financial and emotional terms. They also led to loss of confidence and atrophy of skills and previous knowledge and experience. Some did not have a clear EI goal after a traumatic refugee journey. Thirty ‘Survivors’ faced a professional or personal crisis and were not able to attain EI. Their statements demonstrated the critical importance of access to employment as their main integration barrier, which was outside their individual control. In unsuccessful journeys, a common theme was that the participants were dissatisfied in taking up a job unrelated to their previous job or expertise. They became inactive or unmotivated (I 53, I 54). Some did not undertake additional education or language classes (similar to I 7, I 25, I 27, I 44, I 53). Some lacked motivation (I 25, I 41, I 5) for job searching and skill development,

173 and capitulated to a regime of welfare (I 6). A passive approach meant that some did not embrace chances and opportunities. They did not seriously consider the importance of the English language and further education. For example, I 40 (agriculture secondary school) and I 39 (law secondary school) had no ambition, low English skills and secondary school education only, settling for cleaning jobs (I 53, I 54, I 17, I 18). It was impossible to them to overcome the language barrier. This destined them for social isolation within the ethnic community and directed them to mostly low-skill, low-pay jobs.

The consequences of uncertainty and unsuccessful EI were high stress, a negative impact on life satisfaction, and adverse physical and psychological health and well-being. For example, I 54 struggled through endless obstacles, a husband killed in a civil war, lack of confidence, family burdens with a mother old and sick requiring care and her son (who, however, was university-educated, and successful in EI in Australia). Hope was not prominent in these respondents’ stories.

This ideal Type 4 pathway suggests that some refugees and migrants (I 53 and I 54) may integrate in a variety of ways that do not necessitate that they submit to larger pressures to assimilate or accommodate themselves to the larger society they have joined: they are termed ‘free flyers’.

What we see in this section is integration of the nine themes, finishing with fulfilment. As evident from Type 3, The ‘Pragmatic Coper’ (nine respondents), and Type 4, The ‘Survivor’ (30 respondents), a total of 39 respondents have not reached Theme 9: they are not working in a job adequate to their education, qualification, knowledge, skills, experience, and potential. Each type has its own sequences and characteristics that are temporally oriented, as a process that evolves in time.

The EI process was accelerated for some respondents, as they were clear about their EI goal from an early stage and worked constructively toward achieving it. Type 3 and Type 4 remained caught in Themes 6 or 7, perpetual change; for them that is the end, they are not happy, they are not successful in EI. The use of LCA and the inclusion of a broad range of spheres in the interviewer life courses (individual, family, community, institutional) produced a rich and varied description of ‘journeys’, and EI pathways across the 54 interviews. When we look into pathways and types of EI we have better understanding of and in-depth insight into key EI factors, and ingredients that made EI, EI factors and barriers. The next section gives a thematic analysis of EI types in more detail and answers the research questions.

174 5.3. The interplay between individual agency and contextual drivers in shaping EI pathways

It is important to understand the ways in which individual development and social change interrelate and influence SEI processes and pathways. Individual human agency is of particular interest, because the central concept of EI is based on the idea that EI can be attained in an intentional manner, if individuals make it a conscious process, and thereby proactively make positive changes. Clearly, certain aspects of the external environment cannot be changed, and they are not completely within the control of the individual; but attaining EI proposes that what can be managed to some extent is the individual’s response to and action on the changes. Thus, this section is interested in the role of the individuals and how well they have adapted to the new life context or invented a new way of dealing with SEI in Australia. In this context, an adaptation approach to attaining SEI, for example, is one in which the participants are open- minded about the change, are willing to take risks and aim to change a situation to their advantage or sometimes change their thinking to adjust to a situation they cannot change.

Most importantly, the respondents’ accounts indicate that individual agency was not exercised in isolation. EI emerged as a collaborative process, where achieving the desired outcomes depended as much on the individual’s efforts as on the support of others, in a wide variety of contexts. An individual EI pathway can be understood only in the particular social and historical context in which it occurs. In order to understand and to solve the problem of refugee and migrant EI over time, it is absolutely necessary to put it into and look at it in an institutional context. ‘Context’ connotes external forces, the surrounding EI drivers and institutions that influence EI pathways, processes and outcomes, but are primarily uncontrollable. They make an impact on refugees and migrants at different periods and can be positive or negative. Some drivers may take years to permeate down to the individual level, whereas others may have an immediate impact. For example, economic context was barrier for a few participants because they had no opportunity for EI due to global economic changes (I 8, I 32, I 37, I 38, I 39).

Social, institutional, economic, political, family and cultural contexts cause changes in the timing and sequencing of life transitions and EI pathways. Analysing structural and institutional context such as government policy and programs, and economic and labour market situation are relevant aspects that help better understanding and explaining refugee and migrant SEI over time. Thus, the circumstances, practices and situations that occur or do not within the context are relevant. SRFY organised their experiences in different contexts and in relation to

175 their life circumstances in order to successfully integrate in Australia and Australian workplace. For example, engaging in mainstream community by SRFY is having chance and prospect to begin and sustain acquaintances and possible links for their EI. Interactions such as the explicit forms, qualities and strategies of interactions between people in these contexts and conditions equate with the consequences - the EI outcomes, or results of the settings, circumstances, situations and interactions: Boeije, (2010). SRFY life courses are created ‘at the intersection of families, educational and social institutions, and labour markets’ (Heinz, 1992: 194, in Shanahan and Mortimer, 2003), and, in particular, the social and historical context. The course of life experience is most accurately described by temporal constructs that give some meaning to the passage through different situations and contexts.

Only when SRFY changing EI pathways were considered as a positive adaptation to interconnecting contexts and settings could the more complex analysis take place that would reveal the reasons how and why some respondents attained EI.

Upon examination, the individual EI pathways identified here seemed to be shaped by both individual agency and contextual influences. Both successful and unsuccessful pathways evoked that mutual influence. Individual agency (reflected in individual decisions about EI) was largely dependent on EI satisfaction levels experienced by the respondents’ personal characteristics (resilience, never-give-up attitude, cognitive flexibility, avoiding conformity, using active problem solving, having confidence), and family and work contexts. The next subsection elaborates on differences and similarities between EI pathways, using examples from themes and event history axis supported with one example of a continuous EI pathway (see below Figure 5.19) and one discontinuous EI pathway (Figure 5.20), with a view to aggregating these into EI types (section 5.2).

5.4. Differences and similarities between EI pathways

In this section, analysis is related to similarities and differences between pathways by focusing on comparing and contrasting the 54 individual EI pathways. Identifying similarities and differences enabled the eventual aggregation of EI pathways into EI types, described in section 5.2. As expected, not everyone took the same pathway to SEI in Australia. This study has found important variations after arrival.

Although each refugee and migrant story is unique, certain similarities can still be identified in regard to individual qualities and educational profiles, family backgrounds, structural support, and social and institutional context. Some clear patterns emerged in

176 distinguishing the successful EI experiences from the unsuccessful. Of the 54 participants, only 15 (28%) had succeeded in the labour market, in that they achieved access and some degree of continuity in the same or similar jobs as pre-migration. The other 39 (72%) were constrained to navigate towards alternative jobs or sectors.

Applying the themes to successful pathways to EI, it is noticeable that each of these contained all nine themes. Success is the realization of an envisioned outcome that was anticipated from the start. Success is also a subjective experience as demonstrated from perceptions and SRFY experiences in this study. Each respondent has a distinctive definition of what it means to be successful; and that sense of success is cherished differently from situation to situation. This approach enables investigation of barriers to EI, EI drivers and enablers, person-environment interactions, EI process, dynamics, trajectories, transitions, patterns, and family and individual changes over time. It encompasses their pre-migration stage, arrival in Australia, after arrival, and the current phase in lives of SRFY who migrated in Australia in the 1990s (e.g., see blow Figure 5.19, which shows this dynamic and changes).

Figure 5.19: Diagram of a continuous EI pathway

Example: I 33: continuous pathway:

I 33: Themes

Personal Loss Motivation Barriers Adaptation Support Family Identity Fulfilment Agency

I 33: Event history axis:

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. ______

1990 1992 1995 1996 2000 2002 2004 2016

Event history axis:

177 1. 1990: Finished GP Degree/University in Croatia

2. 1992: Started as GP in Croatia

3. Married: 1995

4. Migrated: 1996

5. Re-educated: Gained GP medical degree in Australia in 2000

6. First job in Australia: Practising general hospital work: 2002

7. Started same GP job from the former Yugoslavia in Australia 2004

8. Continuing same GP job current GP job in Australia: 2016.

As is evident from the respondent’s timeline, I 33 finished her general practitioner (GP) Degree/University in Croatia in 1990, started as a GP in Croatia in 1990, married in 1995, and after that migrated to Australia. Due to her clear goal and motivation (Themes 2 and 3) to work in the same job as a GP as in the former Yugoslavia (Croatia) she was able to overcome losses (Theme 1) and barriers (Theme 4), such as strong will to study again for four years to become a GP, and initially English language proficiency (Theme 4), and adaptation (Theme 5) to the new environment. She received strong support from her husband (Theme 6), who worked night shifts in order to be with their children while she was studying. She had great support from Government that gave her the opportunity for a specialised medical course that she was able to finish in 2000, and from 2002 till 2004 she practised in general hospital work. From 2004, she regained her GP job and today works in her field of expertise (Theme 9).

Some (15 out of 54) continuous EI Pathways have all nine themes included, stages that are planned and clearly defined to achieve a goal (above Figure 5.19).Themes emerging from continuous or successful EI in Australia: family situation, harmony, support, family events, study of English and updated professional skills, social inclusion and links in Australia and within the Serbian community, voluntary work, English study course acceptance and looking for and embracing opportunities, Australian government support and recognition of qualifications, cultural context, and individual qualities and characteristics. Applying the themes to pathways to EI, it is noticeable that all successful respondents reached all nine sequences. In ability to adjust, there were respondents who had barriers and then were able to

178 overcome them. These are phases that led to successful EI. A continuous EI pathway presented as success is the outcome of this process.

Personal, family, contextual and structural drivers and barriers influence EI process and pathways. As decisions were made about EI, they were impacted by the network of interlinked and interacting drivers and barriers that considerably influenced pathways. This resulted in refugees and migrants being initiated into successful pathways. For some respondents attaining successful EI, an initial hazy pathway became clearer over time, as they developed their EI strategies. These successful pathways also reflected the reciprocal influence of structural, contextual, individual drivers and an ability to overcome internal and external barriers.

Participants successful in their EI relied on having the skills and the drive to push it forward. Some did not need to go through lengthy adaptation because they were skilled and prepared, and their profession was in high demand. Another EI driver that was important for success was access to an informal Serbian community network of friends, relatives, family and former work colleagues from the former Yugoslavia (15 interviewees). Yet some SRFY needed a long time (10 to 15 years) to attain EI due to family, structural or individual reasons, drivers, barriers and contexts. Others, however, showed amazing resilience and had support from friends and relatives from the Serbian community and that was combined with effective, active coping strategies, including investment and taking on new education and employment opportunities, which positively contributed and helped their EI (the 15 successes).

Personal qualities of respondents who were successful include a sense of dignity, self- worth, confidence and achievement, clear values, beliefs, confidence, happiness, positive attitudes, optimism which comes from success and self-actualisation, fulfilment realising their full intellectual potential and capacity, which comes from hard work, persistence, ambition, determination, assertiveness, positive (psychology) attitudes (thinking), ability to set up clear long-term goals, internal locus of control, ‘I can do that’ and never-give-up attitudes, willingness to take risks, high motivation, assertiveness, social capital (SC) links and human capital (HC), entrepreneurial spirit, innovation, their convictions were stronger than their doubts, and they had strong determination to study.

It is important not to underestimate other important drivers such as contexts, situation and structural factors. The EI process was accelerated for some respondents, as they were clear about their EI goal from an early stage and worked constructively toward achieving it. Participants’ accounts confirmed that achieving personal success depended on their own

179 evaluation of their lives as refugees. Resilient, planning-capable and motivated individuals are more likely to learn from traumatic pre-migration life experiences and attain success in the wake of those experiences. The likelihood of continuous or successful EI exhibited patterns of duration dependence. Thus, personal success depends on the awareness of what one wants in life, to select and nurture relationships with people who matter, to be aware that it is a constant process of working and reworking, and to take actions to achieve desired EI outcomes. These are ways that led to successful EI pathways.

The 15 respondents classified as successful believed this to be the case. Respondents with successful pathways went through process of becoming happier, better persons, replicating their past successes Australia (I 1, I 26, I 28, I 34, I 36, I 37, I 49, I 51, I 52, I 15, I 19, I 29, I 30, I 33, I 48). For example, I 28 (64 years old), an engineer refugee from Croatia started to work in his profession after just nine months of free English classes and an English specialised course for engineers. He sought an opportunity to show his experience and skills and worked in a company for 15 months without pay in order to gain experience. He obtained a commensurate job in the same company, which recognised his great skills, knowledge and experience. His relatives helped his family to come to Australia, taking care of the children while he and his wife learned English. He had great experience working on technical projects in the former Yugoslavia and around the world, and still works in his field.

A number of participants moved in and out of different stages many times during their EI because personal, family, contextual, and structural drivers and barriers influence pathways. As decisions were made about EI, they were impacted by the network of interlinked and interacting drivers and barriers that considerably influenced pathways. This resulted in refugees and migrants being initiated into successful pathways. In terms of individual agency, participants who were successful relied on having the skills and the drive to push it forward. Some did not need to go through lengthy adaptation because they were skilled and prepared, as described in ideal Type 1, ‘The Adaptive Professional’.

A significant external driver of successful EI was the favourable labour market (I 38, I 37, I 8), where respondents found their skills and qualifications to be in high demand. However, over time, social change in Australia also included labour market changes: a declining manufacturing sector, for example, led to significant job loss. Another important external, social factor was access to an informal Serbian community network of friends, relatives, family and former work colleagues from the former Yugoslavia. They achieved dignity and fulfilment

180 through inclusion and integration with the Australian community and through successful EI. They were able to adapt to a new environment and they feel safe and content – they belong. SRFY brought this additional critically important value to Australia.

EI is never outside a social context. Social links are important for EI. EI is a part of wider social integration; it is embedded in it. In response to barriers such as exclusion, segregation and discrimination, SRFY developed both ethnic and mainstream support networks and links that helped them. Selecting and nurturing relationships with other people were relevant to their successful EI pathways. These are the same 15 identified as having had successful pathways. Achieving personal success depended on individuals’ own evaluations of their lives as refugees. Personal success depended not so much on duration as on awareness of what one wanted in life, the ability to select and nurture relationships with people who mattered, and acceptance that EI is a constant process of working and reworking plans and actions to achieve the desired EI outcomes. Exceptional individual SRFY do became successes. Nevertheless, they succeed precisely because they are exceptional, not because their SEI experiences can be generalised to those of the majority. However, most respondents (39) have not matched the sequences illustrated in below Figure 5.20.

Figure 5.20: Diagram of a discontinuous EI pathway

Example: I 14: discontinuous pathway:

I 14: Themes

Personal Loss Motivation Barriers Adaptation Support Family Identity Agency

I 14: Event history axis

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. ______

1986 1987 1993, 1996 1998 2002 2003 2005 2016

I 14: Event history axis

1. 1986: Finished Engineering Degree/University in Bosnia

181 2. 1987: Started engineering job in Bosnia

3. Married: 1993, 1996, son born

4. Migrated: 1998, daughter born in Australia

5. Re-educated in IT in Australia in 2002

6. First construction building worker job in Australia: 2003

7. Started as a mechanic for door shutters job in Australia 2005

8. Door shutters/current job 2016.

As shown in the respondent’s axis I 14 finished University in Bosnia in 1996, but started to work in his field in 1987. His migration process was complicated, as he and his wife migrated initially to the Czech Republic, then to Germany (officially married in 1993, their son was born in Germany), and after that migrated to Australia in 1998 (their daughter was born in Australia that year). Although he was able to finish a specialised English course for Engineers and IT course in 2002, he was not able to find a job in his field, due to lack of family and Government support. Due to family goals, and to support his wife’s ambitions, he started work in the construction industry as a manual construction worker, and is still doing this job. There are, then, negative factors and barriers over which respondents had little control.

Respondents with discontinuous EI pathways (unsuccessful in EI) never reached Theme 9, fulfilment, as they do not feel fulfilment in not working in a job commensurate with their skills, qualification, education, experience, and potential (Figure 5.19.). All unsuccessful respondents reached some of these sequences but did not go through them, did not have continuous EI pathways, and were not successful in their EI. They did not have adaptation, motivation, personal agency or support, and were unable able to overcome internal or external barriers to EI. The pathway to EI can be upward or downward and a personal choice – for example, a respondent deciding not to learn English but to find any job to feed the family (I 12).

Themes emerging from discontinuous and unsuccessful social and professional EI were family situation, events, English and cultural barriers, lack of information, lack of Government support, uncertainty and fear of taking risks, Respondents with discontinuous EI

182 pathways remained caught in Themes 6 or 7: for them that is the end, they are unhappy, they are not successful in EI; they do not have enough support, or they do not put in enough effort, or are not motivated or have personal agency, they did not exercise personal qualities.

In some cases, highly university-educated SRFY with high level of professional expertise did not have satisfactory English language proficiency in order to work successfully in Australia (I 3, I 16, I 44, I 27, I 53) or had difficulties in acquiring professional credentials needed to work in their field of expertise (I 46, I 5) or did not try (I 9). A significant barrier for successful EI was the state of the labour market (I 38, I 37 and I 8). Social change included labour market changes: a declining manufacturing sector and consequential loss of jobs.

Figure/diagram 5.20 shows not all 9 themes as in successful continuous EI pathway (Figure 5.2.). Discontinuous EI pathways are blocked at Theme 5 or Theme 6, as some respondents did not have enough support. Most importantly, respondents did not reach Theme 9, fulfilment. Their employment integration and employment history in Australia are represented as having job functioning as instrumentalism, necessity, to feed family, to survive, which was evident in some case studies: for example, I 15, I 28, and I 46.

An illustrative example of a discontinuous EI pathway is I 46, who finished veterinary university in Serbia, and came in 2002 to Australia on a spouse visa, as his wife had Australian citizenship. He worked in Australia as a courier but had 15 years’ experience as veterinarian in Serbia. In Australia he finished English classes with a level 4 certificate. He missed one opportunity for an express veterinary course. He met a veterinarian who owned his own veterinary private business. He gained professional practice there. He had to work hard to pay his mortgage. He greatly missed his profession. Unsuccessful EI in Australia was one of factors contributing to his divorce, and he had no children. Now divorced, his problem grew bigger as he now had to pay bills for the home loan, his car, and was on Centrelink benefits, which were not enough for him to cover all his expenses, and his health also deteriorated in his mid-50s.

Refugee and migrant employment integration pathways show that a number of contextual, structural drivers, barriers, and refugee and migrant characteristics are related to better or poorer SEI outcomes and success. A passive attitude of some SRFY means that they do not embrace chances and opportunities, such as respecting the importance of the English

183 language and further education, resulting in language barriers, and a passive approach destines them to social isolation within ethnic community and mostly low-skill, low-pay jobs.

In the case of respondents who identified themselves as unsuccessful in achieving EI, one clear finding is the absence of Theme 9. Their regret at not being able to work in jobs commensurate with their background affected their sense of fulfilment negatively. Other conspicuously absent themes were adaptation, motivation, personal agency and support. Some explicitly indicated internal or external EI barriers they were unable to overcome. This is much more complicated than a diagram may show. Secondly, this choice is an expression of individual agency but far from being an independent choice: most likely, contextual influences were decisive here.

The life-course analysis undertaken in this section has identified individual EI pathways and explained how insights into peculiarities of each experience can help us understand the nature of EI experiences more generally. The following section identifies life- course journeys as ideal EI types, based on an examination of salient similarities between various EI pathways.

5.5. Thematic analysis of EI types

EI is a process that includes periods of stability and exploration, which corresponds to life stages. The main division is between successful (section 5.5.1.) and unsuccessful (section 5.5.2.) EI pathways and types of refugees and migrants. These pathways and types have sequences (Figure 5.1). Using sequences of themes helped structure life course journeys and pathways and types. The main differences between each ideal type and pathway were in terms of segmentation, SC, HC, support from others, individual qualities (agency), motivation, barriers to EI, adaptability, identity, fulfilment, and sequencing (Figure 5.1, above).

5.5.1. Successful EI: Type 1: ‘The Adaptive professional’ and Type 2: ‘The Hero’

Serbian refugees described their educational and employment history in the former Yugoslavia and in Australia. EI is a process that includes periods of stability and exploration, which corresponds to life stages.

184 5.5.1.1. Theme 1: Loss

Respondents belonging to Type 1 and Type 2 demonstrated high resilience to war trauma and all types of losses, of home, loss of job and friends, everything (Theme 1). They get over it, and focus on future short- and long-term goals and ambitions. Initially, SRFY felt lost in this new world of opportunities, the land of ‘a fair go’. But those belonging to Type 1 and Type 2 grasped these opportunities with both hands. They did not want to start this new life through their children, with themselves isolated and excluded. They wanted a new life to the full. They knew that only through education and continuous learning would they be able to provide a better future for themselves and their family. They had a strong desire to lead a normal life again, and to be recognized in their field of expertise, in their profession. For them, migration to and SEI in Australia were a fulfilment of long-frustrated wishes, as if they were born again. SRFY new identity has become an outcome of their social ties. They reconstructed their identity in a new environment that was offering more opportunities in the long term.

