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Introduction Notes Introduction 1. I use ‘discourse’ in a loosely Foucauldian sense to denote embedded sets of taken for granted ideas, terms, and categories; and ‘praxis’ in a loosely Marxist sense to connote the synthesis of theory and action and practical expressions of discourse. 2. Archaeologists, historical linguists, and bioanthropologists roughly concur that the length of human settlement in island Southeast Asia, Australia, and Near Oceania (New Guinea, Bismarck Archipelago, and Solomon Islands) is at least 40,000–60,000 years. In Remote Oceania, the estimated length ranges from about 4,000 years in western Micronesia, around 3,000 years in southern Melanesia and western Polynesia, to fewer than 800 years in New Zealand (Higham et al. 1999:426; Kirch 2010; Spriggs 1997:23–6, 70; Stanyon et al. 2009). 3. See O’Gorman 1961:51–69; Wroth 1944:91–168. 4. See Douglas 2010; Schilder 1976; Wroth 1944:168–200. 5. Australasie from Latin australis (‘southern’); Polynésie from Greek poly- (‘many’) and neˉsos (‘island’). See Douglas 2011b. 6. For example, Canzler 1795, 1813; Reichard 1803: [plates 2 and 3]; Streit 1817. 7. Micronesia, from Greek mikros (‘small’), appears on an 1819 map by the Florentine cartographer Borghi (1826). Malaisie, from Malay Malayu, was sug- gested by the voyage naturalist René-Primevère Lesson (1826a:103, note 1). 8. Govor’s survey was undertaken for my ARC Discovery project ‘Naming Oceania’ (DP1094562). 9. Other expeditions in Oceania left important legacies: those of the Dutchmen Tasman (17th century) and Roggeveen (18th century); the Englishmen Drake, Wallis, Bligh, Vancouver, Beechey, and FitzRoy (16th–19th centuries); the 18th-century expeditions of the Frenchmen La Pérouse and Marion du Fresne and the Spaniard Malaspina; the 19th-century voyages of the Russians Krusenstern and Lisiansky, Kotzebue, and Bellingshausen and the United States Exploring Expedition under Wilkes. Though I refer in passing to several, none meets my core criterion of broad comparative regional scope. 10. I use ‘anthropology’ in its dominant 19th-century sense of physical anthro- pology, focussing on races (Institut de France 1835, I:80; 1878, I:77). In French, the term retained this narrow meaning well into the 20th century but in English by the 1870s approximated its broad modern sense. See Stocking 1971; Vermeulen 2006; Williams 1985:38–40. I use ‘ethnography’ to mean systematic study and description of particular human groups and ‘ethnology’ to imply their comparison. 11. See Ballard 2008; Douglas 2008a:55–6, 64–73; MacLeod and Rehbock 1994. 12. See Boxer 1963:1–40; 1969:20–5, 88–9, 96–104, 249–72; Hannaford 1996: 17–126; Marshall and Williams 1982:33–7, 227–57. 294 Notes 295 13. The OED dates the earliest English usage of the substantive ‘Negro’ to 1555 (OUP 2013 [2003]: http://www.oed.com/view/Entry/125898). 14. Académie françoise 1694, II:364; Estienne 1539:411; Johnson 1756, II; OUP 2013 [2008]: http://www.oed.com/view/Entry/157031. 15. My emphasis. 16. My emphasis. 17. Blumenbach 1795:322; 1806:73–97; Buffon 1749:469–70, 529–30; Kant 1777:127; 1788:107–21. See also Zammito 2006. 18. Blumenbach 1795:viii–x; Kant 1777:126. 19. See Blanckaert 1988:24–34; 2003a; Topinard 1879; Williams 1985:248–9. 20. Original emphasis. 21. OUP 2013 [2008]: http://www.oed.com/view/Entry/157031. 22. My emphasis. 23. See Brantlinger 2003; McGregor 1997; Rivers 1922; Weir 2008. 24. Original emphasis. 25. Canzler 1813; Reichard 1816, 1822; Streit 1817. See also Lindner 1814:61–4. 26. See Blanckaert 2003a; Hannaford 1996:187–276; Stocking 1987:8–45, 142–3. On paradigm change in science, see Kuhn 1970:77–135. 27. See also Copans and Jamin 1978; Jones 1988:37–8. See Chapter 3. 28. See also Curtin 1964; Pagden 1986; Pearce 1953. 29. Original emphasis. 30. See also Greenblatt 1991; McClintock 1995; Todorov 1989; Torgovnick 1990. 31. For example, Banivanua-Mar 2010:258; Driver and Jones 2009:25; Edwards 2001:172; Hermkens 2007:14–15; Kerr 2001:93–102; Schaffer 2007:99. 32. For congruent strategies by postcolonial and feminist historians, see Chakrabarty 2000; Guha 1983, 1997; Mani 1991; Stoler 1992, 2009. 33. See also Pandey 1995. 34. See Langlois and Seignobos 1898:43–279. 35. See also Neumann 1992; Salmond 1991, 1997. 36. See Douglas 1999a, 2001, 2003, 2006, 2009a, 2009b, 2011a. 37. On ‘ecstatic’ dimensions of scientific travel and exploration as ‘anything but rational in the sense of being self-controlled, planned, disciplined, and strictly intellectual’, see Fabian 1998:80–1; 2000:194–9. On the mutual mimesis of Indigenous actions and colonial phobias in widely disparate settings, see Morris 1992; Stoler 1992; Taussig 1984; 1993:59–69. 38. Original emphasis. I thank Kirsty Douglas for alerting me to Benstock’s use of the term countersign. 