Melanesia in Review: Issues and Events, 2000 Reviews of Papua New Guinea and tion of May 1999, became more overt West Papua are not included in this in the early months of 2000. Fijian issue. political parties, led by the former governing party, Soqosoqo ni Vakavu- Fi j i lewa ni Taukei (sv t), held meetings For the people of Fiji, the year 2000 around the country to discuss ways to was the most turbulent and traumatic oppose if not depose the government in recent memory. The country and thereby return to power. These endured an armed takeover of parlia- meetings helped fuel indigenous Fijian ment and a hostage crisis lasting fifty- unease and animosity toward Chaud- six days, the declaration of martial hry’s leadership. Signaling its move law and abrogation of the 1997 con- toward a more nationalist stance, the stitution, and a bloody mutiny in the sv t terminated its coalition with the armed forces. These events raised the Indo-Fijian–based National Federa- specter of civil war and economic col- tion Party in February, describing the lapse, international ostracism, and a coalition as “self-defeating.” future plagued with uncertainty and In March, the Taukei Movement ha r dship. Comparisons with the coups was revived with the aim, according of 1987 were inevitable, but most to spokesman Apisai Tora, of “rem o v - observers would conclude that the ing the government through various crisis of 2000 left Fiji more adrift legal means as soon as possible” (Sun, and divided than ever before. 3 May 2000, 1). In 1987 the Taukei The month of May has become Movement had spearheaded national- synonymous with coups in Fiji. It ist opposition to, and destabilization was on 14 May 1987 the country wit- of, the then Labor Coalition govern- nessed its first military coup d’état, le d ment. In 2000, the movement’s battle by then Lieutenant Colonel Sitiveni cry was familiar: the People’s Coali- Rabuka. On 19 May 20 0 0 a group of tion government was not working in nine gunmen attempted to repeat his- the interests of the indigenous people. to r y, by taking hostage Prime Minister Tora’s role in the Taukei Move- Mahendra Chaudhry and his People’s ment was a dramatic turnabout from Coalition government. While the pre- his 1999 position, when he led one of cise details of who was involved and the Labor Party’s coalition partners, how the takeover was to be executed the Party of National Unity (pa n u). ar e still to be revealed, the gunmen Tora lost his bid for a seat in parlia- who stormed parliament were no ment, and subsequently blamed his doubt banking on the support of defeat on Chaudhry’s decision to field various antigovernment forces to a Labor candidate against him. In en s u r e they carried the day. January he announced his resignation The campaign to oust Mahendra as pa n u secretary. This followed an Chaudhry from office, which began unsuccessful attempt in September covertly soon after the historic elec- 1999 to pull the party out of the 529 530 the contemporary pacific • fall 2001 coalition, a move that was rebuffed previously limited to indigenous by pa n u’s four parliamentarians. Fijians and Rotumans (such as Fijian Splits deepened within all the Development Bank loans) be opened Fijian-based parties in the People’s up to other races. Despite advice even Coalition, and between those parlia- from some allies, the government per- mentarians and cabinet ministers loyal sisted with the proposed legislation. to Chaudhry and those opposed to his Leading the opposition to the bill was leadership. Labor’s relations with its Senator Laisenia Qarase, a nominee principal coalition partner, the Fijian of the Great Council of Chiefs in the Association Party (fap), became espe- Senate. His argument, which echoed cially fraught. With the deputy prime that of other critics, was that remov- minister and fa p leader, Adi Kuini ing special assistance for Fijians in Speed, away on medical leave, the commerce and industry, aimed at party leadership was taken over by closing the gaps between the races, backbencher Ratu Tu‘akitau Coka- would lead to ethnic tensions and nauto, a vocal critic of Chaudhry. In political instability. He labeled the April a special general meeting of the government’s approach “arrogant, fa p endorsed its withdrawal from belligerent and provocative” (Sun, 14 the People’s Coalition, but this was Mar 2000, 3). This led to a highly decided in the absence of the party’s public feud, conducted through news- four cabinet ministers. paper advertisements, between Qarase Anti-Labor and anti-Chaudhry sen- and the government, with the latter timent was fueled by a number of accusing Qarase of “running an contentious policy initiatives taken by orchestrated propaganda campaign to the government. These included the