5.5.1.2. Theme 2: Motivation

Type 1 and Type 2 had the ability to clearly identify their short- and long-term goals, future actions, and ambitions. They decided what was truly important and put their effort and energy into these (Themes 2 and 3). Some continued on the same pathway, largely because they were happy with the way their personal and professional goals were fulfilled. Family and life-related decisions were largely dependent on EI satisfaction levels, personal characteristics, and family and work situations. Thus a person’s initial goal paved the way for EI, followed by steady progress or detours depending on the succeeding influences and decisions. Participants’ accounts confirmed that achieving personal success depended on individuals’ own evaluations of their lives as refugees. Some needed a long time (10 to 20 years) to attain EI due to family, structural, or individual reasons, factors, barriers and contexts. Thus, EI success depends on the awareness of what one wants in life, to select and nurture relationships with people who matter, to be aware that it is a constant process of working and reworking, and to take actions to achieve desired EI outcomes. Personal success for any one person is having the ‘right’ combination of satisfaction in personal and professional spheres of their life. This perception was found to be related to how Type 1 and Type 2 respondents conceptualised EI goals and defined their ‘personal’ success.

185 5.5.1.3. Theme 3: Personal agency

Pathways to EI show, based on typology, the process of the likelihood of success and possible outcome. Pathways are structured and planned and the person following a pathway will eventually reach goals. Pathways have stages that are planned and clearly defined to achieve a goal, such as I 19 becoming a lawyer. In fact, a number of participants moved in and out of different stages many times during their EI process. This was because personal, family, and structural factors and barriers influence EI process and pathways. As decisions were made about EI, they were impacted by the network of interlinked and interacting factors that considerably influenced EI pathways. This resulted in refugees and migrants being initiated into new (successful) EI pathways. For most attaining successful EI, an initial hazy EI pathway became clearer over the passage of time, as they developed their EI strategies along the way. These successful EI pathways also reflected the reciprocal influence of both contextual and individual factors.

Participants who attained and were successful in their EI relied on having the skills and the drive to push it forward. Some respondents did not need to go through lengthy adaptation process to attain EI because they were skilled and prepared, and their profession was in high demand, as described in ideal Type 1. Personal drives that positively contributed to recovery, adaptation and SEI of Type 1 and Type 2 included personal qualities such as confidence, motivation, adaptability, a positive attitude, creativity, resilience, confidence, adaptability, perseverance, persistence, courage, coping, determination and devotion. Some participants created a new EI pathway by making a change in their profession (I 26, I 52) with similar sequences and characteristics of Types 1 and 2. Working as an economist in the former Yugoslavia, I 26 finished a PhD in Australia and is now university lecturer and coordinator. Finishing Electrical Engineering University and working as an engineer in the former Yugoslavia, I 52 changed profession, finished a PhD in the biomedical field in Australia and works as a scientist in a research organization; due to first migrating to Italy from Bosnia, then 10 years spent in Italy, I 52 needed a much shorter period to adapt (Theme 5) in Australia.

5.5.1.4. Theme 4: Barriers to EI

Some respondents stated that time was a major limitation in overcoming certain barriers to SEI. Over time, some were able to overcome barriers to SEI, while for others these barriers

186 remained. As barriers to SEI change with time, respondents were able to overcome some, such as English language proficiency (Theme 4).

Respondents belonging to Types 1 and 2 were aware of the vital relevance of English language skills in a positive manner, welcoming the opportunity to start life over again When they came to Australia, their first priority was to learn how to speak English, and to improve their English, because communication was first and foremost: without adequate language proficiency they knew that they could not have prosperity and a future.

5.5.1.5. Theme 5: Adaptation and Time

Respondents did not need to go through a lengthy adaptation process to attain EI if they were skilled and prepared, and their profession was in high demand, as described in ideal Type 1. Type 1 was brave and motivated enough to change profession, undertook additional study and was able to achieve not only full SEI but also higher professional status than in the former Yugoslavia (I 26, I 52). Type 2 stayed in the same job as a lawyer, general practitioner or veterinarian after finishing additional education (I 19, I 29, I 30).

Many respondents reported accepting, initially after arrival, in the shorter term, employment positions below their skill levels. Short-term adaptability required them to sacrifice time, comfort and social relationships in order to survive, support their families, and improve their status in the longer term. For example, for I 26, the first ten years after arrival were like a storm, working hard, progressing, and adapting, fitting, learning, and studying full- time. As a university-educated economist, I 26 decided to change profession upon arrival, and to return to her original field of interest and main passion for social science. Eventually, she was able to reach the highest level of education, a PhD in social science (Theme 9).

As with other examples, length of time needed for succeeding is a consideration often emphasised. The process of attaining EI took I 19 (Type 2) over seven years. I 19 had many personal qualities such as perseverance, patience, hope and strong motivation (Themes 2, 3, and 4).

Respondents of Type 1 and 2 demonstrated rapid adaptation to new, completely different environments, new ways of thinking, and new ways of living (I 51, I 52). For example, when I 52 moved to Australia to join her husband, she could not immediately enter her field of research because she had not worked in it for almost ten years. She first undertook a university biomedical engineering course, and so she changed her profession again. This was a case where

187 the ultimate goal had not changed – and barriers were perceived as interim stages towards the same goal. The qualities emphasised here were focus and perseverance. I 51’s and I 52’s quick adaptation are interesting examples of highlighting the respondents’ key values operating in the adaptation process: multiculturalism, equality, freedom, and ‘living by the rules’, i.e., not having to learn tacit ways of dissimulating social conventions in order to survive (Theme 5). I 52 had to make cultural adjustments from Italy to a new environment in Australia. Both I 51 and I 52 highlighted adaptive qualities such as fast social learning, intuition, vision and focus.

Successful EI Types 1 and 2 reflected the reciprocal influence of both contextual and individual factors. Participants who attained and were successful in their EI relied on having the skills and the drive to take what came their way and push it forward (Themes 2, 3, and 4), regardless of obstacles they faced. I 28 and I 29 demonstrated the importance of understanding different life contexts at different points of time and the interrelatedness of many categories such as motivation, barriers, personal agency and family. They were motivated, and had internal strength and support. When they migrated, their daughter was four and a half years old, their son was 15 months old. They had initial support from relatives for first nine months after arrival, but after that they had to move further, to pursue their education and their goals. They had to support each other while studying, working, and bringing up their children. Their life story demonstrated the centrality of education as both a life value and a path to integration, and the role of family cohesion (Theme 7) and support (Theme 6) in achieving education goals.

Capabilities or types of abilities identified by respondents in Types 1 and 2 were adaptive differences, passivity, conforming, accepting constraints, ability to identify future actions and goals, ability to persevere, ability to shift focus, to adjust to a new environment, to learn, to respond to change, and to be independent. Types 1 and 2 had skills and adaptabilities and with these they were able to overcome barriers to EI (Theme 4).

Some SRFY with adequate education and qualifications, and work experience and suitable means of family savings or right to use social security assistance could afford to wait longer to attain commensurate jobs and successful EI: for example, I 29 needed 11 years to work in her GP profession, whereas I 33 needed only four years as she had fast-tracked via a specialised free medical course.

5.5.1.6. Theme 6: Support and Links

Another EI determinant that was significant for successful EI of Types 1 and 2 was access to an informal Serbian community network of friends, relatives, family and former work

188 colleagues from the former Yugoslavia (15 interviewees). Networking in the mainstream community enabled some to sidestep some employment integration barriers (I 19, I 26). Some respondents’ social ties, engagement and activities were oriented to both the ethnic and mainstream community (I 28, I 34), and this offered another opportunity for recovery and successful SEI (Theme 6).

For SRFY successful EI depends on programmes which allow changing their skills and qualifications so that they can be used in the new environment. Professional placement, vocational training and further education are key aspects of successful EI to the extent that such activities improve employability either in general terms or through improvement of specific language or work skill. In areas with huge potential for economic growth and a demand for labour, such initiatives will benefit both SRFY and Australia.

5.5.1.7. Theme 7: Family

Some respondents stated feeling pleased working in precarious jobs when they knew those were associated with their family priorities and goals. For example, I 12, a university- educated fine arts teacher, with a wife and three children, has had to work all of his 20 years in Australia as a commercial painter, as he considered this to be the only option to fulfil his family duties and financial responsibilities. This was a case of generational sacrifice, i.e., giving up ambitions for his own future in order to give a new start to his children. The emphasis here is on adaptive qualities such as generosity, acceptance and a spirit of sacrifice. This example implies acceptance of the new conditions for the sake of the well-being of the family.

The interest in balancing work and education also extended to the next generation. One family (I 32, I 33) moved to the country because of I 33’s chance to work in a secure, well-paid job. After finishing free specialised education needed to work again as a doctor in Australia, part of I 33’s contract with the Government was an obligation to work in a rural area for five years, where there is traditionally a shortage. The main reason why they moved back to Melbourne was that their elder daughter studied at university and travel was a problem. After nine years in Warragul, the family, with two daughters, adapted quickly and well in school, work and life, as the mainstream community accepted them openly. Berwick in Melbourne was where they had lived before and where they wanted to return, a place of family well-being. I 33’s relatively highly paid job and status, a job opportunity related to government support, and future education for their children, determined the children’s well-being.

189 I 32, with secondary college education from the former Yugoslavia, made the decision to sacrifice his career and take any job, as his priority was for his family to prosper. He finished an information technology course and could not find a job. He worked night shifts in order to have time to care for the children and be with them during the day. He changed his job to be able to pick up his daughter from the school bus. He started his job at 6am and finished at 2pm. The children’s integration was the highest priority: the children should grow up with a different chance of integration and not experience the dislocation and loss of friends that their parents had experienced. On the other side, there was the wife’s study priority, because she was deemed to have better chances to acquire a qualification and better longer-term income. To make this happen, the husband sacrifices his opportunities to advance a career of his choice.

SRFY families have different priorities at different points in time. The short-term priority before migration was to escape the horrors of war; after migration it becomes finding a job to feed the family, then finding work in their field of expertise. This led to encounters with decisions about balance, choice and priority – who should work, who should study, whose opportunities were better in the longer term. Family members may have to make tough choices and sacrifices. The family becomes the conditional context in which short-term employment and long-term education goals are balanced to optimise opportunities for SEI, and in some cases sacrifice means that improved SEI opportunities are deferred from one generation to the next. Where SRFY work and family demands are synchronized, they have a substantial positive impact on SEI. Social connections and friendships provided support that assisted recovery and adaptation. I 50 was very excited about being a part of the new society, a new country, and felt welcomed from the first day in Australia, which greatly contributed to accepting and embracing her new identity.

Previous research fails to encompass the complex variety of SEI influences that partially originate from a specific nature of social change, from change in SEI to change in family. Respondent statements presented different priorities of SRFY families at different points in time. All the families’ short-term priority before migration was to escape the horrors of civil war, while after migration priorities changed from finding a job to feed the family then to finding work in their field of expertise. SRFY experienced radical changes to the kinds of roles, ways of behaving and ways of making sense of life in Australia compared to what they had enjoyed formerly.

190 Families played one of the major roles in SRFY EI pathways and types, too. Love from the family compensated for most hardships. Parental encouragement in the pursuit of knowledge, introducing children to EI opportunities, and family contextual factors affected EI of SRFY. From the analysis, the importance of family support for their EI in terms of offering emotional and financial resources, encouragement and backing for the EI goals, choices and family decisions was clear. Thus, family was an important factor in SRFY EI. Fifteen participants had great family support; all had clear EI goals and reported EI success and life satisfaction. It is notable that the EI pattern and outcome in the sample is exactly reversed in regard to gender. Fourteen women (of 26 in the sample) initially for the most part gave up pursuing EI or were interrupted in their EI primarily because of family responsibilities. For most this meant child care. They all either took a break in employment or attained EI after their children were older. Ten are now successful in their EI. On the other side, only five of 28 men in the sample have been successful in their EI.

There are broader differences in the refugee and migrant external or structural environment, personal and family circumstances, and EI goals. In particular, men’s and women’s attitudes and views towards the effect of EI on family needs, and the spousal support they received, affected their EI decisions and plans. One person becomes the main bread- winner due to his or her better chance of employment in a designated field, while the other sacrifices career progress and aspirations in order to provide the support needed for child rearing and maintaining a home, and working at whatever jobs are available to increase family income as necessary.

Personal and family circumstances made SRFY rethink their options and directions. Some respondents decided to change their line of work by balancing family and the children. A few male participants also considered their family as reasons for not pursuing EI: for example, I 1, I 13, I 26, I 29, I 45 (no children), I 51, I 15, I 16 (divorced, no children), I 50 (not married), I 48, I 36 (single), and I 33 and I 34 (continued study.

Family goals were successfully realised when I 30 finished examinations to become a veterinary surgeon and opened a successful practice in an affluent suburb in Melbourne. The husband’s individual aspirations coincided with the main family goals. The trade-off here was that the wife’s career was sacrificed, as she (I 31) was preoccupied with the dual burden of family and work, and helping her husband’s prospective business.

191 EI outcomes such as underemployment and unemployment negatively influenced family harmony and life (I 46, I 38). The pursuit of one’s employment goals, relative to the opportunities available, came at the cost of separation from one’s family. A common family issue was complementing each other, arranging working shifts so that one family member could attend school or study, or work, and the other stayed with the children (for example, I 19, I 14, I 28, I 29, I 33, I 34). For most SRFY, family responsibilities no longer seemed to be the most influential EI factor as in earlier years: most had older children who were independent and no longer a responsibility.

Hence family EI pathways of men and women were identified. The discussion generated three predominant pathways: focus on family, focus on EI, and focus on EI and family. Adapting decisions regarding EI according to family circumstances, trying to balance both, meant, for example, that I 19 had a greater focus on EI than was the case in a family where the participant had primarily focussed on EI, and the family was considered, but was secondary. Research on EI of SRFY points to the importance of men’s attitudes, and is confirmed by this research, but some male and female respondents were successful only because they had supportive wives or husbands. Some respondents did not have that support because their husbands or wives were focused on EI or because of separation or divorce (I 46); some adapted to similar patterns to women, giving priority to the family (for example, I 14 and I 15). Some female participants seemed to manage their work after meeting family responsibilities, affirming their family focus to varying degrees. I 20 and I 31 were on the other end of the continuum, with a much greater focus on family – to the detriment of their EI path.

Some respondents decided to be with their children: for example, I 9 and I 10 in Germany joined their wives’ parents; I 12 sacrificed his EI and was committed to feeding his family as the priority; I 14 sacrificed his career to give his wife a chance for her EI; I 20 decided that she would care for the children while her husband pursued his law career; and I 26 encouraged his wife to pursue her EI dreams to be a university professor and to finish her PhD.

It was not unusual to see men focus more on their EI. Only five male participants who belonged to this category conformed to the traditional male EI pattern, perhaps because they had wives or partners to look after their children, so they could work for long hours (I 12). Certain personal and family decisions made by women with a focus on their EI had a positive, successful EI outcome and impact on family life (I 1, I 15, I 26, I 29, I 33, I 34, I 36, I 52).

192 Participants’ goals, ambitions, plans and aspirations also influenced their personal and family decisions. Couples’ working schedules appeared to have been a complex interplay of economic ability, aspirations and communication between couples and were powerfully determined by women’s level of education and their drive for success. The best combination of men and women pathways was when they supported each other, with the husband and the wife both successful in their EI (for example, I 28 and I 29; I 51 and I 52). I 28 and I 29 both juggled commitments to attain EI in their field of expertise as an engineer and as a doctor while meeting family responsibilities.

As noted in Chapter 4, positive relationships were witnessed between social support received from a family member and EI success. This was confirmed by the textual analysis of interviews. Two had low or negative family support, which led to unsuccessful EI (for example, I 14, I 46). Of the 54 participants, only two reported having current elderly dependants (I 25, I 54), and in both cases their EI was partly influenced by the responsibility of looking after them. Grandparent support in looking after children greatly helped I 39 and I 40 to work long hours to achieve their family goals in their small cleaning business.

Women’s EI could be attributed to the increasing independence and empowerment of women, and an enhanced ability at communicating their EI goals to their partners. Successful EI was also positively associated with the egalitarian gender role attitudes of their partners. Family EI goals were mainly determined by the level of spousal support with childcare and household work, which emerged as pivotal. In particular, this was found to be a major influencing factor for refugee women, who were primary breadwinners because of the notable shift in fatherhood and spousal support. Hence, refugee women as well as men considered family while considering EI goals, and changed their focus, depending on their family situation. I 32 and I 33 are examples: with the practice of EI planning, gender or any other perceived factor may take on an altogether different character beyond the confines of its domain, and desired individual and family outcomes can be achieved. I 33 was able to manage the external factors of family and environment with her skills and her husband’s support to achieve EI success. In this case study, the pattern that has developed in recent years is that the husband may stay at home or work part-time and is the primary caregiver. Of the 18 married male and female participants (36 respondents) with children, one woman had a husband who belonged to this category. This SRFY cohort is different from the wider population: women are more educated, better qualified, more successful in EI in Australia, and more competent in the labour

193 market than are their partners. These SRFY couples have made a shift toward greater sharing of childcare and household labour responsibilities.

In the case of married participants with children, spousal support was identified as being one of the most important sources of support. EI depended largely on family-EI schedules. However, it was also notable that most women participants were not completely freed from family responsibilities despite the EI status of their partner. The main reason for this was found to be the gender stereotypes that men and women held with regard to household responsibilities. Family responsibilities and who fulfils them play a role in determining EI patterns, but EI was not found to be entirely related to family; rather it was more related to SRFY personal characteristics.

The contribution of grandparents (I 39 and I 40) in raising grandchildren and initial relatives’ support (I 28 and I 29), while parents’ time was consumed by long working hours, were essential to the well-being of families. Respondents indicated preservation of the family as the central priority around which all other considerations revolved, from transition challenges to competing priorities. Nurturing, loving and harmonious family relationships painted a complex picture of the crucial role of family as a source of both constraints and support of their employment integration in Australia.

Despite all migration struggles, barriers and challenges, family has been and remained a critically important part of SRFY lives. Without exception, SRFY all had expectations that their children would surpass their own social status and levels of SEI. Consequently, and because of family influence and values, the overwhelming majority of SRFY children were currently undertaking or had completed university courses. Due to socialisation, the majority of respondents’ children and family members feel their Australian identity. Most are highly educated and focused on their professional identity and career. They are mostly professionals with a high level of English proficiency.

5.5.1.8. Theme 8: Identity

The most important factors for a Type 1 and Type 2 were their ability to make progress with their work and to work in line with their education, skills, knowledge, experience, and having sense and state of fulfilment (Theme 9). They were driven by professional identity (Theme 8) and became successful in gaining mainstream employment. They emphasized their profession as the most significant component of their identity, because it gave them higher social status, self-sufficiency, intrinsic motivation, subsequent satisfaction and a means of self-

194 actualisation. Their identity was not permanent or static but had changed and developed with new life experiences. They found a new identity that was in harmony with their previous and Australian way of life and culture, beliefs and values (Theme 8). Participation and connection in the local community were important aspects of their social integration and eventual steps on the way to becoming ‘Australian’. They accumulated new experiences over time, and time had moved them on (Theme 8).

5.5.1.9. Theme 9: Fulfilment

For respondents belonging to Types 1 and 2, SEI was both a process and a positive outcome, a source of fulfilment, life satisfaction and well-being. For example, I 30 found fulfilment both in his profession, but also in a new identity in Australia; they had everything here and were not going back to the former Yugoslavia (Theme 8). Their children are now integrated, incorporating an Australian identity, as this is the only country they have. Their fulfilment was a transformative process of achieving positive and pleasing outcomes related to attaining SEI: accomplishments and realisation of their dreams of a better, safer and prosperous life in Australia. Fulfilment was also a transformative process of becoming a better, happier person by achieving self-actualization in commensurate work (I 26,), by helping others (I 33) or by engaging in community work (I 28, I 34). Respondents belonging to Types 1 and 2 were successful in their SEI and think that this is the best country in the world to live in – they are very happy.

These are ways that lead to successful EI of Types 1 and 2. EI types are all indicative of certain pathways of refugee and migrant EI. The next section presents in more detail thematic analysis of Type 3 and Type 4.

5.5.2. Unsuccessful EI: Type 3: ‘The Pragmatic Coper’ and Type 4: ‘The Survivor’

5.5.2.1. Theme 1: Loss

Loss experienced before migration to Australia appears as the first stage of life course disruption. Life in the former Yugoslavia before the civil wars was very good, which makes their sense of loss even more profound and dramatic. Civil war caused losses and disruptions, even loss of identity, and, among all these, loss of jobs and careers. In Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, their lives and families were in danger. After arrival in Australia, most respondents expressed feelings of fear, uncertainty, despair, depression and sadness for loss of everything due to war trauma. Loss of employment occurred for I 21 through ethnic

195 discrimination, as he was in a part of Bosnia where the majority were Muslims. As a Serbian he lost his job after the war started even though holding special qualifications for that job. On a larger scale, in Croatia, 3000 Serbs who worked in the Government-owned Railway Company were fired in 1991 as ‘technological surplus’, as evidence of ‘democratic’ processes.

