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Ontario History

“A Justifiable Obsession” Conservative 's Relations with Ottawa, 1943-1985 by P.E. Bryden Matthew Barrett

Volume 106, Number 1, Spring 2014

URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1050724ar DOI: https://doi.org/10.7202/1050724ar

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Publisher(s) The Ontario Historical Society

ISSN 0030-2953 (print) 2371-4654 (digital)

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Cite this review Barrett, M. (2014). Review of [“A Justifiable Obsession” Conservative Ontario's Relations with Ottawa, 1943-1985 by P.E. Bryden]. Ontario History, 106(1), 126–128. https://doi.org/10.7202/1050724ar

Copyright © The Ontario Historical Society, 2014 This document is protected by copyright law. Use of the services of Érudit (including reproduction) is subject to its terms and conditions, which can be viewed online. https://apropos.erudit.org/en/users/policy-on-use/

This article is disseminated and preserved by Érudit. Érudit is a non-profit inter-university consortium of the Université de Montréal, Université Laval, and the Université du Québec à Montréal. Its mission is to promote and disseminate research. https://www.erudit.org/en/ 126 ONTARIO HISTORY Ontario History

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“A Justifiable Obsession” Conservative Ontario’s Relations with Ottawa, 1943- 1985 By P.E. Bryden

Toronto: Press, 2013. 340 Pages. $34.95 paperback. ISBN 978-1-44261-406-2. (www.utp- publishing.com)

lthough not a definitive account of the University of Victoria historian P.E. Bryden Afour-decade long Tory dynasty in the reinterprets this period in Canadian politi- province, “A Justifiable Obsession” provides cal history to argue that Ontario played a significant insights into how the Progressive central role in expressing a national vision Conservative premiers and their advisers and national objectives from the provin- conceived Ontario’s place within Confed- cial level. The “justifiable obsession” in the eration. By focusing on the intergovern- book’s title refers to Ontario’s continuous mental strategies adopted by the premiers, and occasionally unwelcome interest with

Ontario History / Volume CVI, No. 1 / Spring 2014

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the function of intergovernmental politics increasingly expansive powers in relation during the successive PC governments of to the provinces. As Ottawa encroached on George Drew (1943-1948), Leslie Frost tax fields and social policy areas tradition- (1949-1961), (1961-1971) ally reserved for provincial governments, and (1971-1985). Bryden asserts Ontario premiers were forced to develop that Canadian studies on intergovernmen- new strategies in managing intergovern- tal relations and federalism have tended to mental relations. Drew’s early an- focus on the more colourful characters who tagonism with Ottawa demonstrated the represented instances of conflict and po- futility of the confrontational approach tential disunity. In comparison to Ottawa’s adopted by past provincial leaders. In order well-studied clashes with Quebec’s René to challenge federal centralization, Drew Lévesque or Alberta’s Peter Lougheed, the proposed alternatives to the reconstruction relationship between the federal govern- policies of the King government and sought ment and Ontario’s Conservative premiers alliances with the other provinces. Premier seemed rather benign and straightforward. Frost continued his predecessor’s strategy Without the obvious fault lines of Fran- by positioning himself as the leader who B cophone separatism or western alienation could represent provincial-rights. Sensitive to drive the historical narrative, Bryden to the perception of selfish motives, Frost claims few scholars have devoted sufficient sought to reshape the national agenda in attention to Ontario’s intricate relation- order to correspond with Ontario’s inter- ship with Ottawa. Bryden’s study places ests (77). Despite the postwar attempts to a greater emphasis on the important and reassert a balanced arrangement with the overlooked influence of Ontario politi- federal government, Ontario politicians cians and bureaucrats in reshaping the pro- achieved only limited successes concern- vincial-federal dialogue and strengthening ing tax sharing, social welfare and health Canadian federalism. Utilizing detailed policies. Although Ontario introduced is- primary source material, Bryden digs be- sues of intergovernmental contention on neath the seemingly calm surface to reveal the national stage, federal initiatives often the contentious discussions and frustrated departed from the province’s expectations. negotiations that characterized Ontario’s By the 1960s, the federal government fur- foray into intergovernmental affairs and ther irritated Ontario leaders by participat- statecraft. ing in separate agreements with Quebec As Bryden’s chronological analysis over pensions (128). makes clear, the four successive Conserva- Recognizing the risk that Ottawa’s bi- tive governments built on the strategies lateral approach with individual provinces and lessons of their predecessors. During could sideline Ontario, Premier Robarts the late nineteenth and early twentieth began to shift away from the “nuts and centuries, Ontario premiers such as Oliver bolts” policy issues to questions of mega- Mowat successfully championed provin- intergovernmental politics (152). Adapt- cial-rights, while judicial rulings upheld ing the earlier strategies of Drew and Frost provincial authority (4). However, by the to involve the other provinces, Robarts as- 1940s, emergency wartime pressures, post- sumed the role of a facilitator rather than war centralization and the abolition of the a provincial-rights leader. Robarts’ new Privy Council as the court of last resort, approach focused greater attention on enabled the federal government to exercise the constitution and concerns of national