discredit the government based on lies Constitutional Amendment Bill, and distortion” (Review, April, 17). introduced in the House of Represen- Perhaps most sensitive of all, how- tatives in February. It proposed fifteen ever, was the government’s land pol- changes to the constitution, some of icy. The stand-off between the gov- which the sv t had put forward when ernment and the Native Land Trust it was in power. Fijian critics claimed Board (n lt b) on the future of land that the bill would dilute the power of leases continued into 2000. The the Senate and by implication that of urgency of resolving this issue was the Great Council of Chiefs, as well underscored by a report that up to 95 as weaken other Fijian institutions, percent of cane leases, due to expire particularly in respect to advising the before 2002, would not be renewed president. On the other hand, the bill (Sun, 16 Mar 2000, 1). Chaudhry’s alienated human rights and civil soci- determination to retain the Agricul- ety groups by its attempt to remove ture Landlord and Tenant Act (alta) constitutional provisions prohibiting provided potent ammunition to his discrimination on the basis of sexual critics, eager to read in his actions a orientation. bias toward the interests of Indo- Also controversial was the govern- Fijian farmers. One newly formed ment’s Social Justice and Affirmative organization, the Foundation of the Action Bill. Among other things it Indigenous Fijian People, under the proposed that assistance programs leadership of Rewa parliamentarian political reviews • m elan e s i a 531 Ratu Timoci Silatolu, warned non- liament condemned the government’s indigenous Fijian leaders to refrain choice of c d c, saying it showed that from commenting on alta. Another Fijians “have no voice in deciding Chaudhry opponent, nltb General how their resources will be used” Manager Maika Qarikau, was report- (Post, 8 Apr 2000, 2). In April the edly busy meeting provincial councils Great Council of Chiefs requested around the country, feeding antigov- that the government defer any further ernment sentiment over land issues. decisions on the mahogany question, A key platform of the government’s forming a committee to look into land policy was the proposal to set up how landowners would benefit from a Land Use Commission. According the resource. This was chaired by to Chaudhry, the proposal aimed to Senator Qarase. deal with the problem of unused land. Fijian mistrust of the government “The land can be developed and used was also stirred by the parliamentary to obtain a return for those who own majority it enjoyed. svt’s president it” (Times, 8 Mar 2000, 1). Critics, and former deputy prime minister, including Vice President Ratu Josefa Taufa Vakatale, claimed that the gov- Iloilo, described the proposal as an ernment had such an overwhelming attempt to impose state control over majority that the sv t was powerless land use, thus denying landowners in opposition. Labor held 37 seats in their rightful ownership. A govern- the 71-seat parliament, but the total ment-sponsored visit to Malaysia by number for the Coalition was 58 seats ten chiefs, to observe land use policy (including the 3 Christian Democratic there, was labeled “a ploy” to further Alliance members and 3 indepen- divide the Fijian people. dents). According to Vakatale, the Land issues gained greater political only option for the people was to salience due to the potentially huge take to the streets. returns that would be realized from In April a series of antigovernment the country’s vast mahogany planta- marches began. The first, in Lautoka, tions. In March it was announced that attracted only about five hundred the Commonwealth Development demonstrators. At the next march in Corporation (c d c) was the govern- Suva on 28 April, there were an esti- ment’s preferred strategic partner in mated four thousand, led by promi- the harvesting, processing, and mar- nent Fijian politicians and members keting of the resource. The former of parliament. They called for the chairman of Fiji Hardwoods (a com- removal of the “anti-Fijian” govern- pany formed in 1997 to manage the ment and for its replacement by an plantations), George Speight, had been indigenous-based government. The sacked from his position soon after demonstrators also called for the the 1999 election by Agriculture Min- 1997 constitution to be replaced by ister Poseci Bune. There were allega- the 1990 constitution. The govern- tions of conflict of interest due to ment’s response was to publish full- Speight’s close association with a rival page advertisements in the daily to the c dc—the US-based Anglo- papers listing all its initiatives to assist Pacific Corporation (Sun, 9 Apr 2000, indigenous Fijians. When Police Com- 15–17).