Respondents’ (Types 3 and 4) accounts of their experiences of barriers illustrated how problematic and hard it was for SRFY who earlier worked in qualified, skilled, and managerial jobs to resume their former occupation in Australia. They indicated a wide range of barriers, from downward occupational mobility to discrimination.

5.5.2.2. Theme 2: Motivation

Some respondents did not undertake additional education or language classes (similar to I 7, I 25, I 27, I 44, I 53). Some lacked motivation (I 25, I 41, I 5) for job hunting and professional skill development, and capitulated to a government welfare support (I 6). A passive approach meant that some did not embrace chances and opportunities. They did not seriously consider the importance of the English language and further education. Participants belonging to Types 3 and 4 focused on short-term goals and were those who, due to economic factors such as lack of resources, family duties, age and health, felt constrained to choose to work in low-paid, low-skill jobs, and did not pursue work aligned with their original education and profession. Type 4 remained in limbo; the pathway ahead was blocked; they were unable to overcome barriers to SEI.

Respondents of Types 3 and 4, unsuccessful in their EI, never reached Theme 9. Applying the themes to unsuccessful pathways to EI, all unsuccessful respondents reached these sequences but did not go through them. Types 3 and 4 lacked adaptation, motivation, personal agency, support, and were unable able to overcome internal or external barriers to EI. They lacked ability to clearly identify their short- and long-term goals, future actions, and ambitions. They were unable to decide what was truly important and to put their effort and energy into this.

5.5.2.3. Theme 3: Personal agency

Types 3 and 4 did not have a clear EI goal after a traumatic refugee journey. Thirty ‘Survivors’ faced a professional or personal crisis and were not able to attain EI. Their statements demonstrated the critical importance of not having access to employment as their main integration barrier, which was outside their individual control. In unsuccessful journeys,

196 a common theme was that the participants were dissatisfied in taking up a job unrelated to their previous job or expertise. They became inactive or unmotivated (I 53, I 54). Some did not undertake additional education or language classes or they lacked motivation; they did not embrace chances and opportunities. Those belonging to Themes 3 and 4 lacked some of personal qualities characteristics for Types 1 and 2.

5.5.2.4. Theme 4: Barriers

Type 3 and 4 were able to overcome social, language and structural barriers. Some of the SRFY main external barriers to SEI that impeded their EI in Australia were complexity of a competitive labour market, employment experience gaps, qualifications unrecognised, discrimination against newcomers, and lack of adequate institutional support. Types 3 and 4 attribute their unemployment predicament to the complexities of a competitive labour market and to economic uncertainty. Some lost their jobs in the metal industry (I 8 lost an engineering position, I 37 lost a higher management position, I 38 lost his job) primarily because of the economic situation and shrinking manufacturing sector.

Type 3 and Type 4 reported that access to adequate employment due to labour market competitiveness was one of the main barriers to their EI. They completed additional professional courses, but could not find a job in their field after those courses. They reported that they had experienced not having any Australian work experience as a significant barrier to employment integration. Opportunities to acquire work experience in Australia are perceived by SRFY as significantly different across professions. These factors and barriers are important, because they can explain differences in SEI processes and outcomes of SRFY. Combined with the barriers created by a competitive labour market, lack of local work experience led to lack of access to employment.

Mismatch in employment experience is evidenced with one respondent, who had recently finished her PhD in the arts and has been working in recent years in a shop selling clothes. She cited lack of job opportunity in her field of expertise as her main employment integration barrier. For example, I 7, a medical technician, did not work in her field of expertise due to lack of employment experience and opportunity in Yugoslavia and in Australia. She took many different jobs in Serbia: in a restaurant, as a pizza maker, and in a supermarket, for two or three years. In Australia, she started work in 2006 on farming flowers for a year; then she worked in a plastics factory where she remains. Respondents stated that, after arrival in Australia, their prior knowledge, credentials, skills, experience, and qualifications were

197 recognised only to a very limited extent or not at all. Some educated professionals indicated that they found jobs in their previous field of expertise at a level below their original jobs.

Some SRFY did overcome that barrier of their qualifications not being recognised by pursuing further education or upskilling. Some cases of discrimination against SRFY took two forms. One consisted in negative media and consequently mainstream perceptions, stereotypes and attitudes towards SRFY. The other was related to work discrimination, simply on the assumption that newcomers are high risk (may not adapt) or may require additional training resources. Media-promoted perceptions of the civil war influenced employment access for some. Some said that they had been discriminated and ignored for higher and better positions because they were not Australian. These accounts may depict a clash of values and principles rather than purely discrimination on ethnic grounds.

There is interrelatedness of internal SEI barriers, related to personal characteristics, and external, related to institutional, organizational or structural, systemic barriers. For example, some SRFY were unable to overcome the English language barrier. That was combined and became connected with structural barriers, such as the absence of institutional support and guidance upon arrival in Australia. Some respondents were unable to get referees needed for their job applications or to pass a professional examination, and therefore were initially unable to satisfy basic requirements in order to work in their field of expertise.

Barriers to SEI, such as discriminatory employer attitudes, disadvantage and hostility towards newcomers, seemed, in some cases, much harder to overcome than obstacles rooted in difficulties with language and professional skills: some SRFY reported having undergone a process of re-qualification, obtained good proficiency in English, and then were still unable to find a job in line with their education, qualifications, and knowledge.

Pressure caused by family needs is a combination of family and individual ambitions, on the one hand, and pressures from the wider external setting, on the other. Linking external pressures to internal factors highlights the interdependencies that already exist between the two categories of barriers.

For some respondents, health issues were one of the main barriers to their employment integration. It is important to clarify that health issues arose after working in physically demanding jobs in Australia, mostly in manufacturing in low-paid and low-skill jobs that resulted in work injuries (I 2, I 6, I 18, I 24, I 25, I 41, I 54). For some respondents, age was one of the main barriers to their SEI. For example, I 25, aged 65, who had worked in the former

198 Yugoslavia as a tertiary-qualified physical education teacher at primary school level, expressed regret at not pursuing further education in Australia in her field of expertise. She stated that she is ‘too old, and it is too late now’. Some Type 3 and Type 4 did not take additional English classes due to lack of time and an inability to make a decision at the right time. They did not even try to have their university qualifications recognised. Some now recognised the importance of additional education and believed that, if they had done something differently, they would have taken a different life path. For example, I 23 strongly believed that his age was the reason for not getting a job he applied for in Australia, despite his previous experience as a train driver in Yugoslavia. Respondents stated that they lacked basic professional advice and support that prolonged time needed for their EI (I 14). Some life stories showed how the three barriers – lack of systemic knowledge, poor health and advanced age – combined to create the perception that there was no solution for employment integration in a field commensurate with previous work experience.

A combination of respondents’ low English language proficiency, poor health and advanced age led to other barriers to SEI, such as lack of confidence, and perceptions and feelings about being excluded. On arrival in Australia, SRFY found themselves at a disadvantage in the employment market, due to lack of inside knowledge about labour market trends and opportunities, inadequate English language proficiency, and atrophy of skills caused by job loss during the civil war. Lack of systemic knowledge refers to a lack of knowledge and awareness with the new social realities specific to Australia, and lack of familiarity with the workplace culture and norms. When SRFY came to Australia, they were lost, they did not know how this society operates.

Lack of confidence was also a recurrent theme in the context of describing barriers. For example, I 54 had a traumatic work and life experience from the former Yugoslavia. She was unable to cope with abusive customers as a part-time shop assistant. She felt unable to respond to the rising demands of part-time work, study and family, which inevitably took a physical, mental and emotional toll. All was on her shoulders as she did not have a husband to support her. She rationalised her lack of confidence in terms of perfectionism. This possibly stemmed from a deep feeling of insecurity. Due to her husband’s death during the civil war, she suffered from neurosis and depression, and a doctor recommended her to go onto the pension with a diagnosis of psychological disturbance as a result of war trauma and personal tragedy. Her poor health, fuelled by a lack of confidence, prevented her from SEI. As some refugees had their traumatic experiences compounded by unsuccessful and demoralising experiences in Australia,

199 this increased their lack of confidence in their ability to adapt to the new environment, thus creating an insurmountable barrier to their SEI.

For some respondents, a competitive labour market was a barrier to employment integration and led to economic uncertainty. For example, I 14 went to get work experience in Freight Victoria. The company downsized to reduce production costs and as a consequence 3000 employees lost their jobs.

I 1’s and I 26’s qualifications and education were not recognised in Australia, and that was initially a significant barrier for their EI. For some that was barrier to EI they were not able to overcome. I 29 could not get valid information after arrival from any government institution about what to do when she arrived here as an overseas doctor. There was no formal programme to help her, because she came through family support entry, not through UNHCR.

Barriers to SEI, such as discriminatory employer attitudes, disadvantage and hostility towards newcomers, seemed, in some cases, much harder to overcome than obstacles related to difficulties with language proficiency and further development of specialized skills.

In time, some were able to overcome barriers to SEI; while for others these barriers remained. But some statements suggested stories of resilience, recovery, and positivity. The temporal aspect of SEI barriers is reflected in the dynamics of change in SRFY lives and context. Barriers must be reviewed in appropriate depth to understand how any specific internal or external barrier is linked with others, and how social contexts influence SEI of SRFY in Australia. As barriers to SEI change with time, respondents are able to overcome some, such as English language proficiency.

5.5.2.5. Theme 5: Adaptation

Adaptability also encompassed SRFY ability to clearly identify future actions, goals and ambitions. The respondents expressed feelings of fear, uncertainty, despair, depression, and sadness for loss of everything due to war trauma. This statement is not so much about passivity as it is about a deep fear of new things, of anything that is too different (unfamiliar), of uncertainty. Consequently, the respondent was not able or confident to cope well with a new life context, life changes, and their current situation. In passive adaptability, the emphasis is on being reactive and subject to conformity. Some respondents were conventional and uncomfortable with change and new experiences. They were cautious and used to a slow pace,

200 to a routine and having plenty of time. When the emphasis is on passive adaptability, the main issue for some respondents was to ‘fit in’, to go with the flow, to accept constraints.

The relevant capabilities or types of abilities identified by respondents were adaptive differences, passivity, conforming, accepting constraints, ability to identify future actions and goals, ability to persevere, ability to shift focus, to adjust to a new environment, to learn, to respond to change, and to be independent. Regarding Theme 5, Types 3 and 4 lacked these skills and adaptabilities and were not able to overcome barriers to EI. The adaptation process for Types 3 and 4 was initially very slow. It was not effective and was the result of half-hearted or insufficient responses to barriers to SEI. Some believed that control of their life was not in their hands. Their passive approach and attitude towards life was that they could do nothing about their current life situation, either with regard to work or to other significant aspects. After arrival in Australia, for I 54 the first six months were the hardest: a new country, fear of unknown; she did not know anyone, people, tradition, culture, state.

For a few, other types of support, such as wider community support and institutional support, were noticeably absent. Consequently, some respondents were not able or confident to cope well with a new life context, life changes, and their current situation. In passive adaptability, the emphasis is on being reactive and subject to conformity. Some respondents were conformist, conventional, unfamiliar, and not ready to face, and to accept radical life changes and new experiences. They were cautious and used to a slow pace, to a routine and having plenty of time. When the emphasis is on passive adaptability, the main issue for some respondents was to ‘fit in’, to go with the flow, to accept constraints.

Type 3 and Type 4 remained in Theme 6 or Theme 7; for them that is the end, they are not happy, they are not successful in EI; they did not have enough support, or they did not put in enough effort, either from Government or from others, or were not motivated, or personal agency, they did not exercise personal qualities characteristics as did Type 1 and Type 2.

Some life stories showed how the three barriers – lack of systemic knowledge, poor health and advanced age – combined to create the perception that there was no solution for EI in a field commensurate with previous work experience. After arrival, most SRFY remained traumatised by loss – feeling anxiety, a lack of confidence, fear and uncertainty about what the future would bring, what would happen next, what their life would be like in a new, strange environment. Lack of systemic knowledge refers to a lack of knowledge, awareness, and understanding with the new social realities specific to Australia, and lack of knowledge with

201 the workplace culture and standards. For most SRFY belonging to Types 3 and 4, the social integration process was slow and ineffective mainly because of lack of English proficiency, which impeded their communication and development of social ties.

Some respondents considered that overcoming the language barrier would take too long while the time investment would still prove high-risk, and so they concluded it was not worth the sacrifice of effort and resources. Because of the English language barrier, they had to change their previous profession from Yugoslavia and to work in the building industry, because it was easier for them to work without heavy reliance on language and communication skills (I 17, I 27). They adapted by seeking jobs in less language-dependent areas. This in itself required strength, resilience and coping skills.

5.5.2.6. Theme 6: Support

Type 3 and Type 4 reported lack of or inadequate institutional support for their EI, but praised and appreciated other great types of support after arrival. Deficits in organised and informed early involvement to support transition to employment were costly in financial and emotional terms. They also led to loss of confidence and atrophy of skills and previous knowledge and experience.

5.5.2.7. Theme 7: Family

I 12, who, like his wife (I 13), held Serbian fine arts university qualifications, believed that it was worthwhile sacrificing their careers in that profession in order to provide a more secure future for their four children, despite a sense of regret. They were happy in their family life, but regarding their employment they felt like they were ‘losers’, as they do not work in jobs related to their fine art university qualifications, their field of expertise. They cannot summon unreserved positive feelings about how life has changed. Here, as elsewhere, family was a constraint, and a deeper sense of attachment to a former profession and status remained.

Another factor significant for successful EI was the state of the labour market (I 38, I 37 and I 8). Social change included labour market changes: the manufacturing sector is declining with and consequential loss of jobs. For some SRFY, family financial pressure was initially (I 1, I 19, I 29) or continuously permanent (I 12, 13, I 14, I 17), one of the greatest barriers to their SEI. Family prevented I 14, an engineer from Bosnia, from pursuing his profession, compelling him to remain in a roller door contractor underpaid job in order for the family to survive.

202 Linking external pressures to internal factors highlights the interdependencies that already exist between the two categories of barriers. For example, due to the combined action of both lack of English language proficiency and structural barriers, some SRFY were not able to pass professional examinations or satisfy basic requirements to work in their field of expertise.

The EI process was accelerated for some respondents, as they were clear about their EI goal from an early stage and worked constructively toward achieving it. But others did not.

While family pressures are external to the individual, they are very close to home, compared with other structural barriers. Of course, pressure caused by family needs is a combination of family and individual ambitions, on the one hand, and pressures from the wider external environment, on the other. Linking external pressures to internal factors highlights the interdependencies that already exist between the two categories of barriers.

5.5.2.8. Theme 8: Identity

For Types 3 and 4 the main axis of identity was an ethnic identity. Ethnic links help some SRFY to get a job (I 13, I 15, I 18, I 21, I 24, I 25,) but mostly in low status and some low-paid jobs.

This ideal Type 4 suggests that some refugees and migrants (I 53 and I 54) may integrate in a variety of ways that do not require that they submit to larger pressures to assimilate or accommodate themselves to the larger society they have joined (‘free flyers’).

5.5.2.9. Theme 9: Fulfilment

Respondents unsuccessful in their EI never reached Theme 9, as they do not work in a job commensurate to their skills, qualification, education, experience, and potential. Applying the themes to unsuccessful pathways to EI, all unsuccessful respondents reached these sequences but did not go through them. ‘Pragmatic Copers’ and ‘Survivors’ did not have successful EI. They do not have adaptation, motivation, personal agency, support, and were unable able to overcome internal or external barriers to EI. The pathway to EI can be upward or downward and a personal choice – for example, a respondent deciding not to learn English but to find any job to feed the family (I 12).

What we have in this section is integration of nine themes. As evident from the scheme of Type 3 (nine) and Type 4 (30), a total of 39 of 54 respondents have not reached Theme 9. Each type has its own sequences and characteristics that are temporally oriented, as a process

203 that evolves in time. I used stages as they were, and followed that line or arrow, as a sequence, and then we developed these life course journeys of respondents and a typology to EI. There is a big difference between being active, having vision and clear goals, knowing your pathway and on the other side, not having clear goals, no vision, and passively walking your pathway. All four types, regardless of EI outcomes, believe this is the best country in the world.

Table 5.14 (see below) identifies the most salient (visible) characteristics of each EI type.

204 Table 5.14: EI Types

Type 1: The ‘Adaptive Professional’ Type 2: The ‘Hero’ -a positive attitude and high level of effort -clear goals and took firm decisions after invested in the pursuit of EI. arrival and progressed steadily along that -individual and family goals and hence EI pathway, regardless of barriers and long-term patterns largely determined by individual additional education they had to undertake in qualities and decisions which stem from order to reach their primary goal to work in that orientation. their previous profession. -a particular profession in the pre- -successful in their SEI, led well-balanced, migration stage and had worked in that happy and fulfilled lives. profession in the former Yugoslavia. -after -had clear long-term goals to work in their migration, they confronted SEI barriers, previous profession. They were extreme cases adapted to the new social environment, of the ‘Adaptive Professional’ type ‘on and found success in that new steroids’, given their ‘heroic’ determination to environment by changing a previous succeed in SEI in Australia. profession, not wanting to work again in -determined to succeed, persevering through that profession, but to reach their desired years and years of sacrifice and re-education to profession. regain lost professional roles. -did not want to start at the bottom and -a long journey was necessary to achieve their decided that was a logical EI path for professional goal. them; displayed strong internal -not satisfied with their situation and job status characteristics that increased their agency and wanted to explore a new pathway. and capacity to overcome EI barriers. -invested time and effort in retraining and -look for chances and opportunities and education over a period of years. accept opportunities when they arose. -the path of re-entry looks to be predominantly -enjoyed the creative part of their job, linked to particular occupations and where they could combine individual consequently entrenched in the historical ability and individual attitudes. timing of explicit labour market needs and -had courage in facing new challenges and contexts. cognitive flexibility to learn, rooted in the -had a strong desire or need for autonomy and belief that learning new things is exciting. independence,

205 - individual factors for successful journeys -did not accept a lower salary and a lower included clear goals, strong motivation standard of living working in a factory as a and resilience, determination and a long- process worker. term vision. -had effective, active coping strategies, taking on new education and employment opportunities that positively contributed and helped their EI. -chose to be underemployed or unemployed initially in order to upgrade qualifications and skills to attain EI and to work in their field of expertise. -managed to deal with and were able to overcome all their SEI problems. This slow and steady process of EI created a solid foundation for those who reported high levels of job and life satisfaction.

Type 3: The ‘Pragmatic Coper’ Type 4: The ‘Survivor’ -settled for medium and low-skilled -did not want and had not tried to pursue occupations. professional practice in their original fields of -mainly concerned with the loss of job expertise. security. -struggled to find a suitable option; some -successful in gaining long-term settled in a new pathway of EI, which was employment and financial stability working in an inadequate job for the sake of -stated that they were happy with the job the family. they were doing at the moment, despite it - took any job as soon as possible, with no not being their dream job; it had a plans for further job prospects. functional purpose, not a self-fulfilment -initially felt vulnerable and the need for function. security was critical; the meaning of home as a -some became small business owners to place to rebuild traumatized and suffering lives avoid unemployment or had enormous significance. underemployment. -after arrival, remained traumatised by loss.

206 -used different standards to evaluate EI -they were not able to overcome internal, experiences and attainments. psychological and/or external, structural -the current job and situation were a barriers due to severe psychological impacts. means to wider ends. -pursued family goals over EI and adapted. -realistic and were aware that directional job change was not possible at this stage.

5.6. Discussion of policy implications

For policy makers, integration in terms of employment, income and occupational status has been of major concern. Analysis for policy development purposes identifies the specific drivers and barriers for each type of EI experience and then develops recommendations that are sensitive to these drivers and barriers. The result is Table 5.14 (above), clearly showing the correspondence between drivers and barriers and policy recommendations for each of the four EI types.

The EI of new migrants in the host country has been a crucial measure of success of immigration policy in OECD countries (Coppel et al., 2001). The Department for Work and Pensions’ (DWP’s) Refugee Employment Strategy emphasises the importance of employment: “employment is a key area for refugees who are building their new lives in the UK” (Spencer, 2004: 256). Peters (2015 a: 126, see also Peters, 2015 b) explains that that the main role of the policy maker is to define clearly the problem that must be resolved. Resolution or solution may not be easy but it is at least potentially analysable and a possible course of action may be more understandable. Inconsistencies occur amid government policies intended at EI success for skilled refugees and migrants and their lived experience. After their arrival, unemployment, underemployment, downward occupational mobility is often the reality they face. We do not have an overall effective strategy for refugee and migrant EI. Most research into migration has been outcome-oriented and policy makers do not have enough knowledge and insight into context and dynamics of the EI process of refugees and migrants.

The subsequent outcome of EI is that Type 1 can change and develop their possible EI paths and build capabilities, competencies, and proficiencies to achieve EI success. By examining how the pathways were formed, we are able to identify more clearly the agentic role

207 played by refugees and migrants in pursuing their own EI goals and in achieving EI outcomes. Types 1 and 2 showed that EI can be attained and managed to some extent if they make it a conscious process, and thereby proactively make positive changes. Individual agency was not exercised in isolation. EI for Types 1 and 2 emerged as a collaborative process: EI success and desired EI outcome depended as much on the individual’s efforts as on the support of others in personal and structural contexts.