39. For the parallel image of ‘“watermarks in colonial history”’, see Stoler 2009:5–8. 40. For similar elision of Indigenous presence with assumption of a closed cogni- tive circuit linking local experience and metropolitan knowledge, see Porter 1990:121–3; Rudwick 1997:114, note 2; Strack 1996:287. 41. The quintessential colonial activity of collecting was also profoundly, if covertly shaped by Indigenous agency. See Hermkens 2007; O’Hanlon and Welsch 2000. 42. See, for example, Douglas 1999a, 1999b, 2003, 2006, 2009a, 2011a; Gell 1993; Guest 2003, 2007; Hoorn 1998; Jolly 1992; Thomas 1997, 1999. 43. By rendering Bourdieu’s (1990:50) term irréductibles as ‘reducible’, his authoritative English translator Richard Nice fatally distorted the sense of this passage for anglophone readers. 296 Notes 44. See also Thomas 1994:57–8. 45. For example, Barros and Couto 1777–88; Galvão 1563; Herrera y Tordesillas 1601–15. 46. For example, Battesti 1993; Fisher and Johnston 1979, 1993; Frost 1976; Jacobs 1995:80–103; Rennie 1995; Veit 1972, 1979; Williams 1979. 47. See, for example, Bhabha 1994; Mills 1991; Spivak 1988; Spurr 1993; Torgovnick 1990; Young 1995. For counter-critiques by Oceanic specialists, see Cowlishaw 2000; Dixon 2001:1–9; Thomas 1994:43–61; and by a south Asianist, Prakash 1990. 48. On the ‘Melbourne Group’ of ethnographic historians, see Geertz 1990:325–9. 49. Original emphasis. 50. See, for example, Anderson 2000; Ballantyne 2002, 2004; Lincoln 1998; Mackay 1999; MacLeod and Rehbock 1988, 1994; Raj 2000; Renneville 1996. 51. My emphasis. 52. National Library of Australia, ‘South Seas: Voyaging and Cross-Cultural Encounters in the Pacific (1760–1800)’ http://southseas.nla.gov.au/; University of Cambridge, ‘Artefacts of Encounter’ http://maa.cam.ac.uk/ aofe/; University of Sydney, ‘The Baudin Legacy: a New History of the French Scientific Voyage to Australia (1800–04)’ http://setis.library.usyd.edu.au/ baudin/. 53. See Raj 2010. 1 Before Races: Barbarity, Civility, & Salvation in the Mar del Sur 1. See Chapter 4, note 46. 2. Blumenbach 1795:321, note z, referencing Dalrymple’s translation of Quirós (1770:164). The first edition of the Diccionario de la Lengua Castellana (RAE, 1726–39, IV:433) defines loro as ‘between white and black’. 3. Sanz 1973. See also Camino 2005:39–41; Kelly 1966, I:5. 4. Quirós (1990:37, 105) described the inhabitants of Fatuiva as cuasi blan- cos (‘almost white’) and those of Tahuata as pardo (‘brownish’) or de color amulatados (‘like mulattos’). Cf. the Jesuit Acosta’s (1590:28–30) influential contemporary theory of the necessary proximity of islands to a tierra firme. 5. See Stuurman 2000; Thomas 1994:72–80. 6. See Wheeler 2000:2–38. 7. Folqman 1755:106–7, 321; Silva 1789, I:243; II:107, 280; Vieyra 1773, I. 8. See Venturino’s (2003:29) parallel discussion of the term pureté (‘purity’) in pre-revolutionary France: ‘the distinction between the pure and the impure is primarily religious and moral, with secondary consequences for the hereditary transmission of characters’. 9. Hill 2005; Lewis 2003; see also Martínez 2008; cf. Vacano 2012. 10. Covarrubias 1674, II: folio 155v; RAE 1726–39, V:500. Similarly, Covarrubias (1674, I: folio 170r) defined ‘old Christian’ as a ‘clean man who has no raza of a Moor or of a Jew’ whereas a ‘new Christian’ was ‘the opposite’. See also Hill 2005:204–7, 212–15; Lewis 2003:23–5, 180–1. 11. Hill 2005:200, 207, 210, 219–23; 2006:56–8; see also Lewis 2003:4–5. 12. See also Lewis 2003:30–1. 13. Pigafetta 1906, II:64. Notes 297 14. Four ‘Indians’ also reached Seville on the Victoria while 13 more survivors of Magellan’s expedition were eventually repatriated from Portuguese captivity (Spate 1979:52–3). 15. I use Robertson’s 1906 transcription of the Italian version of Pigafetta’s manuscript held in Milan’s Biblioteca Ambrosiana. 16. In contemporary Spanish usage, las Indias denoted the entire hemisphere comprising the Americas, the Pacific Islands, and the East Indies (Headley 1995:630–3; Herrera y Tordesillas 1601:1–2) 17. For example, Pigafetta 1906, I:38, 93, 104, 126; II, 148, 150, 158. 18. Pigafetta 1995:110, 121; cf. Pigafetta 1906, II:144–7, 180–1, my emphasis. 19. An anonymous 16th-century manuscript known as the ‘Boxer Codex’ refers to and portrays los negrillos (Anon. [c. 1590]: folios 9a, 14). An English translation (Quirino and Garcia 1958:344, 392) renders los negrillos as ‘Negritos’. 20. See Ballard 2000, 2008. 21. Cachey in Pigafetta 1995:153, note 146; 162, note 231; Robertson in Pigafetta 1906, II:195, note 379. 22. Díaz (2005:338) attributed a similar constellation of incentives to Cortés who lured potential followers with the chance ‘to give service to God and to His Majesty and to get rich’. 23. See also Kelly 1966, I:15–23. 24. King, Clerke, et al.
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