Sugar and Democracy in Fiji: the Material Foundations of Post-Colonial Authoritarianism 1970-2005
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Sugar and Democracy in Fiji: The material foundations of post-colonial authoritarianism 1970-2005 By Keiran Barbalich A Thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Masters of Arts in Political Science School of History, Philosophy, Political Science & International Relations Victoria University of Wellington 2009 Abstract Fiji became independent in 1970, and functioned for 17 years under a constitution with democratic elements, including elections. Three times since 1987, however, armed force has overthrown constitutionally elected governments. Some observers see this as a failure of the consolidation of Fijian democracy, while others acknowledge the façade of Fijian democracy. Among those who acknowledge Fiji’s authoritarian institutions, conflict persists as to whether authoritarianism is the inevitable product of ethnic conflict in Fijian society, or a consequence of post-colonial institutional legacies. No movement toward democracy in Fiji is likely to succeed until we understand the material foundations underlying Fiji’s authoritarian politics. This thesis argues that Fiji’s authoritarian political institutions, established under colonial rule, have been sustained since independence by forces in the international economy. These forces have helped to maintain the economic, social and political dominance of a Pacific- Fijian chiefly elite over Fijian society. Specially, chiefly control of the sugar industry, Fiji’s principal export, has provided chiefs with sufficient patronage resources to retain their control over Fijian society through electoral politics or, at the event of undesirable electoral outcomes, through armed opposition. Through post-colonial structures, the chiefs control the land-tenure system, and through their setting and receipt of land rents, they have been the principal beneficiaries of Fiji’s sugar exports. This comparatively inefficient industry, and the social and political institutions that it rests on, have survived because Fiji, as party to the European Union’s Sugar Protocol, has received two-and-a-half to three times the world market price for its sugar exports between 1975 and 2009. This thesis makes its case through close textual analysis of Fiji’s three constitutions, detailed inspection of Fiji’s land-tenure system, and, specifically, the accounts of the Native Land Trust Board, as well as examination of the secondary literature on Fiji’s sugar industry. 2 Acknowledgements I would like to gratefully acknowledge the support I have had from an assortment of people and organisations without which this thesis would not have been possible. First and foremost, I must give my utmost thanks and appreciation to my primary supervisor Dr John Leslie. John has supported and encouraged me throughout this process, from its inception as a loose honours research paper, to its development into this thesis. John, thank you for being open with me when my work was not refined enough, for your patience while the thesis approached the necessary standard, and for your commitment to this me and this work throughout the past 15 months. Thanks is also due to my secondary supervisor Dr. Roderic Alley. Rod your support and flexibility was invaluable in overseeing this work. I wish to thank a group of peers and close friends who without their support and critical feedback this thesis would not exist. First, Shaun McGirr. Not only was Shaun a sounding board for all key ideas of this thesis, but he has also been my hardest critic and I thank you for caring to put so much time into assisting me with this work. Special thanks also goes to those who debated pieces of my thesis over and over when me when we were both adamant each of us was right. To those who tutored and taught me, read drafts for me and assisted the rewriting process. Special mention here goes to Ara Tai Rākena, Robert Addison, Matt Davis, Pala Molisa, David Carter and Wayne Pihema. And a special thanks to all my political, apolitical or non-political friends who kept interested in my study, and kept in contact despite my inability to do the same for them at time. Thanks for keeping in close contact and keeping me down to earth. I am also grateful to a number of institutions, for without their generosity this research would have been severely limited. First, the European Union Centre’s Network, for providing me with not only with scholarship for thesis course fees, but also funding to attend and present my research at its 2007 and 2008 annual conferences, and 2008 and 2009 graduate retreats. Second, Victoria University of Wellington for providing funding for my fieldwork to Fiji and for funding to attend and present my research at the Australian Political Science 2008 conference held in Brisbane. Third, the Pacific Islands Political Science association, which funded my attendance to present research at its 2007 conference in Port Vila, Vanuatu. These opportunities enabled me not only test various claims of my research but to steer in down its most fruitful path. I also wish to thank the members of the Political Science & International Relations Programme at Victoria University who have supported and encouraged me with in my formulation of this thesis. I wish to specially thank Dr Christopher LaMonica for making political science seem real for me and for whilst I was an undergraduate at Victoria. Without Chris’ inspiration, to path of postgraduate study would never have crossed my mind. A special thanks also to Professor Elizabeth McLeay for the support she provided to myself and thesis postgraduates within the department. Thanks is due to all those at the University of the South Pacific, Suva, who made my fieldwork all the easier. Special mention goes to Dr Rae Nicholl for the time she invested in ensuring my time in Suva went smoothly. To the photocopier at the USP library many 3 thanks for the many boxes of photocopying you did for me. To Ruth and Neil Lund for providing me accommodation for the majority of my stay in Suva. Special thanks to those who provided me employment during my tenure writing this thesis. To those who I tutored for within the Political Science & International Relations Programme, notably, Dr David Capie, Dr Annmarie Elijah, and Dr Pat Maloney. To Tina McNicholas at the Pacific Cooperation Foundation, and Sharon Jones at the New Zealand Education Institute. These people made my workload outside university very manageable, especially under the stresses of fundraising for the field trip. Special mention must be made of my fellow students, particularly Kelvin Bannan, Rupert Mackintosh, Jason Young, Helena Cook and the many others who’s company, and support made this process much more enjoyable. Last but most of all, I would like my parents Anne-Marie and Nick Barbalich, and my brothers Rowan and Gerard. Thank you so much for constantly giving me love and support, as well as providing eyes, ears and edits to help me complete this thesis. To Alyce Butler, I realise you have learnt more about the political economy of Fiji than you probably have ever wanted to, however, was still willing to have the same conversation with me over and over again to reassure me, when I was adamant I was missing something out. For this, I thank you. This thesis could not have been completed without your love, patience, and occasional harassment. 4 Table of Contents Abstract ....................................................................................................................................2 Acknowledgements ..................................................................................................................3 List of Tables ...........................................................................................................................6 List of Figures..........................................................................................................................7 List of Acronyms......................................................................................................................8 Pronunciation of Pacific-Fijian words.....................................................................................9 Chapter One: Introduction .................................................................................................... 10 Chapter Two: Democratisation, Ethnic Conflict and the International Political Economy: Interdependence of Domestic Structures in the International Context ............................... 13 Fiji: democracy of authoritarian? ............................................................................................................14 Explanations for authoritarianism in Fiji ...............................................................................................16 Maintaining authoritarianism in Fiji........................................................................................................25 Methodology ..............................................................................................................................................29 Chapter Three: Fiji’s Parallel Authority Structures ...............................................................34 Fiji’s constitution and the placement of sovereignty within it ...........................................................35 How an authoritarian chiefly elite governs the economy....................................................................43 Chapter Four: Independence and the Resurgence of Authoritarianism 1970 -1990