The prerequisite for work insurance eligibility to enter labour market training programmes must be reviewed for refugees. This constraint (work insurance eligibility) puts refugees in an unbearable situation. If a refugee has suitable language proficiency, they must be entitled to participate, regardless of having limited experience in Australia. Participants successful in their EI relied on having the skills and the drive to push it forward. I 28 did not need to go through lengthy adaptation because he was skilled and prepared, and his engineering profession was in high demand. Support from relatives, family and individual qualities contributed to success and evidence that EI is never outside a social context.

Types 1 and 2 engagement in the mainstream community was an opportunity to establish and maintain friendships and possible links for their EI. Nevertheless, the main principle of EI is that refugee and migrants generate new prospects or utilise the prospects provided by the positive changes or moderate the negative impact of the adverse circumstances through adaptation strategies. Thus, Types 1 and 2 organised their experiences in different contexts and in relation to their life circumstances in order to successfully integrate. EI outcomes of all types were shaped at the intersection of family goals and situation, institutional support, social and economic context. Individual agency demonstrated in Type 1 has been evident and reflected in individual decisions about EI and dependent on EI satisfaction levels experienced in line with the respondents’ personal characteristics (resilience, never-give-up attitude, cognitive flexibility, avoiding conformity, using active problem solving, having confidence), family and work contexts. Personal, family, contextual and structural drivers and barriers influenced refugee and migrant EI process and pathways. As decisions were made about EI, they were impacted by the network of interlinked and interacting drivers and barriers that considerably influenced pathways. This resulted in refugees and migrants being initiated into successful pathways. These pathways also reflected the reciprocal influence of structural, contextual, individual drivers and an ability of respondents from Type 1 to overcome internal and external barriers. Australia needs to increase its human capital by selecting refugee and migrants who are better qualified in relevant areas than the national average.

208 Type 2 adapted to the new life context and invented a new way of dealing with SEI. They had effective, active coping strategies that positively contributed to their EI. An adaptation approach to attaining SEI is one in which the participants are open-minded about the change, are willing to take risks and aim to change a situation to their advantage or sometimes change their thinking to adjust to a situation they cannot change. Nothing is more powerful than a personal refugee story that helps to better understand how they were able to excel and attain SEI despite all odds. A win-win situation for refugees, migrants and society is EI outcomes where they work in jobs according to their qualifications, educational level, experience and skills, when they are able to remove and overcome EI barriers, and when successful EI improves life satisfaction and well-being. Types 1 and 2 develop their own strategies and plans that enable them to achieve better SEI and in turn enhance their life satisfaction and well-being. In policies there remains room for improvement. There should be more professional placement opportunities and or case managers to help people whose skills are highly sought in the labour market to help find jobs and not lose benefits of existing skills (e.g., I 30). I 29 needed 11 years of updating her skills to work again in her medical profession: more adequate information is needed and more support to reduce that time. I 19’s heroic story gives us an opportunity to see how great determination, hard work and study contributed: he paid additional law subject expenses himself; he was frustrated by Government lack of understanding of his needs and he criticised the bureaucratic approach taken by some Centrelink officials. Very few government and non-government organization programmes and initiatives removed barriers to EI of SRFY, but personal agency, readiness and effort contributed mostly for successful SEI. Whenever possible, Government should invest in human capital; placing a premium on education is essential. Information that is more effective is needed to reach migrants and refugees.

In order to understand and to solve the problem of EI over time, in Type 3, it is absolutely necessary to locate it in an institutional context. Type 3 were mainly concerned with loss of job security, were flexible, adaptive, pursued family goals over EI and consequently settled for medium and low-skilled occupations. They achieved employment in any field, even if it was not commensurate with their previous qualifications and experience. However, they were successful in gaining long-term employment and financial stability. Some university- educated SRFY with high levels of professional expertise, did not have necessary language proficiency in order to perform efficiently (I 3, I 16, I 44, I 27, I 53), or had difficulties in acquiring the professional credentials needed to work in their field of expertise (I 46, I 5) or

209 did not try (I 9). Therefore, there is a need for better EI reinforced programmes. There must be provision for supplementary skill and professional development training for those whose skills are not transferable to the Australian setting.

Certain needs of SRFY were not continuously addressed, despite Australia’s obligation to refugees for their SEI. Examples of respondents who finished IT or other additional education and were not able to find a job support this argument. I 32 finished an IT support, TAFE two-year course but was not able to find a job in the field. In response to barriers such as exclusion, segregation and discrimination, some Types 3 and 4 focused on ethnic support networks and links that helped them to get a job at whatever level. We need to study what resources community and funds were helpful and how often the formal established structures failed to meet or even notice needs of refugees and migrants in the host country. Type 3 need to be given the opportunity to use their knowledge, skills, experience, education, capacity and capability to help themselves. Positive SEI results can be attained by providing a long-term service sensitive to refugee problems and needs, such as Job Network- or Centrelink-sponsored intensive training, or a chance for a professional placement.

Both similarities and differences between individual pathways point to EI barriers and drivers in ways that are not articulated by respondents. Such insights can be used at higher levels of policy and community action. The outside influences have a vital part in the determining of EI paths over time for Type 3 respondents, either by giving help and support, and enabling EI, or by generating and imposing challenges and barriers. The settings, habits and circumstances that happen or do not within the context are relevant for their EI outcomes. Some EI drivers may take years to permeate down to the individual level, whereas others may have an immediate impact. For example, economic context was a barrier for a few because they had no opportunity for EI due to global economic changes (I 8, I 32, I 37, I 38, and I 39). Social, institutional, economic, political, family and cultural contexts cause changes in the timing and sequencing of life transitions and EI pathways.

It is important to inform policy makers about integration and well-being aspects of Australian citizens of migrant background. Organisations can consider these issues while planning human resource policies with regard to facilitating refugee and migrant balance in the personal and professional sphere through organisational support and opportunities, training, freedom to design job, flexible policies, and mentoring. Policies need to be tailored to context. Positive SEI results can be attained by ensuring and enabling a long-term service sensitive to

210 refugee problems. In acknowledgement that refugees face specific employment integration barriers, a variety of recommendations has been proposed. There is a necessity for targeted programs focussed on refugees and migrants at all stages of adaptation in order to help overcome barriers: distinct case managing and recommendation services, where case managers provide thorough help to support EI results, they provide less formal as-needed support. There must be various mentoring programs with an EI focus. Information and training on Australian work culture and structures are wanted. Work experience placement programs must be provided, such as paid or unpaid placements and traineeships.

There are important issues, given the negative individual and social consequences for underutilisation of skills such as loss of skills, marginalisation, and exclusion. These were experiences of severe disruption and dramatic events, like economic crisis, civil war, loss of everything, and family separation. Somehow SRFY have to overcome those traumatic events and life disruptions after coming to Australia to find better life, another opportunity, economic, social, and looking for a new start, for better, prosper and safer life.

EI pathways had four migration stages. The pre-migration stage contained stories of civil war loss and trauma – a significant historical point of reference. Type 4 remained traumatised by loss. The study’s results shed more light on recent processes within Type 4 and inform institutional practice about a range of personal-psychological, family, and other problems affecting this group. Respondents struggled to find suitable options, and did not want and had not tried to pursue professional practice in their original fields of expertise. They were not successful in their EI. They did not have adaptation, motivation, personal agency or support, and were unable able to overcome internal or external barriers. Some, living more or less permanently on low incomes, especially when only one family member is working, are vulnerable. Their difficulties may stem not so much from the threat of unemployment as such as from their inability to build up a stock of savings should things go wrong. They can be pushed into poverty should they face even a relatively small crisis. They are caught in a low- pay cycle, because getting into low-paid jobs does not result in stable employment. This suggests that policy makers should put more emphasis on how people develop from their first job. Policies relevant to such objectives could involve counselling for career development, and interventions in local labour markets.

Enduring underemployment and unemployment for Type 4 is usually coupled with exclusionary mechanisms, and hence negatively affects most aspects of some SRFY. Their

211 disadvantage carries on through their education, or lack of it. Specific help is needed for Type 4 and long-term underemployed/unemployed SRFY. It is not necessary or desirable that it should come only from government. Innovative policies are likely to involve a mixture of agencies (non-profitable organisations, charities). Government resources should be used to provide extra security for Type 4 and other investment that creates an effective economic milieu. Policies need to be tailored to the context and situation of respondents. Direct funding of employment and income-generating actions might be helpful and advantageous for refugees.

The focus should be on equality of opportunity, but also presume economic redistribution. There is a need to respond to changing influences on inequality as well as its changing patterns. It is suggested that the state not just react to inequality and poverty. It must enter the life circumstances of individuals and groups involved. Adequate policies need to minimise situations where underemployment or unemployment brings about social exclusion. Countering social exclusion means tackling inequality on a wide front. The life circumstances of refugees and migrants need to be improved and protected, because otherwise short-term periods of unemployment and underemployment become more permanent. Their EI is contingent on programmes which allow changing their skill and qualifications so that they can be used in the new environment. Deficits in organised and informed early involvement to support transition to employment are costly in financial and emotional terms. The consequences of uncertainty and unsuccessful EI are high stress, a negative impact on life satisfaction, and adverse physical and psychological health and well-being. Government policy should reconcile work with domestic obligations, and not downgrade the needs of those outside the labour market. It has to tackle problems of dependency, isolation, and lack of self- fulfilment, whenever and wherever they arise. In tandem with active social investment, this can in turn lead to the involvement of groups previously marginalized in the labour market.

The problems refugees and migrants face today require a new, robust and wide-ranging social agenda. Government should have a social conscience, giving opportunity for aspiration. Future policies may need to be less rigid, less obsessive, less directed by public prejudice and more humane than they had become by the 1990s. Policy should leave behind ineffective ‘static’ approaches. There is a need to rebuild state capacity. Government should seek to create macro stability, establish the norms of trust and social decency, promote investment in education, contain inequality, provide equal opportunities, tolerance and appreciation, discourage intolerance and discrimination, promote investment in education, and guarantee opportunities for individual self-realisation.

212 Respondents confirm deficiency of targeted employment support services for refugee applicants and there are warnings that absence of suitable and adequate post-arrival and ongoing longer-term help might be contributing to worsening EI results for refugees. The explanations for inferior EI results in Government employment services are partly because of traumatic refugee experience, together with interrupted education and work continuity, language proficiency obstacles, health and other adaptation problems. Information and services provided to refugees are insufficient or unsuitable to their needs and there is absence and deficiency of information collected on employment support service results and outcomes. Positive EI results for Type 4 refugees can be accomplished through funding professional programs. Better services are needed for successful refugee EI together with professional services that recognize variances amid refugee groups, their cultures and needs, that employ people who are fluent in different languages, that work thoroughly with ethnic employers, that have much closer contacts and relations with employers generally, that deliver information in the suitable form about industrial relations in Australia, and that are able to connect with local settlement services.

Recommendations include a community development method that is constructed on local capability, local necessities and values of fairness and justice to construct community capability: facilities and services providing EI assistance, preparation, development and job hunt support; creative programmes assisting small business expansion; better services promoting and networking with employers; services providing support with skills and qualification recognition; English language programs with emphasis on EI; post-employment follow-up and support.

Interpretation and analysis of interview responses helped to get an in-depth insight into sources of major life satisfaction and dissatisfaction of SRFY in Australia, the sense of relationships in the family and the community, the way in which problematic situations have been defined and dealt with, and the beliefs, activities, and relationships to which the individual SRFY is most committed. It gave a more complete picture of SEI of SRFY and their individual and family development in Australia.

SEI of SRFY takes place at every possible level, in every part in society and includes an extensive web of stakeholders and institutions. Employment integration of refugees and migrants should be central to political and public discourse on refugee and migration policy in Australia. Notwithstanding numerous policy involvements in the last three decades, and

213 delivery of refugee and migrant services, obstacles to refugee employment integration continue to exist.

A policy implication and goal of the study was to inform policy makers why they could not plan EI policy and processes without an awareness of the life experiential dimension in the context of hardship- induced migration. Refugee stories implied that we do not have an overall effective strategy for refugee and migrant EI. There is a need to avoid high social and personal costs related to refugee and migrant underemployment and unemployment. Refugees and migrants should not be denied the chance to live fulfilling lives.

This study is important because migration policies for the most part focus on quantitative modelling and data, while this research relies on real-life experiences and as such needs to be considered when providing and making policies that will affect people’s lives. Most research in the migration area has been outcome-oriented and policy makers do not have enough knowledge and insight into the context and dynamics of the EI process of refugees and migrants. The uniqueness of each individual, their life stories and their experiences should be taken into account when deciding on migration policies and employment profiling and policies.

There are significant social and policy implications, particularly in terms of policies for better, more effective EI. The insider perspective provides policy makers with information about processes (including drivers and barriers to EI) and outcomes (represented by various understanding of success in EI) in a wider social integration context. Discussion, analysis and development of EI pathways and development of a typology of EI potentially helps policy makers by informing them about specific EI determinants and obstacles. The study demonstrated that employing SRFY in jobs relevant to their skills, education and experience is potentially rich in benefits for Australia.

Analysis of life course pathways and subsequent typology of EI advances understanding of refugee EI experiences of SRFY in Australia, and that encompasses empirical, methodological and theoretical contributions.

This study will have a positive impact on policies and programs intended at helping SEI of refugees and migrants in Australia and of all members of the community. The study has provided a subject-experiential evidence base for policy development and social change. It has provided justification of policy options and recommendations to be implemented by government in order to improve EI of refugees and migrants. The results inform institutional practice about situations and problems affecting SRFY. They also inform refugee and migrant

214 policy and have potential to improve refugee and migrant well-being and community welfare policy. All these study contributions constitute knowledge of value to organisations, individuals and policy makers about factors that make it easy or difficult for refugee and migrant EI. This knowledge will benefit refugees, migrants and employers in understanding their potential, reframing goals and in charting EI paths. This evidence could also be entrenched in the process of constructing better refugee and migrant adaptation and integration policies. Analysis of SEI of SRFY provides new insights of potential value to refugees, migrants, employers and policy makers.

Based on data as evidence, it has been concluded that SRFY refugee and migrant life satisfaction or dissatisfaction is linked with positive (successful EI) or negative EI outcomes (unsuccessful EI). This may be of assistance in building measures and models of EI and life satisfaction for specific communities and in providing suggestions and intervention strategies to improve the work and life satisfaction of migrants. The importance of an analysis of refugee EI over time is that it creates certainty and establishes better life satisfaction and wellbeing for refugees living in changing times. Findings (Chapter 4) and discussion (Chapter 5) about SEI barriers of SRFY belonging to types 3 and 4 (not successful in their EI in Australia) will have important policy effects for Government, professional licence bodies and employers.

We cannot begin to effectively address SEI needs and problems of Serbian refugees without approaching them on an individual level to understand their individual problems and difficulties. Only then can successful employment integration services and projects be modified, both within and outside the government continuum, to meet their real needs. Respondents’ individual perceptions on processes and outcomes of EI give policy makers information and opportunities to understand how to configure policies better. SRFY life stories provide maps for themselves to repair the damage that civil war in the former Yugoslavia has done to their life, to their sense of where they were in their life, and where they may be going.

Through analysis and discussion of EI pathways and typology of EI, the study answered the research question regarding refugee EI experiences as to why some Serbian refugees are successful in their employment integration and work in jobs relevant to their qualifications and skills and others are not. Only when SRFY changing life and EI designs were reconceived as a positive alteration to a number of interconnecting settings and contexts could more complex analysis reveal the reasons for this.

215 Findings and analysis in typology to EI confirmed that there is good case for special EI programs for refugees. Three main themes of expected refugee EI outcomes belonging to types 1 and 2 include removing EI barriers, improving their life satisfaction; SRFY achieved EI linked with fulfilment and higher life satisfaction. Analysis of respondents belonging to types 1 and 2 enabled better understanding of the key barriers to SEI factors, processes and outcomes that contributed to their SEI success. Unemployment and underemployment of refugees belonging to types 3 and 4, who were unsuccessful in their EI, represented avoidable losses and costs to individuals and society. These comprise, for example, low pay and standard of life, dissatisfaction, exclusion, marginalisation, and higher health care expenses. The study asks for the modification and amendment of refuge and migrants’ SEI policies that will accommodate and institutionalize the new refugee EI pathways and subsequent EI typology that have much to contribute to Australia’s economic and social progress.

The study has emphasized the importance of the connection between research and practice and can serve as a relevant reference for public policy practitioners and academics, advocating for qualitative, real-life analysis alongside quantitative data. Further tangible steps are needed in the design and execution of refugee EI policies that are effective in helping newcomers in their efforts to attain successful EI.

5.7. Summary

The goal of this Chapter was to inform policy makers in planning EI policy and processes with an awareness of the life experiential dimension in a context of hardship-induced migration.

Analysis for policy development purposes identified the specific drivers and barriers for each type of EI experience and then produced recommendations that are sensitive to these. I examined refugee EI experiences in order to gain insights into social and institutional contexts. Using a longer time for exploration of respondents’ experiences revealed EI pathways and types. Boundaries between these EI types are porous and refugees cut across them during different stages of SEI and individual settings. The human capital of the interviewed sample of SRFY was on average very high, so that the prevalence of unsatisfactory EI outcomes cannot be adequately explained by focusing solely on lack of human capital.

216 Chapter 5 has identified refugee and migrant life course typology, pathways to EI over time that will constitute knowledge of value to organisations, individuals, and policy makers about drivers that make it easy or difficult for refugee and migrant EI. Findings (Chapter 4) and discussion (Chapter 5) about SEI barriers of SRFY will have important policy effects for Government, professional licensing bodies and employers.

More Government support for refugees and migrants is needed in order not to lose great range of refugee and migrant skills, qualifications and valuable work experience. What is urgently needed from Government are programs to empower refugees and migrants to participate in additional programmes that are essential for them to be able to catch up with fast- evolving technologies and consequent access to newly created jobs.

217 Chapter 6: Contributions and policy implications of the study

The following sections elaborate on the key policy implications, theoretical and practical contributions of this research, the limitations of the thesis, and recommendations for further study.

6.1. Empirical contributions of the study

From the evaluation and critical analysis of empirical and theoretical literature related to refugee EI, it has been found that researchers and policy makers have limited information about refugee EI experiences and pathways over time. Rarely do studies address how refugee achieve or fail in EI from a long-term perspective. Study enabled significant understanding, explaining and illuminating SRFY EI experiences and pathways that cannot be drawn from numerical tables. Study of individual EI experiences of SRFY in Australia connected the trajectory of their personal lives to large social changes, such as the civil conflict in the former Yugoslavia and consequent exodus to Australia.

The empirical contribution consists in documenting refugees’ experiences of employment integration over time. In-depth insight and advanced elaboration of EI experiences over time of specific ethnic group (SRFY) of the 1990s cohort was the main contribution. Its most relevant part the exploration of vital yet neglected refugee stories and voices from the former Yugoslavia. SRFY shared their personal, SEI experiences that affirmed their uniqueness, their brief but rich chronological happenings and perceptions, and their determination to get their opinions to a discussion that had before sidelined and disregarded the importance of their exodus. The stories that SRFY provided allowed for profound understanding of the changing aspects that shaped their life through their social integration, employment integration and family. Nothing is more powerful than personal refugee stories that help us to better understand how some were able to excel and attain SEI despite all odds. Exploring SRFY voices in search of insights and understanding into what their EI experiences over time have been, and how they made sense of those experiences, results in better-informed understanding of the obstacles to skill utilisation encountered by this distinct group. This confirms why study of SRFY EI experiences in Australia was not only relevant, but also appropriate.

The study has examined the SEI experiences of a highly skilled Serbian refugee group from the former Yugoslavia in Australia. It focused on revealing EI experiences over time,

218 comprising the motivations, rationales and struggles of SRFY in the new context and situation. Deeper insight and knowledge of experiential dynamics of SEI of refugee and migrants over time at micro level is an empirical and practical contribution to the body of knowledge. That in-depth insight via personal refugee experiences of EI over time makes this study stand out and be different from others.

The study supplemented existing macro-level research and complemented other studies by exploring SRFY voices. It examined how Serbian refugees from the former Yugoslavia adapted and responded to different situations and how they themselves perceived their SEI in Australia. The study revealed how SRFY organised their experiences in different contexts and in relation to their life circumstances in order to successfully integrate in Australia and Australian workplaces. It demonstrated that listening to respondents’ views, perceptions and experiences about their life and EI experiences, processes and pathways will provide a different but relevant perspective on refugee and migrant EI over time.

Personal accounts of SRFY’s SEI experiences are important and contribute to better understanding and in-depth insight into SEI determinants, barriers, processes, outcomes and pathways. The study has explored not only EI experiences of SRFY, but also their main events, social and political context, background, their emotions, values, culture, attitudes, perceptions, identity, and their life generally in the last 20 or so years.

The study developed a clearer understanding of the EI experiences of an ethnic minority group that has remained under-explored in SEI and migration research. The study was based on SRFY life, education, employment history and experiences in the former Yugoslavia and in Australia, taking into account the pre-migration stage, after arrival, and their current situation. Analysis of EI experiences of SRFY focused on changes in events, employment and educational trajectories within individuals (Figures 5.2, 5.3).