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unity. The Ontario-sponsored Confedera- the perspective of provincial-rights, most tion of Tomorrow Conference in 1967 ex- readers would deem Ontario’s postwar emplified the premier’s managerial style as strategy as less successful than the confron- he attempted to stimulate a national con- tational tactics utilized in the prewar era. versation over constitutional issues that By contrast, when considering the wider included the voice of Quebec and French implications of Ontario’s contribution to Canada (161). While Robarts experienced the development of an inclusive intergov- mixed success in playing statesman, his ernmental dialogue, the province’s under- efforts nevertheless influenced Premier stated achievements can be more clearly Davis’ role in the constitutional debates identified. of the 1980s. As a supporter of Trudeau’s While Bryden provides excellent proposed patriation of the Canadian Con- historical context, the book would have stitution, Davis also assumed the role of benefited from a more comprehensive mediator and bridge-builder in the negoti- analysis of the different interpretations ations. Davis and his bureaucratic advisers and arguments that the author aims to re- sought to keep all sides engaged in an on- assess. Rather than engage specific authors, going dialogue. Their diplomatic strategy Bryden often uses the generic term “schol- set the groundwork for an agreement that ars” to represent alternative viewpoints. would culminate in the 1982 Constitution As a result, Bryden does not situate her re- Act (222). interpretation of the Ontario-Ottawa rela- Despite Ontario’s “obsession” with tionship within the existing literature and mega-intergovernmental politics, by the methodologies. In spite of such shortcom- end of the Tory dynasty the province had ings, “A Justifiable Obsession” is a valuable largely failed to advance its individual ob- addition to our understanding of postwar jectives. Federal inflexibility in negotiating Canadian federalism and Ontario political the “nuts and bolts” issues such as tax shar- culture. Bryden carefully weaves the evolu- ing and social spending often frustrated the tion of the provincial-federal relationship premiers’ agenda. However, as Bryden con- with the changing political, social and eco- vincingly argues, the successive provincial nomic situation in Ontario and Canada. governments were often willing to concede The persuasive arguments and widespread the smaller issues in order to reform and primary source investigation makes the secure Canadian federalism. Conserva- book essential for researchers studying tive leaders recognized that the continued the “Big Blue Machine” or policy special- economic strength of Ontario rested on a ists examining the status of Ontario in the functional federal system within a united present era of intergovernmental relations. country. Furthermore, the premiers’ role Written in a compelling style, Bryden’s in articulating a Canadian national vision work succeeds in breaking the perception resonated with an Ontario political culture of “bland” Conservative governance by that had customarily assumed “responsibil- conveying the sense of excitement, antici- ity for the idea of the nation” (8). Bryden’s pation and disappointment that so often study indicates the importance for histo- characterized Ontario’s dealings with Ot- rians and political scientists to re-evaluate tawa and the other provinces. the criteria used in assessing a province’s successful or unsuccessful negotiation of Matthew Barrett M.A., intergovernmental relations. Judged from Queens University

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