This study complements previous research by providing useful insights into SRFY SEI experiences over time. A wealth of data on SRFY social, familial, educational, and employment histories and experiences, their past, present and future aspirations, and other life events was collected in the period from 1990 to 2016 on their life in the former Yugoslavia and in Australia by means of semi-structured interviews in January-February 2016. It explored what difficulties and barriers SRFY faced before migration, during the transition period and after 20 to 25 years in Australia. Empirical qualitative research tracked their EI over timeframes exceeding 20 years. Empirical evidence from their statements and analysis of their experiences over time

219 showed that most (two thirds) of these highly skilled workers from the former Yugoslavia did not find the necessary level of integration in their new social and employment circumstances.

Recognizing the uniqueness of each SRFY life experience and the impact of different life experiences on their SEI patterns, processes and pathways enabled better understanding of their SEI in Australia. Investigation integrated and addressed social context, person dynamics and system dynamics in the last 20 years in order to provide in-depth insight of SEI processes of those who came to Australia in the 1990s. SRFY are not merely people who come to Australia from another country, but rather have a dynamic variety of roles, experiences, meanings, values, circumstances, motive and aspirations.

The study has enabled better understanding of the key SEI factors, processes and outcomes that contribute to or hamper SEI success. Descriptive analysis of SEI factors, processes and outcomes in their own right provided valued insights about SRFY experiences. It determined major refugee pathways in the employment integration experiences and provided detailed insights into their EI trajectories and pathways in the last 20-25 years in Australia. Using a longer time for exploration of SRFY EI experiences and pathways revealed more relationships and effects. These were experiences of severe disruption and dramatic events such as economic crisis, civil war, loss of everything, and family separation. Somehow SRFY have to overcome those traumatic events and life disruptions after coming to Australia to find a better life, another opportunity, for a better, prosperous and safer life.

SRFY exposed their emotions and views, discussed their exodus, their handling of suffering, loss and trauma, their ambitions, plans, tactics, their educational and employment history and pathways, family, social and challenges and barriers, and their life satisfaction. Revealing all these provided voices that told of the drastic change that is occurring at the very centre of our society and our communities.

6.2. Theoretical contribution of the study

Various theoretical views HC (Coulombe et al., 2014; Guliz, 2016) SC (Lancee and Hartung, 2012; Kanas et al., 2012), LMS (Hipólito et al., 2014; Ho and Alcorso, 2016), and structuration theory (ST) (Giddens, 2001; Shanahan et al. 2016) were analysed to help formulate the methodological and conceptual framework developed in this study. An original contribution lies in filling the research gaps found in a critical analysis and evaluation of the empirical and theoretical literature (Chapter 2). The study combined theoretical considerations from HC theory (Tong et al., 2018; Wen and Maani, 2018), SC theory (Lancee, 2012; Cingano

220 and Rosolia, 2012), labour market segmentation theory (Jackson and Bauder, 2013; Fellini, 2018), and LC theory (Elder and Giele, 2009) with research on refugee and migrant SEI over time. Hence, integration of multiple theoretical perspectives and approaches gave us more comprehensive and reliable insights about the EI of SRFY. The theories are used to help explain: EI pathways, types of EI, processes, barriers, drivers and outcomes that form EI pathways. Built on previous theoretical frameworks and models, the study has created a new typology of EI pathways over time and provided better understanding of these. By analysing refugee experiences, their EI trajectories and patterns, the study induces the key matters, predicaments and ambiguities pertinent to EI pathways. By determining major refugee pathways in the EI experience and providing detailed insights into EI trajectories, the theoretical contribution has been the expansion of analysis and discussion of EI to become ‘EI over time’, tested by examining the individual EI pathways of and types of 54 SRFY respondents.

Discussion and analysis in Chapter 5 of refugee EI pathways shows that a number of contextual, structural drivers, EI barriers, and refugee and migrant characteristics are related to better or poorer SEI outcomes and success. Refugee EI pathways showed the process of the likelihood of failure and success and possible outcomes reflected in the typology of EI. While the typology may be incomplete, the study provided a sound methodological, theoretical and empirical basis for the implementation of research studies of this kind. The proposed typology is open to additions through future studies, but the identified types can be consider sufficiently generic to provide recommendations for policy development and social change. The typology itself is a theoretical contribution.

Analysis of EI pathways and the typology help explain how insights from the study can be potentially used to plan and manage different events in personal and professional life leading to personal SEI exclusion or failure and prosperity or success.

The specifics of the EI pathways are analysed from the interviews of the 54 SRFY. Using time diagrams, we were able to trace individual EI pathways, and then we were able to identify patterns of refugee EI experience that were aggregated into EI typology. By undertaking this analysis, we identified key drivers and barriers that influenced, and made the difference between, refugee success and failure in EI.

Discussion and analysis of individual EI pathways and types in Sections 5.1 and 5.2 helped outline and extend our understanding of EI of refugees and migrants. Analysis of

221 pathways consisted in linking events to process and consequently outcome of SRFY. Such analysis and then grouping these into ‘ideal types’ of life course journeys gave a more nuanced insight into refugee EI over time. This yielded better understanding of positive and negative EI outcomes. Grouping into types enabled a comparison of the different timing of various pathways, again to offer insight into achieving SEI success.

The conceptual contribution through the expansion of analysis and discussion of EI to EI over time, tested by examining the individual pathways and types points to a further contribution of this study.

The study provided a broad account of the effects of migration on SEI processes and outcomes, and in particular showed the temporal, dynamic relationship between them. Analysis demonstrates that there are individual, structural and contextual drivers, internal and external barriers to respondents’ EI, and other elements which together shape EI pathways and types over time.

While the investigation partially and moderately endorses the theoretical prospects concerning the structuring effect of a refugee’s or migrant’s age, they offer sufficient evidence on the significance of the timing of events and the temporal aspects of SEI, as indicated by the effect of age at migration and the combined effect of years of residence on SEI. The latter finding is especially significant since it highlights that a driver’s effect might be time- dependent. Refugee and migrant SEI is structured and patterned over the life course. Of particular importance here is the focus on temporal organization as the common denominator that allows accumulation of scientific data in a form that lends itself to a search for the interconnections between individual life changes of SRFY and dynamic fluctuations in larger social systems. Subsequent analysis synthesised, summarized and extended significance by presenting EI pathways and types, which has proved useful in examining the SEI outcomes and also strengthened the need for recognition of the interconnectedness of SEI factors and barriers.

The findings in Chapter 4 related to refugee EI experiences, factors and barriers, and the discussion in Chapter 5 showed how EI pathways and types were formed. Using semi- structured interviews, I found general support for four ideal types of life course typology of refugee EI. SRFY belonging to types 1 and 2 were successful in their EI. SRFY belonging to types 3 and 4 went down the path of exclusion and marginalisation, and that enabled a comparison of the different timing of various EI pathways, which was useful for planning for future success.

222 Pathways and types of EI helped illuminate the particular employment integration determinants and obstacles confronted by refugees looking for to take gain of their educational and professional qualifications in Australian labour market.

The use of LCA and the inclusion of a broad range of spheres in the interviewer life courses – individual, family, community and institutional – produced a rich and varied description of ‘life course journeys/types’, and EI pathways across the 54 interviews conducted. Grouping individual EI pathways into types enabled a comparison of the different timing of various EI pathways.

A theoretical and methodological contribution was to clarify and explain why EI happened in one period rather than another and in some refugees and not others. The clarifications suggested mostly fall into three sections that relate to the simple model of the LC. The first category of explanation concentrates on personal agency and the drives that depict the individuals. A second category follows up the social connections between an individual’s near world and his or her characteristic EI adaptation. A third reveals a relationship between cultural and time-based settings and their impact on EI.

Furthermore, the study focused on the interrelations of structural and personal dynamics through an individual working life and explored how their determining by structural forces changes to social processes of cooperation between the individual, social links, structures and institutions. This unlocked new perspectives on the correlation between social structure and agency, social mobility and individual development. These SRFY life courses exemplified the most distinctive area for investigation and analysis.

Another theoretical contribution in my study is related to mapping out life course (LC) pathways of EI of SRFY. My typology of EI pathways is my theoretical contribution and the results are complementary to macro-level approaches. Insider perspectives to complement outsider perspectives in the literature showed how this complementarity has been achieved.

6.3. Contribution to the literature

SRFY data on SEI in Australia stand at the centre of their individual lives. The basic data from the LSIA were replaced by first-hand data about SRFY, to supplement with specific study of SRFY groups who reported retrospectively on their experiences and prospectively about current events, EI transitions and perceptions. Data on first generation SRFY are presented, and the challenges they confronted in seeking SEI in Australian society are

223 reviewed. The most informative records have been educational and EI accounts or longitudinal EI data of SRFY and their main life happenings over time in Australia.

The value of the study is in using a unique SRFY data set, and an innovative study of their EI experiences, EI processes and EI trajectories.

Qualitative investigation is best performed through the words of those it search for to understand and the most dynamic and useful, evolving tool for this was LCA. This research adopted a qualitative rather than quantitative method to collecting and analysing data of SRFY in Australia, in order to deliver a rich and in-depth insight and understanding of their experience of EI over time. It offered possibility to listen to the voice of the marginalised individual, too often quantified, generalised and silenced in quantitative studies. It complemented and enhanced previous quantitative research by providing useful insights into the SRFY SEI.

A methodological contribution was the study’s capacity to explore simultaneously several dimensions of the SRFY LC over lengthy period of time. The study explored life courses under conditions of social separations and breaks, with the civil war as a turning point, and the impact of institutional settings and frameworks on life courses and EI. In this way, knowledge and insight about EI are expanded and enriched. A new life course analysis approach encompassed broader EI elements – EI factors, barriers, process and outcomes – and captured the paradigm shift in perceptions of refugee and migrant personal success. Micro or individual approaches to life course analysis and exploration of refugee EI is a relevant contribution to knowledge. This new methodological concept of EI was elaborated and validated in Chapter 3, and applied and discussed in Chapters 4 and 5.

LCA enabled better understanding of the reasons for the unavoidable variations that do happen to people in the same ethnic group. It produced a new methodological framework for EI which allows us to better understand such EI experiences over time. Results of the exploration went a step further by providing not only a methodological framework related to context and dynamic of refugee and migrant EI, but also providing analysis that enabled focus on investigating EI determinants, processes and pathways of SRFY. The SEI is structured and patterned over the life course.

These SRFY life courses represented the most distinct area for investigation and examination. The study illustrates how SRFY life stories and SEI experiences help unearth subjective perceptions of the self, the social person and society. Analysing this SEI from a LC outlook provides a better understanding of the effects of duration and timing on EI pathways.

224 By undertaking this exploration, we outlined main determinants and obstacles that influenced and made the difference between success and failure in EI.

Of the two key methods in this examination, the interpretive approach (LCA) and thematic analysis of transcribed interview recordings, the second was applied in order to gain a deeper, richer analysis of SRFY EI experiences over time in Australia. The study focused on the individual or micro level in order to reconstruct longitudinal change in EI of specific ethnic group EI experiences over time and that constituted one of the very few studies of EI of such a group using the life course method.

Through interviews, the investigator collected information on historical framework (location), relationships in employment and other social settings (linked lives), subjective features of significance and satisfaction (human agency), and event histories in employment and education (timing). By constructing educational and employment histories of SRFY from chains of important life events that encompass markers by age or calendar time, the researcher was in a situation to analyse the influencing EI determinants relevant to age of the person, historical or chronological settings, and the standards that formed individual responses.

The LCA method allowed the investigator to clarify and explain individual perceptions based upon an exploration and analysis of respondents’ experiences. An interpretive approach to this qualitative inquiry produced a thoughtful, relevant and practical research study. The study presented an argument for a qualitative, individual-oriented study of SEI. The LCA method to data creation and data interpretation was designed to contribute to scholarly research by revealing the complexity of the EI process EI of Serbian refugees from the former Yugoslavia in Australia and contribute to methodological development related to refugee and migrant life course transitions in the changing contexts of the early 21st century.

While most refugee and migrant EI studies are quantitative, this study uses thematic analysis and a life course analysis method for refugee and migrant EI to explore the experiences of a specific ethnic group.

Based on the literature review, research gaps and consequent research questions that emerged, the contextualist methodological approach adopted here is based on three interrelating, but analytically separate focuses: first, time and events (employment and education history) as under-utilized dimensions for refugee EI experiences over time; second, subjective EI experiences as a concept that qualitatively captures temporal and spatial dimensions; and, third, refugee life course perspectives.

225 Given that this study uses a qualitative method grounded in LCA, it has a wider scope than would be possible in most empirical applications. SRFY statements regarding their life, educational and employment histories provided important clues on the unfolding of EI processes and development over time, which cannot be obtained otherwise. The research findings were very important and comprehensive, given the relative shortage of qualitative research into skilled refugees to Australia, and particularly with this ethnic group.

6.4. Policy implications and practical contributions of the study

The next sections will elaborate on policy implications and practical contributions of the study. This study has presented a rich picture of the role of a variety of refugee and migrant SEI barriers, processes and outcomes. The study makes a practical contribution in providing evidence for policy by capturing direct experiences of and reasons for refugee personal failure or success in EI. It has advanced understanding of SRFY EI experiences the obstacles they encountered in their skill utilisation. It has led to a broader understanding of EI success and failure involving personal, structural and contextual influences, barriers and drivers.

Australia is dependent on refugee and migrant skills for remaining in the race to be globally competitive. This research revealed not only the determinants of successful and unsuccessful EI but also inconsistency and discrepancy in refugee and migrants SEI policies. It is imperative for the host society to enhance the use of refugee and migrant skills and qualifications for economic well-being and global success. This study’s findings can assist society and SEI policy so that refugees and migrants can live contented, more useful and productive lives, benefitting from improved policies and program delivery. Building measures and models of employment integration and life satisfaction for specific communities and providing intervention strategies can improve the work and life satisfaction of refugees and migrants. Making better use of SRFY skills will brings benefits to employers, the immigrants, and society. The findings may also assist individual refugees and migrants to develop their own strategies and plans that will enable them to achieve better SEI and in turn enhance their own well-being. The results shed more light on recent processes within the SRFY group and inform institutional practice about problems affecting this group, especially the majority of the sample (two-thirds) belonging to types 3 and 4, who were unsuccessful in their EI in Australia. SRFY in types 1 and 2 organised their experiences in different contexts and in relation to their life circumstances in order to successfully integrate. The study presented what drivers contributed to EI success of 15 SRFY (27.7% of the sample). It included other relevant and interrelated EI

226 barriers and factors, such as investigation of structural and contextual factors, human agency, social changes, temporal existence, EI dynamics, pathways and types, and quality and strength of bridging social networks.

Practical contributions included the ability to determine main pathways in EI experiences and offer in-depth understanding and insights into EI experiences over 20 years. EI pathways and typology helped to explain how insights can be used to plan and manage events in personal and professional life that lead to personal SEI, prosperity and success. Although pathways and types have been developed to explain experiences over time by studying SRFY, they may also be applied to other incoming groups in Australia and elsewhere.

The study explored the predictors and influences of EI that provided information for organizations and policy makers to develop effective programs to assist SEI. Organisations can consider EI issues while planning human resource policies with regard to facilitating achievement of balance in the personal and professional sphere through organisational support and opportunities, training, freedom to design job, flexible policies and mentoring. All these contributions constituted knowledge of value to organisations, individuals, and policy makers about factors making it easy or difficult for EI. The knowledge gathered from the descriptions and analysis of participants’ experiences was useful, not only for the refugees in this study, but also for organisations who may be thinking of adopting EI policies and practices, and for researchers who may undertake investigations of refugee and migrant ethnic groups’ SEI over time in the future.

This study demonstrated that employing SRFY in jobs relevant to their skills, education and experience is potentially rich in benefits for Australia. Potential economic benefits include decrease in dependence on the government income support expenditures and services, greater than before long-term pays and spending, business and entrepreneurial development, community inclusion, and life satisfaction and well-being. EI is a very important issue for refugees, migrants, men and women, for all people in all societies. Lessons learned and experiences shared by SRFY can be utilized to shape a new generation of families and employees.

6.5. Limitations of the study

The strengths of the methods applied in this thesis are also their weaknesses. The study has limitations in relation to sampling, interviewer effect, and presentation of analysis. One key constraint of the interviews is that the sample is small and based only in Melbourne. The

227 findings are therefore indicative only and cannot represent the entire population SRFY in Australia. Indeed, while this small qualitative study has revealed significant experiential findings of refuge EI over time, it is impossible to reliably generalise the results to all situations, including to other cities or states in Australia and all skilled SRFY and migrants. In addition, because of restrictions of time, the experiences of unskilled SRFY were not included. The study relied on collection of experiences, perceptions and self-reports. Going back in time in one’s memory can be self-selective and biased. Respondents’ memories of past plans and expectations are likely to be influenced by subsequent outcomes and present circumstances. To some extent, SEI experiences of SRFY in Australia are neither uniform nor and homogeneous. Experientially, we know that the past has a tendency to be revised in terms that make it correspond with present circumstances. Relationships and events are seen in a changing light. Refugees change in various conducts over their LC, and their changes are mirrored in amended memories and adjusted senses of belongings, although they may themselves be unaware of the degree of change.

The apparently simple process of answering specific questions about the facts of one’s own life should not obscure the fact that biographical reconstruction during a standardized interview is a very demanding task. Such investigations are prone to error both while being conceived and also while being conducted. It is all too easy to attribute erroneous or incomplete data to memory gaps on the part of respondents. Accurately recording and depicting the heterogeneity of individual and cohort-specific life events are virtually impossible without a considerable amount of effort. This is the (admittedly high) price of creating a data set capable of serving as the basis for analyses of societal changes, both as a whole and in specific cohorts and subgroups.

As stated before, research findings are always interpreted by examination of the evidence, and interpretation is never free from potential error. Therefore, as Ryan (2010) argue, the real test would be to see how the study stands up against a new set of cases.

In addressing these issues, it is important to establish that the intention here is not to explain all aspects of refugee and migrant experiences in Australia, because the focus is on their EI experiences over time. The study thus does not explore comprehensively the political, historical and economic factors influencing the process of integration and EI specifically. Exploration of tendencies in refugee SEI success or failure should include deliberation of predispositions in the configuration of labour markets and of accompanying organizations.

228 The life course analysis interpretive approach was applied, but several issues remain which merit further investigation. The research is primarily based on the individual accounts, so there is a need to consider other objective evidence. Human development and ageing cannot be fully explained fully by restricting the analysis to a specific life stage in question. The interactions with people involved in these events cannot by itself lead us to understand the wider forces that shaped the respondents’ lives.

Whether results of this study are transferable to other ethnic groups also needs to be established by emphasising how, if at all, and in what ways understanding and knowledge of EI over time can be applied in other contexts and settings. The interactions with SFRY involved in these events cannot by itself bring understanding of the wider forces that shaped their lives.

Although EI is an individualised and voluntary activity, it is embedded in the environment and thus is dependent on externalities. For example, while the study has found links between EI processes, drives, barriers and outcomes, it is possible that some of the EI outcomes may have been result of other factors not mentioned by the participants and it is likely that the process is more complicated than the typology of EI implies.

The interview data were collected in one meeting; this gave a snapshot of the SRFY’s EI pathways over time. But interviews can never unearth the ‘truth’, because they do not reflect objective reality. Interviews with organisational members would have provided different perspective to the data. However, there are disadvantages to this method, too, including that the scope is very narrow. Parameters continually change according to what is going on outside. Hence, we need to ask how useful are the data derived from a relatively narrow project interviewing a small sample for purposes of generalisation and study on EI in Australia. Consequently, the results cannot be interpreted with a high degree of confidence. The study will not be able to explain all refugee and migrant SEI in Australia. However, the study would increase its validity with an examination of a larger number of participants. This study did not, however, intend to produce ambitious generalisations. It sought to offer better, broader understandings of refugee EI in Australia. The question that arises is to what extent accounts of 54 SRFY can shed light on EI pathways and processes over time. I contend at this point that refugee and migrants ‘experiences are distinctive, that conveying cases into discussion with one another has the prospective to reveal features of relationality within other refugee and migrant groups facing a similar experience.

229 There are also limitations in regards to the methodology selected. Due to the nature of qualitative research, it is difficult to translate this pattern as true for a larger population. Qualitative methodology is used to develop insights about the phenomenon under study, which focuses on issues surrounding EI. The findings can be useful and enlightening, but they cannot be accepted as applicable to all refugees and migrants. A study of this nature would not be able to hypothesize a new universal truth.

The data have limitations in that we cannot control reliably for movements into and out of the Australian labour market as external factors of EI: I interviewed 54 of around 68 000 Serbs in Australia (ABS Census, 2006), which is around 0.01% of the local Serbian population. The validity and reliability such a study can be questioned, as to how representative the sample was. The study is, however, centred on trying to gain an in-depth knowledge of a small ‘slice’ of reality.

In thematic analysis we must also assume that there will be a researcher effect (bias) on the data. We need to be able to describe the consequences of that effect as clearly as possible. It should also be acknowledged that since I, as the researcher, had a similar background to the participants in terms of experiences and history, there was the potential for specific interviewer bias that could have affected the data generated. Because I was privileged to share a similar experience, culture and history with my participants, this cultural relationship could have influenced respondents to share or avoid certain experiences, feelings and stories.

6.6. Directions for future research

The opportunities for further study are extensive. The limitations and the promising results of the study have opened up new opportunities for exploring the EI phenomenon. More empirical exploration is necessary to test and elaborate the results. Future studies should confirm or counter the validity of the current findings.

The LC method that enabled developing a model of EI trajectories and pathways can be employed in any subsequent study. Intertwined perspectives of life course analysis and temporality in a study of SEI of SRFY in Australia brings a number of issues to the fore that call for more research. Though the focus was on EI of refugees and migrants, the data also revealed a varied issues and problems to be further examined and investigated. Further sophistication in research on SEI is suggested, whether through usage of other approaches or the development of comprehensive conceptual models through interdisciplinary collaboration.

230 An extended conceptual framework of EI, its pathways and its types can be developed in any subsequent study.

This exploration, then, is intended as a initial phase in getting together data on factors, drivers and barriers for successful SEI of SRFY. It would be worthwhile to explore how other ethnic groups experience and how they perceive their SEI over time. Society, its context and people’s values and beliefs are changing, so that the further research on societal changes is needed to continuously explore what happened in Australia and other parts of the world with refugees and migrants during their life course, including second and third generations: it will be worthwhile to focus on younger second generation, aged 20-29, to understand the influence of external factors and individual agency in EI decisions at that life stage. Do they face particular problems in Australia? An additional topic for investigation would be the relationships and understandings that are evolving between first- and second-generation Serbs from the former Yugoslavia.

More research is needed that explores the complexities for SEI. There is considerable scope to develop and refine the analysis further, particularly to understand more clearly those EI pathways and strategies that will eliminate barriers for successful SEI. Strategies are needed to help refugees and migrants gain skills and adequate employment, including better matching of their social and human capital.

We have nevertheless to search what also might be some of the less favourable correlates and links – for example, work overload, a lesser amount of time for family and community, and ongoing insecurity and uncertainty about the future. If the interviews were carried out over a longer period of time, it would be possible to analyse results and produce a wider range of valuable results. Although the implications for each of these studies will vary, the overarching implication is that there is a demand for more data and more exploration and analysis on this subject matter.

Follow-up studies could combine new data with strategic research materials to develop potential EI frameworks and theories, or they may involve the follow-up of samples from data gathered at an earlier time. It would be desirable to include earlier Serbian cohorts in Australia (the 1960s), because we could trace members up to retirement age and look at the impact of their SEI experiences. In other words, we need to add more SRMFY cohorts: follow-up means possibilities and opportunities for better research. Future studies should undertake surveys on the SRFY cohorts born in 1974, 1981, 1991 and 2001 in Australia. These surveys could focus

231 in particular on employment integration and biographies in the context of severe labour market conditions.

The EI typology can be enriched by additional empirical studies.

SEI experiences of SRFY are differential and require expended and a more complex conceptual framework for researching the inter relationship among EI barriers, EI process, EI factors and EI outcomes, HC, SC, structural factors, agency and other drivers and influences.

The purpose and goal of the study was to make available a baseline of data on SRFY and their SEI that can help establish a general context for further work. We hope this will be useful for future exploration of issues to do with migrants’ EI and issues such as ethnicity, the labour market and patterns of women’s SEI. Future studies might make possible a comparison of SEI outcomes and processes for those arriving at the same time but coming from different parts of the world. This could lead to estimation and illumination of various SEI pathways, with special consideration to the proportion that ends up on the pathway of downgrading and marginalization (Type 4: ‘Survivor’). It might compare the distribution and timing of SEI paths of similar refugees and migrants facing different life contexts. Insights from such studies might support efforts to decrease underemployment and underutilisation of immigrant skills, knowledge and experience, which are so wasteful and often lost for individuals and receiving societies.

Most SRFY in this study were highly educated, so another study might include those who did not complete any form of higher education. An additional study could explore the EI strategies used in specific industries and organizations, because this study looked at SRFY with a variety of occupations. Additional studies could generate rich data to equip refugees, migrants and others for their EI challenges in times of uncertainties.

This study examines EI experiences over time for 1991 to 2005, through semi- structured interviews. Longitudinal survey interviews from the same individuals at different times over the life course could provide researchers with unique opportunities to examine the cohorts’ changes over time, and the effects of age-specific historical contexts.

It is suggested that a further study be directed on what happens after this experience of SRFY, and whether the individual continues in their field of expertise, in line with education, or change in careers, in addition to what strategies they use to cope with the change. A range of qualitative and quantitative measures can also be used to show SEI of refugee and migrants

232 over time, and the scope and magnitude of interface with the host country. Regardless of gender and age, refugees and migrants, first, second and or third generation might benefit from such exploration, because it has repercussions for family, identity, social integration, employment integration and overall well-being and life satisfaction.

Institutional and structural change touches all societies, each in its own way. Hence, the consequences of this thesis for understanding tendencies in refugee and migrant EI over time in other countries necessitates attention of the influence of explicit patterns of institutional change for the state in question. Subsequent steps in future studies would be to synthesise, summarize and extend significance via new conceptual framework.

The current study and the literature review highlight strongly the need for further study along these lines.

233 Chapter 7: Conclusion

7.1 Summary of the research

Problems of social change and human development have gained significance as research emphases along with the concept that people (in this case refugees) make social history even as they are influenced by it. The most important approach in linking history to SRFY lives is LCA of their SEI in Australia and change itself. Study on individual their EI experiences connected the trajectory of their personal lives to large social changes such as civil war and their consequent migration.

Integration in Australia stands or falls on issues of SEI. This study gave in-depth insight into highly skilled SRFY SEI experiences of the 1990s cohort. It showed that successful SEI is important because of positive outcomes for society, companies and individuals. Rather than simply confirm beliefs about the phenomenon, analysis provided new insights into potential value to refugees and migrants, employers and policy makers. The rationale for effective and thorough policy regarding this SEI is that the more you give, the more you have. Nevertheless, the essential principle of EI is that refugee and migrants generate new prospects or utilise the prospects enabled by positive changes or alleviate the negative impact of adverse situations through various adaptation strategies.

Yet researchers have limited information about refugee or migrant EI experiences and pathways over time. Rarely do studies address how refugees can achieve EI from a long-term perspective. This study filled an explanatory vacuum. It also provided significant understanding and insights into the explaining and analysing of EI experiences and pathways.

Traditional empirical studies have used external, structural indicators to measure EI based on policy makers’ judgments, not on incumbents’ own experiences. They have seldom connected EI with wider social factors in a subject-experiential account. They have focused on specific events (e.g., jobs held) rather than life course experiences when assessing EI. By analysing experiential narratives of SRFY using an LCA approach, these limitations were addressed. The research filled the research gap and generated a rich, complex understanding of their experience rather than using a quantitative outsider perspective that treats the individual experience as a ‘black box’.

To better understand refugee EI it is necessary to undertake qualitative (complementary) study of lived experiences over time. Longer-term developments should be

234 studied as such, because EI experiences evolve with time. Each EI gap derives from an evaluation of the EI literature and a clear link with the reviewed literature is established.

A summary of the gaps justifies the research design choices I have made (Chapter 3). Vital, yet neglected or forgotten, Serbian refugee stories and voices have been explored. Long-term EI has not been explored and we do not know what happens with refugees after 15 or 20 years. No data set has information on the EI of SRFY families or on the timetable of adult events in their lives. The question of successful integration over time, particularly the EI and SEI of highly skilled, educated refugees 20 years after their arrival, has been the subject of little scholarly attention.

Context for this is vital. In order to understand and to solve the problem of refugee and migrant EI over time, it is absolutely necessary to put it in an institutional context. Earlier explanations of refugee EI did not locate them in historical contexts or identify their temporal location within the life span. Growing awareness of an ever-changing environment is giving overdue visibility to matters of time, context and social dynamics. The assumption in this study was that happenings, experiences and settings may affect individuals differently contingent on their timing in life. One cannot ignore the surrounding external drivers of family, structure and context. I examined refugee EI experiences over time in order to gain insights into social and institutional contexts. Thematic analysis required access to SRFY subjective knowledge, ideas, and the very many social contexts that enabled their migration, life course trajectories and EI experiences in Australia.

LCA was also the most appropriate method to explain the specific context and dynamic of EI process of SRFY. It allowed us to reveal individual processes that are socially positioned, encompassing psychological depth and emotional expressiveness. Social integration is the context, which was part of one of my general findings that EI also has to be social integration. The insider perspective in this study provided information about processes and outcomes in a wider social integration context. The critical point here is that refugee EI processes and outcomes cannot be explained exclusively at individual level and their economic and financial drives and motives and study were evidence that other factors such as social and institutional context had also been relevant. The investigation integrated and addressed social context, person dynamics and system dynamics over an extended period of time in order to offer a better understanding of SEI processes of SRFY who came to Australia in the 1990s.

235 The study concentrates on the interplay between structural and personal changing aspects through an individual’s work life and explores how the influencing by structural forces changes to social processes of mediation between the individual, social ties, and institutions. It helps by opening new viewpoints on the association between social structure and personal agency, social mobility and individual development, social class, alienation, integration and individualisation. These SRFY life courses represented the most distinct area for investigation and examination. The study illustrated how life stories and SEI experiences help unearth subjective perceptions of the self, the social person and society. It examined how Serbian refugees adapted and responded to different situations and how they themselves perceived their SEI in Australia. However, the findings suggest a tension between agency and structure, where each shape and influence the other, in determining outcomes of individual SRFY interviewee. Micro-level findings of EI processes, context and dynamics of SRFY had macro-level implications and that was also gap in knowledge that has been filled.

Nothing is more powerful than a personal refugee story that helped to better understand how some were able to excel and attain SEI despite all odds. These life stories were rich in detail as they covered the social issues of temporality and disruption of life of SRFY. Such stories provided maps for repairing the damage that civil war has done to lives.

The SEI of SRFY is manifested by variability. SRFY have very different individual characteristics, families, goals, contexts, pathways and outcomes. Their pathways have been quite different since their arrival in Australia. Even when they have similar professional profiles, marked differences emerged in their pathways and experiences as the participants related them.

The principal problem for skilled Serbian refugees was the inability of many to take advantage of their pre-migration educational qualifications. Despite these barriers, however, those now resident in Australia believe that migration has brought a wide range of better prospects to their lives. Some interviewees displayed strong internal characteristics that increased their agency and capacity to overcome barriers, while they struggled with family, institutional and other barriers and ultimately did not achieve positive EI.

SRFY are not merely people who come to Australia from another country, but rather have a dynamic variety of roles, experiences, meanings, values, circumstances, motive and aspirations. They have experienced radical changes to the kinds of roles, ways of behaving and ways of making sense of life that they enjoyed in their native country. Findings of this

236 study underpin the strength and resilience that SRFY bring to this undertaking of integration and deliver a foundation for transformation and underpinning adaptive orientation in building a new life in their new founded home. Resilient, motivated people are more likely to learn from such experiences and to be successful in SEI in the wake of those experiences.

Though capturing the personal agency essence of refugees in attaining EI, it is recognized that the person’s choices do not entirely reside in within the person. Outside influences have a significant part in the determining of EI pathways over time, either by offering support and help, or by forming and imposing challenges and barriers. SRFY stressed that they left Yugoslavia due to civil war and subsequent forced migration, but the idea of Yugoslavia, now non-existent as a country, lives only in their hearts and minds yet never leaves them. This strong bonding with their ethnic society, combined with the maintenance of home country culture, indicates that Serbian refugees may be successful in their EI, but they also do not fully integrate and adapt to the host Australian society.

Despite persistent SEI barriers, what one learns from the incredible changes in SRFY’s lives in Australia is that various roles have brought better life and satisfaction, especially to those successful in their EI. Refugee human capital elements of education, qualifications and employment are both associated with SEI and satisfaction with life in Australia. The human capital variables of education, qualifications and employment were associated with satisfaction with their life. It is confirmed in this study that making better use of refugee skills brings benefits to society, employers and refugees: increased productivity, high motivation, life and job satisfaction, well-being, happiness, harmony and fulfilment.

Out of the various interpretations of why and how refugee and migrant EI pathways have changed has come a clearer understanding of the ways in which individual motivation, social structure, and cultural and temporal location and context shaped their EI. A win-win situation for refugees and society is an EI outcome where, when or if refugees work in jobs according to their qualifications, educational level, experience and skills, when they are able to remove and overcome EI barriers, and where successful EI improved life satisfaction and well-being of refugee and migrant community or ethnic groups in Australia.

It is not enough only to take in refugees. It is crucial to give them opportunities, educate them, to integrate them into the community. What is needed is finding a way to do that and support them to be able to achieve their harmony, fulfilment, satisfaction and inclusion in Australian society. If each reader’s life is enriched in some small way regarding

237 SEI and the pursuit of harmonious and fulfilled lives of refugees in Australia, this study has served its purpose. SRFY frustrations and joy will continue. It is the hope of researcher that SRFY experiences and voices will also continue to echo beyond the limits of this study.

7.2. Findings of the study

This study complemented and enhanced previous research by providing useful insights into SRFY SEI experiences over time: those that are of principal concern were presented and discussed. The study contributed to the literature: it examined Serbian refugee EI experiences to get a better understanding of, and in-depth insight into, their EI drivers, processes and outcomes. It supplemented existing macro-level research and complemented other studies by exploring SRFY voices in search of insight into what their experiences were over time, and how they made sense out of them. Micro or insider individual approaches to life course analysis and exploration of EI experiences are a relevant contribution to knowledge. An original contribution consists of filling the research gaps found in critical analysis and evaluation of empirical and theoretical literature. That empirical contribution consists in documenting migrant and refugee experiences of EI, bearing in mind that traditional studies have been incomplete by their nature.

The study provided clues for relevant areas for analysis of changes in EI over time. An advanced picture about the role of a variety of refugee SEI barriers, processes and outcomes is provided. The most relevant part of the empirical contribution is exploring vital stories and voices.

A theoretical contribution is related to mapping out life course pathways. The typology of pathways is a theoretical contribution and results are complementary to macro- level perspectives. EI typology showed how this complementarity has been achieved. In addition, a contribution has been the expansion of analysis and discussion of EI to EI over time, tested by examining the individual EI pathways of and types of 54 SRFY respondents.

The study made conceptual contribution by revealing EI pathways and types encompassing processes, drivers and barriers to EI of both successful and unsuccessful refugees and migrants. Built on previous theories, this study has created a new typology of EI pathways. Grouping individual pathways into types enabled a comparison of the different timing of various pathways. Using semi-structured interviews, I found general support for

238 four ideal types of life course EI. The findings addressed the research gap in regard to the skills utilisation of migrants and refugees of Serbian origin, built the evidence base on the factors that aid or hinder their EI over time, and offered policy advice on how improve policies and program delivery. Research on the SRFY revealed determinants of successful and unsuccessful EI. Analysis of pathways and then grouping these into ‘ideal types’ of life course journeys gave a more nuanced insight (Chapter 5). Deeper insights into these yielded better understanding of positive and negative EI outcomes. That in-depth insight via personal refugee experiences contrasts this study with others.

This empirical qualitative research tracked the EI of SRFY over timeframes exceeding 20 years. Its contribution included the ability to determine major trajectories and patterns and provide detailed insights into experiences in that time. It included other relevant and interrelated barriers and factors, such as investigation of structural and contextual factors, human agency, social changes, temporal existence, EI dynamics, pathways and types, and the quality and strength of bridging social networks to achieve SEI.

The study offered better understanding of how social system requirements become articulated with individual motives and goals of SRFY through links between individual and social structure. Using life course analysis as a technique also enabled an emphasis on the dynamics and context of the EI process. LCA encompassed a longitudinal component, which helped in predicting causal relationships. The relevance of the methodological framework used is its capacity to explore simultaneously several phases of the SRFY life course over an extended period of time. It encompassed their pre-migration stage, migration and arrival, post-arrival, and current lives.

The study investigated what drivers contributed to EI success or failure: 15 respondents were successful, but 39 were unsuccessful. The evidence points towards relatively poor EI outcomes proportionately except for those with high levels of employment and economic activity, owing to their prior knowledge, qualifications, skills, previous and additional education and work experience, and a profession in demand.

Three main themes of EI outcomes included removing EI barriers, improving life satisfaction, achieving EI linked with fulfilment and higher life satisfaction. Pathways showed, based on typology, the process of the likelihood of failure or success and possible outcomes. It was also identified that the preferred outcomes and pathways varied across

239 individuals. The pathways show that a number of contextual, structural drivers, barriers, and refugee and migrant characteristics are related with better or poorer SEI outcomes.

All these contributions are elaborated in Chapter 6, and constitute knowledge of value to organisations, individuals and policy makers about factors that make it easy or difficult for refugee and migrant EI. Irrespective of their EI type, however, SRFY continue to make positive social and economic impact in Australia.

7.3. EI Processes (EI pathways)

EI is continuing process during which refugees and migrants accrue experience in the labour market, thus strengthening their ability to stay in employment. The study adds new insights into the complexities of the SRFY SEI process. EI emerged as a collaborative process: success and desired outcomes depended as much on the individual’s efforts as on the support of others in personal and structural contexts. The results shed more light on recent processes within the SRFY group and inform institutional practice about problems affecting them. EI comprises circles of interrelated, overlapping processes that take place differently in several spheres with different outcomes. Recognizing the uniqueness of each SRFY life experience and the impact of different life experiences on their SEI patterns, processes and pathways enabled better understanding of their SEI.

Life courses and EI pathways of SRFY are interchangeable and intertwined with time. Changing refugee lives changes their EI pathways and life courses. By analysing refugee experiences, their EI trajectories and patterns, the study was able to draw out important problems and ambiguities relevant to pathways. EI pathways help explain how insights from study can be potentially used to plan and manage different events in personal and professional life leading to personal SEI success.

The discussion of how the pathways and types were formed, and factors and barriers determining them, helped analyse the EI of SRFY in Australia. Findings and discussion concentrated on understanding EI dynamics that are existent both within individual and contextual situations. These dynamics were analysed by comparing different experiences and the variability of pathways. Such investigative process helped make sense of evidence, which was then used to explore pathways in more detail.

Analysis synthesised, summarized and extended the research significance by presenting EI pathways and types, which has proved useful in examining SEI outcomes and

240 also strengthened the need for recognition of the interconnectedness of SEI factors and barriers. Although the study’s focus was on SRFY, findings may also be applied to other refugee and migrant groups in Australia and elsewhere.

7.4 Recommendations

Refugee stories implied that we do not have an overall effective long-term and short-term strategy for refugee and migrant EI. Inconsistencies exist between government policies aimed at employment integration (EI) success for skilled refugees and migrants and their lived experience.

There are many welfare bodies, government and non-government stakeholders, agencies, service providers, councils, and voluntary as well as tertiary institutes working in the field, but how they interact with refugee and migrants for their actual advantage in the process of successful EI has been inadequately seen.

It is not necessary or desirable that support and help related to refugee SEI should come only from government. Innovative policies are likely to involve a mixture of agencies (non- profitable organisations, charities). Very few government and non-government organization programmes and initiatives removed barriers to EI of SRFY (exception is for ex: cooperation between ANZ and Brotherhood of St Laurence, and Victorian Department of Planning and Community Development in funding Given the Chance Programme).

There is overall imbalance between respondent’s accounts of minimal support received prior to migration to Australia and much greater support received in Australia (in terms of number/variety of sources for support).

Although mainstream employment services do not seem to be meeting the needs of refugees, the barriers to satisfactory EI are not unsolvable. In acknowledgement that refugees face specific employment integration barriers, a variety of recommendations have been proposed (Table 7.1 below).

Despite of relative success in social and EI of some SRFY in Australia there is still a room for improvement in this area. Some of the recommendations are as follows:

241 Table 7.1. Stakeholders and recommendations

Stakeholders Recommendations Government

Department of Home Affairs • Better information and training on Australian work culture and systems. Department of Education • Better mentoring programs with employment focus. Centrelink • Better individual case management and referral services • Better diversity training programmes. Job Network providers • Better industry-related training targeting refugee and migrant communities. Department of Foreign • Better services providing career advice, planning and job search support. Affairs and Trade • More initiatives supporting small business development Victorian Department of • Better services advocating and liaising with employers – e.g. services building relationships with employers to facilitate Planning and Community employment outcomes for clients; training of employers on diversity issues. Development • Better services providing support with skills and qualification recognition of refugees and migrants. Department of Innovation, • More English language programmes/classes with Industry and Regional employment focus. • Better post-employment follow-up and support. Development • Better liaising with employers and employees. postemployment is needed to address any issues that can AMES arise. • More provision for additional job training is needed for refugees whose skills are not transferable to the Australian context. • There is a need for improved employment related supported programmes for refugees. • There is a need for capacity skills building/investments. • All levels of government need to consider offering work experience opportunities to refugee and migrants. • By creating an incentive scheme, government must encourage and support employers to provide work experience placements for refugee and migrants. • A proactive communications campaign promoting the business benefits of cultural diversity and business and industry’s role in SEI will improve government policy in this area. • Targeted employment programs that assists refugee and migrants in their field of expertise/ vocation need to be provided/implemented. • Better cultural orientation, career guidance, and mentoring is needed. • Need to implement a social marketing campaign to encourage employers to adopt culturally inclusive workplace policies. • Establish a voluntary benchmarking program for organisations to assess their diversity practices. • Better specialist employment services targeting refugee and humanitarian entrants are needed. • Need to provide opportunities for refugee and migrants to explore and expand their understanding of Australian work cultures and systems.

242 • Ned to encourage programs that allow refugee and migrants to gain experience in the Australian workforce. • Need to increase assistance and support to community organisations that assist refugee and migrants, especially ethno-specific organisations and improve the links between these community organisations, service providers and the government. • Direct funding of refugee and migrants EI. • There is need for earlier intervention for refugee and humanitarian entrants by enhancing access to employment services. • There is need for better and improved case management within employment services (Job Network providers, Centrelink).

Non-Government stakeholders

Employers • Australian Chamber of Better mentoring programs operating within a workplace to support new employees is needed. Commerce and Industry • Better placement programs with strong links and employer commitment to participants securing ongoing employment. Victorian Employers • Social enterprise and/or more initiatives supporting small business development: e.g. small business training and group Chamber of Commerce and programs; business mentoring; enterprise facilitation. • Industry Need to demonstrate their commitment to workforce diversity. Ethnic/ Serbian private • Need to utilise alternative recruitment strategies and to give refugee and migrants the chance/ opportunity for businesses employment. • Need to provide all-inclusive orientation/induction to new employees. • Creating supportive team environments; • Providing better diversity training programmes for all staff and supervisors. • Need to see business advantage in workplace diversity. • Need to operate flexibly, and treating refugee and migrants equitably and fairly. • Better post-employment support for refugee and migrants is needed. • Having more work placements and mentors for refugee and migrants who are in the workplace is needed.

Community organizations

Eastern Community Health • Better industry-related training targeting refugee and migrant communities is needed. Centre • There is need to bring together of services, communities and Asylum Seeker Resource businesses to work more collaboratively.

Centre (VIC)

Charities

243 Ecumenical Migration Centre • Better links and cooperation with Government, employers, community organizations, and other service providers re Brotherhood of St Laurence needed. Salvation army Anglicare Lutheran Community Care

Ethnic non-profit

community organisations:

Serbian Humanitarian • There are over eighty officially registered Serbian Association humanitarian, church, cultural, and sporting organizations in Australia. Better links and cooperation within them and with Serbian Business Association Government, employers, community organizations, and other service providers are needed. Serbian Orthodox Church • There is need to bring together of services, communities and businesses to work more collaboratively.

Employers/Organisations can consider these issues while planning human resource policies with regard to facilitating refugee and migrant balance in the personal and professional sphere through organisational support and opportunities, training, freedom to design job, flexible policies, and mentoring (Table 7.1).

Targeted EI programs need to focus on refugees and migrants at all stages of adaptation in order to help overcome barriers: distinct case managing and recommendation services, where case managers need to provide thorough help to support EI results, they provide less formal as-needed support. Information and training on Australian work culture and structures are wanted. Work experience placement programs must be provided, such as paid or unpaid placements and traineeships. Also, there is need to put more emphasis on how refugee and migrants develop from their first job (Table 7.1).

Better services are needed for successful refugee EI together with professional services that recognize variances amid refugee groups, their cultures and needs, that employ people who are fluent in different languages, that work thoroughly with ethnic employers, that have much closer contacts and relations with employers generally, that deliver information in the suitable form about industrial relations in Australia, and that are able to connect with local settlement services (Table 7.1).

244 There should be greater teamwork and cooperation between the Government and non- government, and community organizations, service providers, professional bodies, and the training institutions (Table 7.1).

Institutional (structural) provisions/ support and the welfare state are instrumental in facilitating or restricting access to refugee and migrants SEI. Governmental actions should involve communication at all levels (local, national, and federal), and work together with the private sector and nongovernmental agencies. Government and non-government action can change the institutional and social factors/barriers that have strong impact on refugee SEI, life satisfaction and well-being (Table 7.1).

Certain needs of SRFY were not continuously addressed, despite Australia’s obligation to refugees for their SEI. Respondents confirm deficiency of targeted employment support services for refugee applicants and there are warnings that absence of suitable and adequate post-arrival and ongoing longer-term help might be contributing to worsening EI results for refugees.

Professional placement, vocational training and further education are some of key aspects of successful EI to the extent that such activities improve employability in general either terms or through improvement of specific language or work skill.

Because refugees’ social and employment integration does not progress simply as a function of time, active Government support and help is needed to improve refuge and migrant social and EI. More Government support for refugees and migrants is needed in order not to lose great range of refugee and migrant skills, qualifications and valuable work experience. What is urgently needed from Government are programs to empower refugees and migrants to participate in additional programmes that are essential for them to be able to catch up with fast-evolving technologies and consequent access to newly created jobs. Future SEI of the refugee and migrant ethnic groups will depend largely on what the Government does in all stages of entry/migration.

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271

APPENDICES

Appendix 1

PARTICIPANT INFORMATION SHEET

272

FACULTY OF BUSINESS AND ENTERPRISE, HAWTHORN

SWINBURNE UNIVERSITY OF TECHNOLOGY

Project Information Statement

Thesis Title: Employment integration in Australia: Experiences of Serbian refugees and migrants from the former Yugoslavia.

Principal Investigator: Mr. Stanko Stapar

Principal Supervisor: Dr. Alexis Esposto

ABOUT THE STUDY

When people migrate from one country to another, they face many challenges associated with migration. Barriers and opportunities for refugee and migrant successful employment integration (EI) will be very important issue and part of research. This examination of the challenges and opportunities for refugee and migrant integration into Australian workforce will focus on the following question:

1. What are employment integration experiences of Serbian refugees and migrants from the former Yugoslavia in Australia?

Main research question provides the basis for the study, looking to answer questions describing and analysing different paths to employment integration and different life stories about employment integration of refugee and migrant in Australia.

273 Participation in the study involves face-to-face interview related to respondent’s qualifications, education and employment experiences in former Yugoslavia and in Australia.

WHAT IS THE TIME COMMITMENT?

The semi-structured interview should take approximately 60 to 80 minutes at a time and location that is convenient to you. Participation in this study is voluntary. You are free to avoid any question you do not wish to answer and you may withdraw from the study at any time.

WILL ALL DATA PROVIDED BE CONFIDENTIAL?

All data will be confidential and will not be traceable to a particular individual. No information about any individual will be given to Swinburne University, or to any other individual or organisation. All processed data will be stored electronically with password protection. Only the researcher will have access to the data.

HOW WILL THE DATA BE USED?

Findings from this project will be published in the form of PhD thesis and may be published in an academic journal or presented at a conference. Data from interview will be analyzed and presented in a way that personal information won’t be identifiable in published materials.

HOW DO I TAKE PART IN THE STUDY?

If you would like to participate in this research project, please send expression of interest to participate in the study by phone, email or SMS.

If you have any questions regarding the project at any stage, please contact: Stanko Stapar, at [email protected] or Dr. Alexis Esposito, Faculty of Business and Law, Swinburne University of Technology, Hawthorn Campus, or at [email protected]

This project has been approved by or on behalf of Swinburne’s Human Research Ethics Committee in line with the National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Research Involving Humans. If you have any concern or complaint about the conduct of this project, you can contact:

Research Ethics Officer, Swinburne Research, Swinburne University of Technology, P.O. Box 218, Hawthorn, VIC 3122. Tel. (03) 9214 5218 or [email protected]

Please retain this sheet for your records.

274 Appendix 2

INTERVIEW CONSENT FORM

FACULTY OF BUSINESS AND LAW

SWINBURNE UNIVERSITY OF TECHNOLOGY

Thesis Title: Employment integration in Australia: Experiences of Serbian refugees and migrants from the former Yugoslavia.

Principal Investigator: Mr. Stanko Stapar

Principal Supervisor: Dr. Alexis Esposito

1. I consent to participate in the project named above. I have been provided a copy of the project information statement and this consent form and any questions I have asked have been answered to my satisfaction.

2. Please circle your response to the following:

275 . I a gr e e t o p artici p at e i n a o ne -o n -o ne i nt er vie w a b o ut m y e m pl o y me nt i nt e gr ati o n experiences in Australia. Y es N o

. I a gr e e t o all o w t he i nt er vie w t o be r e c or d e d b y ele ctr o nic d e vic e Y es N o

3. I a c k n o wle d g e t hat:

( a) m y p artici p ati o n is v ol u nt ar y a n d t hat I a m fr e e t o wit h dr a w fr o m t he pr oje ct at a n y ti me wit h o ut e x pla nati o n;

( b) t he project is for t he purpose of research a nd not for profit;

( c) any personal infor mation about me which is gathered in the course of and as the result of m y p artici p ati n g i n t his pr oje ct will be (i) c ol l e ct e d a n d ret ai ne d f or t he p ur p os e of t his pr oje ct a n d (ii) a c c ess e d a n d a nal ys e d b y t he res e ar c her f or t he p ur p os e of c o n d u cti n g t his pr oje ct;

( d) m y a n o n y mit y is pr es er ve d a n d I will n ot be id e ntifie d i n p u blic ati o ns or ot her wis e wit h o ut m y e x pr ess writt e n c o ns e nt.

B y si g ni n g t his d o c u me nt I a gr e e t o p artici p at e i n t his pr oje ct.

N a me of P artici p a nt:

…………………………………………………………………………………

Signature & Date: … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … …

2 7 6 Appendix 3

INVITATION FOR PARTICIPATION

FACULTY OF BUSINESS AND LAW

SWINBURNE UNIVERSITY OF TECHNOLOGY

Thesis Title: Employment integration in Australia: Experiences of Serbian refugees and migrants from the former Yugoslavia.

Principal Investigator: Mr. Stanko Stapar, PhD candidate at Swinburne University, Hawthorn, Melbourne

INVITATION FOR PARTICIPATION

When people migrate from one country to another, they face many challenges associated with migration. Experiences of refugee and migrant employment integration (EI) in Australia will be the most important issue and part of research. This examination of the challenges and opportunities for migrants’ integration into Australian workforce will focus on the following question:

277 1. What are employment integration experiences of Serbian refugees and migrants from the former Yugoslavia in Australia?

Main research question provides the basis for the study, looking to answer questions describing and analysing different paths to employment integration and different life stories about employment integration of refugee and migrant in Australia.

Participation in this study is voluntary. You are free to avoid any question you do not wish to answer and you may withdraw from the study at any time. Interviews will be taped and recorded with your permission. Anonymity and confidentiality of names and data are secured.

Researcher contact details:

Stanko Stapar:

Mobile: 0404 239 775

Email: [email protected]

278 Appendix 4

Interview Themes and Questions

Employment integration aspects/Interview Themes

1. Employment and work

2. Education and skill

3. Migration and location

4. Family and community

5. Government and support

6. Life satisfaction and well-being

Interview questions:

1. Employment and work:

Main question:

What are experiences of your employment in Australia?

Sub question:

How does your career/employment look in retrospect?

2. Education and skills (human capital):

Main question:

What education, skills and qualifications from the former Yugoslavia and in Australia (including English proficiency) do you possess?

Sub questions:

How your education and language proficiency (human capital) in Australia contributed to the integration process both at personal and professional (work) levels?

279 3. Migration and location:

Main question:

Tell me about your time of arrival in Australia and now?

Sub question:

What were the most trying times?

4. Family and community (social capital):

Main question:

What are the key events in your life (family/community/employment -past and present) in former Yugoslavia and in Australia?

Sub question:

How things have changed?

5. Government and support:

Main question:

Tell me about your experiences of government support in Australia?

Sub question:

In what ways government or other institutional support help your EI in Australia?

6. Life satisfaction and well-being:

Main question:

How employment integration experience in Australia influenced on your life satisfaction and well-being?

280 Appendix 5

SRFY’s demographic profile

Appendix 5: Data on the 54 interviewees: SRFY’s demography and trajectories: EI pathways/EI type

Partc. Age at Orig. education: ex- Main profession in ex- Employment status at Marital EI Type Duration: EI trajectories: No. interview Yu/Aus. Yu/Aus. interview time status Migration EI pathways time/ (Years)/ Duration: year migration Stable work/other work migrated type (years)/skill

I 1. 60/1999 Bachelor of Teacher in ex- Employed, casual basis Married The 17 years Initial unemployed Education in ex-Yu Yu/Translator in Aus. ‘Adaptive Skilled housewife for 3 years. Professiona Reversed path. On and l’ off working as a translator on a casual basis for the last 14 years, Continued path (C), high skill level. I 2. 61/1999 Bachelor/Sport Sales manager, Recently Married The 17 years On and off working as a management: ex- Basketball coach in ex- retired/Disability Support ‘Survivor’ Skilled courier, or unemployed Yu Yu/ Scheme for the last 15 years, Courier in Aus.

281 Discontinued path (D), low skill. I 3. 50/2007 Master/Traffic Traffic Engineer in ex- Employed, full time Married The 9 years Initially working as Engineer, ex-Yu, Yu/ ‘Pragmatic Marriage forklift driver for 4 Cert 4 for Disability Disability support Coper’ The years, now work as support worker, worker, Aus. ‘Survivor’ disability support Aus. worker for one-year. Discontinued path (D) I 4. 45/2007 Secondary college, Owner of hairdresser Employed, full time Married The 9 years Working as a beauty technician, business in ex- ‘Pragmatic Marriage hairdresser in last 6 ex-Yu, Yu/hairdresser in Aus. Coper’ The years, Continued path ‘Survivor’ (C), low skill I 5. 59/2000 Bachelor/law, ex- Lawyer in ex-Yu, Employed, casual basis Divorced The 16 years Work on and off as a Yu, Casual replacement ‘Pragmatic War factory worker for 5 Bachelor/Education, teacher, Aus. Coper’ The refugee/sing years, and as a casual Aus. ‘Survivor’ le mum replacement teacher for 7 years. Discontinued path (D) I 6. 51/1990 Secondary college, Ship building metal Unemployed/Centrelink Married The 26 years Worked 25 years in two metal industry in ex- worker in ex Yu/ ‘Survivor’ Marriage companies as a low Yu skilled worker in a factory, one-year unemployed. Discontinued path (D), low skill

282 I 7. 47/2005 Secondary Manual worker, Employed, full time Married The 11 years Work on and off as a college/laboratory factory, both in ex-Yu ‘Survivor’ Marriage factory worker for last technician/ex-Yu and in Aus. 10 years. Discontinued path (D), low skill I 8. 59/1993 Bachelor Engineer for machine Started small private Married The 23 years Initially taxi driver for 5 degree/mechanical technology, ex-Yu, business for fabrication ‘Pragmatic War years, reversed path by engineering, ex-Yu, Engineer in automotive and installation in Coper’ The refugee/Mar working 10 years as English for industry, Aus. building/housing industry ‘Survivor’ riage Engineer in automotive engineers course, industry, last three years Certificate 4 for run small business building contractor. construction Discontinued path (D) industry, Aus. I 9. 56/1999 Bachelor/Economic Economist, ex-Yu/, Employed, full time Married The 17 years Unemployed for 4 s, ex-Yu, Cert 4 for Disability support ‘Survivor’ War refugee years. Kitchen assistant Disability support worker, Aus. for 11 years. Last two worker, Aus. years disability support worker. Discontinued path (D). I 10. 58/1999 Specialised Shift manager, ex-Yu/, Employed, full time Married The 17 years Disability support secondary college Disability support ‘Survivor’ War refugee worker for last 12 years. for petrochemical worker, Aus. Discontinued path (D). industry, ex-Yu, Cert 4 for Disability support worker, Aus.

283 I 11. 66/1982 Secondary Manuel worker in Retired Married The 34 years Manuel worker in college/economy factory, ‘Pragmatic Skilled factory for 25 years. stream, ex-Yu, Coper’ Cleaner for 7 years. Discontinued path (D). Low kill. I 12. 50/1999 Bachelor of arts, ex- Arts teacher in ex- Small business Married The 17 years Painter for 15 years. Yu Yu/painter in Aus. owner/painting ‘Survivor’ Family Discontinued path (D). Low kill. I 13. 54/2001 Bachelor/arts, ex- Arts teacher in ex- Unemployed, Housewife, Married The 15 years Unemployed housewife Yu Yu/housewife in Aus. Aus. (4 kids) ‘Survivor’ Marriage for last 15 years. (4 kids) Discontinued path (D). Low kill. I 14. 55/1999 Traffic Engineer, Traffic Engineer in ex- Employed, full-time Married The 17 years Various jobs in building ex-Yu, IT Yu/building contractor ‘Survivor’ War refugee industry for last 15 engineering course in Aus. years. Discontinued at TAFE and path (D). Low kill. University, Aus. I 15. 52/1999 Bachelor Draftsmen in ex- Employed, full-time Married The ‘Hero’ 17 years Initially manual worker degree/Architect, Yu/Draftsmen in Aus. War refugee in factory for 7 years. ex-Yu, TAFE Unemployed housewife diploma in building for 4 years. Reversed design and path as draftsmen in technology, Aus. last 3 years. High skill.

284 I 16. 52/1999 Bachelor degree Professor of music, Conductor: Employed, Divorced The 17 years Initial work as waiter Music, conductor, conductor in ex-Yu/ part-time, Owner of small ‘Survivor’ War refugee for 2 years. Last 15 ex-Yu, Conductor in Aus. private music school, years part-time few Aus. hours per week as conductor. I 17. 65/1995 Bachelor/mechanica Mechanical engineer in Recently retired Married The 21 years Initial work as a factory l engineer, ex-Yu, ex-Yu/ ‘Survivor’ War refugee worker for 3 years. Last Painter, Aus. 18 years as a painter. Discontinued path (D). Low skill. I 18. 64/1995 Teacher degree: Teacher in ex-Yu/ Recently retired Married The 21 years 2 years unemployed TAFE level in ex- Kitchen assistant in ‘Survivor’ War refugee housewife. 19 years Yu, Aus. kitchen assistant in Aus. Discontinued path (D). Low skill. I 19. 54/1995 Bachelor/Law, ex- Lawyer, ex-YU/ Owns small law business Married The ‘Hero’ 21 years Initial work as a factory Yu, Bachelor/Law, Lawyer, Aus. War refugee worker for 4 years. Aus. Reversed path as lawyer in last 15 years. Continued path (C), high skill level. I 20. 51/1995 Secondary Travel agent, ex-Yu/ Receptionist/conveyer in Married The 22 years On and off work as a College/Tourism, Factory worker in Aus. husband’s law firm ‘Pragmatic War refugee factory worker for 8 ex-Yu, Conveyer Coper’ years. Unemployed course, Aus. housewife for 10 years.

285 Last job as receptionist/conveyer in husband’s law firm. Discontinued path (D). I 21. 57/1996 Secondary Electrical Employed, full-time as Married The 20 years On and off work as an College/Electrical technician/supervisor, machine operator ‘Pragmatic War refugee electrician and machine technician, ex-Yu ex-Yu, machine Coper’ operator. Owner of operator, Aus. small bakery business for 4 years. Recently reversed path as machine operator (1 year). Discontinued path (D). I 22. 55/1996 Secondary Construction Employed, full-time Married The 20 years Factory worker for 15 college/construction technician, Secretary of ‘Survivor’ War refugee years. Co-owner of building, CEO, ex-Yu/ small bakery business architecture stream, Factory worker, Aus. for 4 years. Currently ex-Yu/Health Food unemployed. Certificate in Aus. Discontinued path (D). Low skill. I 23. 61/1995 Secondary electric Train driver, ex-Yu, Employed, full-time Married The 21 years 10 years in factory, one technical school, ex- Machine ‘Survivor’ War refugee year unemployed, last Yu, Cert for forklift operator/Construction 10 years construction driver, Aus. worker, Aus. worker. Discontinued path (D). Low skill.

286 I 24. 59/1995 Bachelor Teacher/geography, ex- Employed, part-time/full- Married The 21 years Factory worker on and degree/geography, Yu, Factory worker, time ‘Survivor’ War refugee off for last 20 years. Cert 4 English, Cert Aus. Discontinued path (D). 4 forklift driver, Low skill. Aus. I 25. 64/1975 Teacher degree: Sport teacher, ex- Recently retired Married The 31 years Factory worker on and TAFE level, ex-Yu/ Yu/Factory worker, ‘Survivor’ Skilled off for last 30 years. Aus. Discontinued path (D). Low skill. I 26. 56/2001 Bachelor Economist, ex-Yu, Full-time Married The 15 years Initially kitchen degree/Economy, University professor in ‘Adaptive War refugee assistant and social ex-Yu, PhD/Aus. Aus. Professiona worker for 2 years, last l’ 10 years University Professor. Discontinued path (D). High skill. I 27. 64/1996 Bachelor Director of commercial Owns small building Married The 20 years Construction worker for degree/Economy, company, ex-Yu/ construction company ‘Survivor’ War refugee 5 years. Contractor for ex-Yu, Construction worker in building industry/small building industry, Aus. business owner in last 14 years. Discontinued path (D). I 28. 65/1993 Bachelor/electrical Manager/Consultant on Full-time Married The 23 years Works in his engineering, ex-Yu/ various projects around ‘Adaptive War refugee engineering profession AUTOCAT, the world, ex-Yu, Professiona for the last 21 and half English for engineer in Aus. l’

287 engineers course, years. Continued path Aus. (C), high skill level. I 29. 62/1993 Bachelor/Medicine, GP, ex-Yu, Full-time Married The ‘Hero’ 23 years Works in her profession ex- GP in Aus. War refugee in the last 18 years. Yu/Bachelor/Medici Continued path (C), ne, Aus. high skill level. I 30. 51/1997 Bachelor Vet in ex-Yu, Full-time Married The ‘Hero’ 19 years Works in his veterinary degree/veterinary Vet in Aus. War refugee profession for the last science, ex-Yu, 14 years. Continued Bachelor path (C), high skill degree/veterinary level. science degree, Aus. I 31. 51/1997 Bachelor Accountant in ex-Yu, Full-time Married The 19 years Works in her degree/accounting, Accountant in Aus. ‘Pragmatic War refugee accounting TAFE level ex- Coper’ profession for the last Yu/TAFE/accountin 16 years. Continued g, Aus. path (C). I 32. 54/1996 Secondary Bookkeeper, ex-Yu, Full-time Married The 20 years Factory worker on and college/accounting, Factory worker, Aus. ‘Pragmatic War refugee off for last 17 years. ex-Yu, Coper’ Discontinued path (D). TAFE/IT, Aus. Low skill. I 33. 51/1996 Bachelor/Medicine, GP in ex-Yu, Full-time Married The ‘Hero’ 20 years Works in her profession ex- GP in Aus. War refugee in the last 15 years. Yu/Bachelor/Medici Continued path (C), ne, Aus. high skill level.

288 I 34. 56/1994 Bachelor Teacher in ex-Yu, Full-time Married The 22 years Part-time social worker degree/Education, Manager in Aus. ‘Adaptive War refugee for 2 years, teaching for ex-Yu/ Professiona 14 years, last two years Graduate Diploma l’ manager, Continued in Education, Aus. path (C), high skill level. I 35. 49/1999 Bachelor IT support in gas and Full-time Married The 17 years IT support in gas and degree/Political electricity company in ‘Pragmatic War refugee electricity company for Science, ex-Yu, Aus. Coper’ the last 10 years. TAFE/Advanced Discontinued path (D). Diploma of Accounting, Aus. I 36. 47/1999 Higher Medical Medical laboratory Full-time Married The 17 years Working on and of 12 Degree/laboratory engineer, Serbia ‘Pragmatic War refugee years as medical engineer, Serbia/ Medical laboratory Coper’ laboratory technician. Medical technology, technician, Aus. Discontinued path (D). course at TAFE in Aus. I 37. 53/1991 Bachelor Aerospace engineer, ex- Full-time Married The 25 years Working as an engineer degree/mechanical Yu, ‘Adaptive Skilled for 6 years, finished engineering, ex-Yu, Aerospace engineer, Professiona Master of Business and Master’s Aus. l’ used to work as a degree/Business, manager for few years, Aus., Professional lost that job, and engineering course reversed EI path to old profession

289 for English language, Aus. I 38. 49/2003 Secondary Boiler maker and Unemployed Married The 13 years After working in metal school/metal welder, ex-Yu ‘Survivor’ Marriage industry for 11 years, industry, ex-Yu, Boil maker and welder, unemployed one year Aus. I 39. 51/1997 Secondary Insurance agent, ex-Yu, Owns small cleaning Married The 19 years Run small cleaning school/agriculture, Factory worker and business ‘Pragmatic War refugee business for last 7 years ex-Yu, cert 4 for cleaner in Aus. Coper’ cleaners, Aus. I 40. 48/1997 Secondary Factory worker and Co-owns small cleaning Married The 19 years Co-owns small cleaning school/Law, ex-Yu, cleaner in Aus. business, ‘Survivor’ War refugee business for last 7 years

I 41. 64/1996 Bachelor Lecturer in Technical Owns small floor Married The 19 years Run small business in degree/Faculty of school, Director in ex- business ‘Survivor’ War refugee Australia for last 17 Forestry, ex-Yu/ Yu/run small business years Small Business in Australia Management course in Aus. I 42. 65/1995 Master’s Director, Technical Owns small cabinet Divorced The 20 years Initially factory worker degree/machine Director and the Project maker business ‘Pragmatic War refugee in Aus for 4 years, 16 engineering, ex-Yu, Manager for the design Coper’ years runs small of machines in ex-Yu/ business Initially factory worker in Aus.

290 I 43. 56/1996 Bachelor Journalist in ex-Yu/ Full-time Married The 20 years Accountant in Aus. for degree/Political Accountant in Aus. ‘Pragmatic War refugee 16 years Science, ex-Yu, Coper’/ TAFE/Advanced The Diploma of ‘Survivor’ Accounting, Aus. I 44. 65/1987 Bachelor Dentist in ex-Yu/ Full-time Married The 29 years Dentist assistant in Aus. degree/Dentistry, Dentist assistant in Aus. ‘Survivor’ Skilled for 27 years ex-Yu, Dentistry 7 months course in Aus. I 45. 63/1987 Master’s Teaching English, Unemployed Married The 29 years Changing various jobs degree/English editor, translator, ex- ‘Survivor’ Skilled in last 29 years, in and language and Yu, English teacher and out of profession literature, ex-Yu, Coordinator at TAFE in PhD/English Aus. literature in Aus. I 46. 56/2002 Bachelor Vet in ex-Yu/ Unemployed/Centrelink Divorced The 14 years Courier in Aus for 14 degree/veterinary Courier in Aus. ‘Survivor’ Marriage years science, ex-Yu, I 47. 49/2002 Secondary Retail worker in ex-Yu, Work for agency/Small Married The 14 years Factory worker in Aus. school/retail, ex-Yu, Factory worker initially business owner/transport ‘Survivor’ War refugee for 5 years/casual truck and truck driver in Aus. driver for 9 years I 48. 40/1992 Primary school in Initially bar attendant Full-time Single The ‘Hero’ 24 years Initially doing service ex-Yu, Secondary and shop assistant, low skill jobs for few

291 school, postgraduate currently in respiratory Family/War years, after University studies and and sleep medicine area refugee and PhD study working PhD/Medicine, Aus. in Aus. in the field of expertise for last 16 years I 49. 54/1999 Honours Mechanical design Full-time Married The 17 years Working as an engineer degree/mechanical engineer in ex-Yu, ‘Adaptive Skilled all the time in his engineering, ex-Yu, Mechanical project Professiona profession engineer in Aus. l’ I 50. 35/1996 PhD/Arts in Manager of clothing Full-time Single 20 years Initially doing service Australia shop in Aus. Family/War low skill jobs for few refugee years, after University and PhD study not working in the field of expertise I 51. 55/1999 Honours Electrical engineer in Owner of small business Married The 17 years Run small engineering degree/Electrical ex-Yu, Engineer for engineering company for ‘Adaptive Skilled/War business in Aus. for last engineering in ex- maintenance in maintenance in packaging Professiona refugee 15 years Yu, Australia and food industry in l’ Australia I 52. 55/2000 Honours Engineer in Serbia/, Full-time Married The 16 years After finishing degree/Electrical Scientist in Aus. ‘Adaptive Family/ Biomedical engineering engineering in ex- Professiona War refugee course in Aus. works as Yu, l’ scientist in Aus. for last PhD/Biomedical 10 years engineering in Aus.

292 I 53. 66/1996 Bachelor Engineer in a Retired Married The 20 years Unemployed for 20 degree/Construction construction ‘Survivor’ War refugee years in Aus./Recently in ex-Yu, company/ex-Yu, retired

I 54. 56/1995 Secondary Accounting technician Retired Married The 21 years Retail assistant in Aus. college/accounting, in ex-Yu/, ‘Survivor’ War refugee for 2 years/ ex-Yu, Retail assistant in Aus. Recently Retail and retired/Disability accounting TAFE Support Scheme courses in Aus.

293 Appendix 6

Appendix 6: Quotes from Chapter 4:

Theme: 4.2. Loss: Subtheme 4.2.3. Loss after migration

Another, a qualified lawyer, stated:

I had my diplomas and my certificates, whatever I had, and I sent this to the Overseas Qualification Unit, translated and I got the paper back, and they said it’s comparable to the Australian Bachelor degree, and then there is a stop. It is comparable but it has to be recognised. In order to be recognised, you have to practically, do it over again. (I 5)

Theme 4.3. Motivation: Subtheme 4.3.2. Setting long-term goals

This sense of purpose led their jobs to contribute to their self-fulfilment. An engineer, now a scientist in Australia, recalled:

So, moving in Australia, moving back to scientific research, working on improving human health, working on environmental pollution detection, all of the issues that I feel working on, they have just big impact and purpose, so for me that was a big motivation. (I 52)

Another engineer, now the owner of a small company servicing food-processing machines, explained that the most powerful motivation for him was feeling that what he was doing was very important for the Australian economy:

We service mainly local Australian food producers, which means bakeries, dairies, and farmers, and it is also a pleasure to see your work is useful, important to somebody, because with your help, you help other people, keep employment, to do production, to make for living. (I 51)

A teacher from Bosnia explained:

I think it is what we choose, we made choices, and we choose our pathways, depends how ambitious people are and what they really want in life. (I 34)

294 Theme 4.5. Barriers to SEI: Subtheme 4.5.1.1. Low English language proficiency

Another, previously a farmer with secondary agriculture college education, stated that he had neither the ability nor the interest to learn English:

I was not very successful in learning the English language, especially spelling, I could not understand why I have to write A and read E, and so on, I have not learned the English language before in the former Yugoslavia, I was not very keen to learn or talented for schools generally. (I 39)

Theme 4.6. Adaptation: Subtheme: 4.6.5. Adjusting to a new environment

Some respondents reported feeling content when working in precarious jobs, when they knew those were aligned with their family priorities and purpose. An example is a statement from a university-educated fine arts teacher, married, with a wife and three children, who has had to work all of his 20 years in Australia as a commercial painter, as he considered this to be the only option to fulfil his family duties and financial responsibilities:

Without money it is very hard, my social life in the early beginning, in that time was not good enough, I did not have many friends at all. (I 12)

This is a case of generational sacrifice, i.e., giving up ambitions for his own future in order to give a new start to his children. The emphasis here is on adaptive qualities such as generosity, acceptance and a spirit of sacrifice. This example implies acceptance of the new conditions for the sake of the well-being of the family. Importantly, his social life – friendship relations – later improved.

These examples indicate working hard and making sacrifices in the short term to gain something else in the longer term, together with an opportunity to convert to a new career.

Theme 4.7. Adaptation: Subtheme 4.7.7. Support from work colleagues and neighbours

Interestingly, some English teachers became family friends with some SRFY:

My teachers, one of the teachers which I met through my English course had the same age kid as my son. Her son and my son went together to the same childcare, after that to the primary school. We continued that friendship after finishing my English for health professionals, so she was very good support. (I 29)

295 This illustrates individuals’ ability to transition from an institutionalised role (teacher) to a personal relationship role (friend). Some respondents find resources to personalise their relationships with other people, going beyond what institutionalised regimes have to offer.

Relationships make meaningful support possible for an SRFY in an institutionalised setting. One respondent received support from a sponsor from Australia who was himself a refugee and a former neighbour from the former Yugoslavia:

We had also sponsor from Australia who was also refugee from former Yugoslavia as us but came one year earlier to Australia than us. My dear friend was also my neighbour from my town. He did not have or gave us any special sponsorship for us, but that is how we went through. I was happy to see him and his family. (I 53)

Theme 4.8. Family: Subtheme: 4.8.2. Competing priorities

But where family members did not share aspirations and efforts, the family became a constraint rather than a source of support, as a respondent wishing to pursue an engineering career commented:

We had a decision. I will stop study and will go to work and my wife will follow her study. The idea was that after she finished and found a job, she will support me to study. It never happened, because of my wife, she was not enthusiastic, and so in the end it has happened that I was stuck in business for the family to survive, to support, and to feed a family. (I 14)

Family, then, is a place where professional career, dreams, ideals and goals are maintained but also may be buried.

Subtheme 4.8.2.2. Work

The contribution of grandparents in raising grandchildren when the parents had long working hours was essential to the well-being of some families:

My parents come from [Yugoslavia] after our application for family reunion was accepted and they took care all the time about kids while my husband and I are working long hours in our cleaning business. (I 40)

One respondent (who, like his wife, held fine arts university qualifications from Serbia) believed that it was worthwhile sacrificing their careers in that profession in order to provide a more secure future for their four children, despite a sense of regret:

296 We are happy in our family life, but regarding our employment in Australia, we feel like we are ‘losers’, as we do not work in a job related to our fine art university qualifications, we are not working in our field in expertise. (I 12)

The respondent cannot summon unreserved positive feelings about how life has changed. Here, as elsewhere, family is a constraint, and a deeper sense of attachment to a former profession and status remains.

Subtheme 4.8.3. Education of the children

Education is a key to successful integration at a different, higher level than was possible for the parents, at least after they migrated. The importance of education and sport, and balance in everything, were transmitted by family influence and values:

Education is very important and I think that is something that we were trying that they can see all hard work that my husband and I have been working towards their achievements, towards their better future… (I 34)

Theme 4.9. Identity: Subtheme 4.9.2. Ethnic identity and social ties

Some SRFY who were exceptionally successful in their employment integration, happy in Australia with their family, a job and lifestyle, still felt nostalgia and every year visited their homeland. An engineer, who is happy in Australia, and has dedicated the past 20 years establishing Serbian sporting activities in the basketball community, said:

I cannot really find something that I can say that I am not happy with. I cannot argue because I can see the other people have not been successful as I am. I know that all our kids are successful and make us proud here in Australia. I know that they feel as Australian, they have a dream in Australia. [But] I am still missing my country. (I 28)

Some found a new identity that was in harmony with their previous and Australian way of life and culture, beliefs and values. One was 22 years old when he arrived on a skilled visa from Serbia. After 26 years working and living in Australia, his identity is Australian, derived from feelings of opportunity offered and belonging encouraged:

I am more Aussie, I mean, I always be the Serb and I born in Serbia, but what is this country give to me, you know, lot of opportunity to, for my, rest of my life, so I can easy say that this is even same my country. I never say one bad words for this country. (I 6)

297 One respondent, a successful veterinarian in Yugoslavia and in Australia, emphasised the host’s acceptance and citizenship as one important aspect of feeling Australian, summarising what was a common experience:

We feel like part of this country, more than of [ethnic] community. I felt like we are Australian from day one. So, all those things, education for free, and medical support, and everything, so, we felt very safe here, you know, we finally found a country you can stay and start your new peaceful life, full prosperity, no stress, no religious, ethnical like problems, it is just so beautiful. (I 30)

We are not heavily involved in our community. The only reason why, because we wanted to start new life, with kids, and we do not want that. We want to give them chance to actually live normal life. It is because you cannot see anything outside. I just want to be integral part of this society where I live. (I 35)

One respondent was very excited about being a part of the new society, a new country, and felt welcomed from the first day in Australia, which greatly contributed to accepting and embracing her new identity:

I was excited being part of new society, new country, and I was always really welcomed, and I think that I was lucky that I did not experience any discrimination. (I 50)

Participation and connection in the local community were all seen as important aspects of respondents’ social integration and eventual steps on the way to becoming ‘Australian’. Similarly, a teacher in Yugoslavia and Australia developed friendships and social ties through volunteering in both the Serbian and mainstream community:

I have been volunteering in Serbian community as well as in Australian community, mainly around schools and sport. It gives me through volunteering you get to know more people. You are networking with others, and it just helps you get to know more people. I think you do not feel isolated, and being accepted, who you are, it is very important. (I 34)

Theme 4.10. Fulfilment: Subtheme 4.10.4. Fulfilment in EI

A sense of harmony and fulfilment was intertwined with and partly dependent on SEI.

298 I like this what I do, I enjoy this work, when you have good job and good, you make like good living of that, and you like it, and you look forward every morning to go to work, what more do you want. (I 51)

Another described what helped him achieve fulfilment:

My life in Australia since coming in Australia is good. We are actually happy with our life. It has nice progressing line to better. We started with the zero. We did not know how to speak with the people at AMES; we kind of learn how to do it. I find a job in relatively good company. They helped me a lot. (I 35)

299 Appendix 7

Table: Serbian Population in Australia (source: ABS Census, 2006)

Northern Territory 267 0.4% Queensland 10 181 Western 16.1% Australia 9 966 South Australia 15.8% 8 150 12.9% New South Wales 17 489 27.7% Australian Capital Territory Victoria 1 927 14 594 3.0% 23.2%

Tasmania 561 0.9%

State Population of Serbs Percentage (%) Victoria 14 594 23.2% New South Wales 17 489 27.7% Queensland 10 181 16.1% Western Australia 9 966 15.8% South Australia 8 150 12.9% Australian Capital Territory 1 927 3.0% Tasmania 561 0.9% Northern Territory 267 0.4% Total Population 63 135 100%

Australian Bureau of Statistics (2006) ‘Census of Population and Housing’ Multicultural Affairs Branch and the Program Statistics and Monitoring Section.

300 Based on all Census data, I estimate that the number of Serbian migrants who came to Australia from the former Yugoslavia from 1986-2011 is around 70 000, as one part of Serbian population is in mixed marriages and for various cultural (religious beliefs), socioeconomic, political, and other reasons stated in new 2011 and 2016 Census data that they are South Europeans, not Serbs.

According to the 2006 Census, (2006) there were 17,330 who declared themselves to be born in a country called Serbia. Serbia-born people in Australia and the top three ancestry responses were: Serbia-born people reported were Serbian (13, 950), Not Stated (840) and Albanian (760). However, the 2011 census introduced a category of origin called “South Eastern Europeans.” In addition, according to the data of the recent Census 2011 data, 25,000 people from the former Yugoslavia registered in this are put in new statistical column as South Eastern Europeans. Many of these people were from mixed marriages and many are ethnically Serbs. The figures are further distorted through the fact that data of citizenship (for example, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina) does not truly reflect belonging to a specific ethnic group. This is especially true for Serbian migrants from the former Yugoslav republics. For example, FNRJ Census (1948) shows that there were 588,756 or 15% declared Serbs in Croatia. In 1961 FNRJ Census there were 624,990 or 15% of Serbs in Croatia. According to the 1991 Yugoslav Census data, there were 531,502 declared Serbs in Croatia or 11.6%. Evidence suggests that many Serbs in Croatia declared themselves Yugoslavs (also, among 1.2 million declared Yugoslavs in 1981 SFRJ Census many were Serbs: Yugoslav Survey 1992: 12), even if they were Serbs, for ideological or political reasons (fear of loss of employment, discrimination, status etc.). It is empirically estimated that today there are no more than 50,000 to 60,000 Serbs or approximately 1% who live in Croatia due to Croatian ethnic cleansing in 1990s. FNRJ Census 1948 data shows that the Bosnia and Herzegovina population was 2,847,459, with 1,264,372 or 44.4% Serbs (Yugoslav Survey 1992).

301 Appendix 8. Ethics clearance

Acknowledgement of Report for SUHREC Project - 2013/285 Re: Final Report for the project (Report Date: 07-11-2016) 2013/285 'Challenges and opportunities for integration in Australian workforce: Experiences of migrants from Serbian background' The Final report for the above project (Report Date: 07-11-2016) has been processed and satisfies the reporting requirements set under the terms of ethics clearance. Research Ethics Team Swinburne Research (H68) Swinburne University of Technology PO Box 218 HAWTHORN VIC 3122 Tel: 03 9214 3845 Fax: 03 9214 5267 Email: [email protected]

SUHREC Project 2013/285 Ethics Clearance SUHREC Project 2013/285 Challenges and opportunities for integration in Australian workforce: Experiences of migrants from Serbian background Dr Diana Rajendran, FBE; Mr Stanko Stapar, Dr Lyndon Walker Approved Duration: 19/02/2014 to 28/02/2016 [Adjusted] I refer to the ethical review of the above project protocol undertaken by a Sub-committee (SHESC3) of Swinburne’s Human Research Ethics Committee (SUHREC). Your responses to the review, as emailed on 30 January 2014 with attachments, were put to a SUHREC delegate for consideration and feedback sent to you. Your responses to the feedback, as per your email of 6 February with attachments were also put to the SHESC delegate and further feedback received and communicated on 18 February 2014. Your responses as emailed later on yesterday with revised consent instruments attached accord with the feedback. You will have received a separate email from me today re finalised consent instruments. I am pleased to advise that, as submitted to date, the project may proceed in line with standard on-going ethics clearance conditions here outlined. - All human research activity undertaken under Swinburne auspices must conform to Swinburne and external regulatory standards, including the current National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research and with respect to secure data use, retention and disposal.

302 - The named Swinburne Chief Investigator/Supervisor remains responsible for any personnel appointed to or associated with the project being made aware of ethics clearance conditions, including research and consent procedures or instruments approved. Any change in chief investigator/supervisor requires timely notification and SUHREC endorsement. - The above project has been approved as submitted for ethical review by or on behalf of SUHREC. Amendments to approved procedures or instruments ordinarily require prior ethical appraisal/clearance. SUHREC must be notified immediately or as soon as possible thereafter of (a) any serious or unexpected adverse effects on participants any redress measures; (b) proposed changes in protocols; and (c) unforeseen events which might affect continued ethical acceptability of the project. - At a minimum, an annual report on the progress of the project is required as well as at the conclusion (or abandonment) of the project. Information on project monitoring, self-audits and progress reports can be found at: http://www.research.swinburne.edu.au/ethics/human/monitoringReportingChanges/ - A duly authorised external or internal audit of the project may be undertaken at any time. Please contact the Research Ethics Office if you have any queries about on-going ethics clearance. The SUHREC project number should be quoted in communication. Researchers should retain a copy of this email as part of project recordkeeping. Best wishes for the project. Yours sincerely Keith for Secretary, SHESC3 ------Keith Wilkins Secretary, SUHREC & Research Ethics Officer Swinburne Research (H68) Swinburne University of Technology P O Box 218 HAWTHORN VIC 3122 Tel +61 3 9214 5218 Fax +61 3 9214 5267

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