The Beijing University Student Movement in the Hundred Flowers
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Chronology of Mass Killings During the Chinese Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) Song Yongyi Thursday 25 August 2011
Chronology of Mass Killings during the Chinese Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) Song Yongyi Thursday 25 August 2011 Stable URL: http://www.massviolence.org/Article?id_article=551 PDF version: http://www.massviolence.org/PdfVersion?id_article=551 http://www.massviolence.org - ISSN 1961-9898 Chronology of Mass Killings during the Chinese Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) Chronology of Mass Killings during the Chinese Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) Song Yongyi The Chinese Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) was a historical tragedy launched by Mao Zedong and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). It claimed the lives of several million people and inflicted cruel and inhuman treatments on hundreds of million people. However, 40 years after it ended, the total number of victims of the Cultural Revolution and especially the death toll of mass killings still remain a mystery both in China and overseas. For the Chinese communist government, it is a highly classified state secret, although they do maintain statistics for the so-called abnormal death numbers all over China. Nevertheless, the government, realizing that the totalitarian regime and the endless power struggles in the CCP Central Committee (CCP CC) were the root cause of the Cultural Revolution, has consistently discounted the significance of looking back and reflecting on this important period of Chinese history. They even forbid Chinese scholars from studying it independently and discourage overseas scholars from undertaking research on this subject in China. Owing to difficulties that scholars in and outside China encounter in accessing state secrets, the exact figure of the abnormal death has become a recurring debate in the field of China studies. -
Uyghur Dispossession, Culture Work and Terror Capitalism in a Chinese Global City Darren T. Byler a Dissertati
Spirit Breaking: Uyghur Dispossession, Culture Work and Terror Capitalism in a Chinese Global City Darren T. Byler A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2018 Reading Committee: Sasha Su-Ling Welland, Chair Ann Anagnost Stevan Harrell Danny Hoffman Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Anthropology ©Copyright 2018 Darren T. Byler University of Washington Abstract Spirit Breaking: Uyghur Dispossession, Culture Work and Terror Capitalism in a Chinese Global City Darren T. Byler Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Sasha Su-Ling Welland, Department of Gender, Women, and Sexuality Studies This study argues that Uyghurs, a Turkic-Muslim group in contemporary Northwest China, and the city of Ürümchi have become the object of what the study names “terror capitalism.” This argument is supported by evidence of both the way state-directed economic investment and security infrastructures (pass-book systems, webs of technological surveillance, urban cleansing processes and mass internment camps) have shaped self-representation among Uyghur migrants and Han settlers in the city. It analyzes these human engineering and urban planning projects and the way their effects are contested in new media, film, television, photography and literature. It finds that this form of capitalist production utilizes the discourse of terror to justify state investment in a wide array of policing and social engineering systems that employs millions of state security workers. The project also presents a theoretical model for understanding how Uyghurs use cultural production to both build and refuse the development of this new economic formation and accompanying forms of gendered, ethno-racial violence. -
Perspectives of Red Guards During the Cultural Revolution: a Historiographic Survey Matthew E
The Histories Volume 4 | Issue 2 Article 2 2019 Perspectives of Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution: A Historiographic Survey Matthew E. Kowalski La Salle University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lasalle.edu/the_histories Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Kowalski, Matthew E. (2019) "Perspectives of Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution: A Historiographic Survey," The Histories: Vol. 4 : Iss. 2 , Article 2. Available at: https://digitalcommons.lasalle.edu/the_histories/vol4/iss2/2 This Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Scholarship at La Salle University Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in The iH stories by an authorized editor of La Salle University Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Histories, Volume 4, Number 2 2 Articles I Perspectives o f the Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution: A Historiographic Survey By Matthew E. Kowalski Between the years 1966-69, Communist China experienced one of the greatest periods of social and political upheaval in its history. In assessing the meaning of Mao’s Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, historians and political scientists have argued from several different viewpoints. One facet of the Cultural Revolution that has proved particularly controversial is the role of the Red Guard movement in the shaping of political events. During the late sixties and early seventies, many ‘China Watchers’ and academics saw the Red Guard movement as a shining example of ‘people power’ and student agency. These scholars tended to regard the events in China as being linked to the global student protest movement of the Vietnam-war era. -
September 15, 1959 Mikihail Zimyanin's Background Report for Khrushchev on China (Excerpt)
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified September 15, 1959 Mikihail Zimyanin's Background Report for Khrushchev on China (Excerpt) Citation: “Mikihail Zimyanin's Background Report for Khrushchev on China (Excerpt),” September 15, 1959, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, TsKhSD Fond 5, Opis’ 30, Delo 307, Listy 49-79. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/117030 Summary: Mikhail Zimyanin, head of the Soviet Foreign Ministry’s Far Eastern department, reports to Khrushchev on the “new stage” in Sino-Soviet relations after the victory of the people’s revolution in China; China and the Soviet Union now share the common goal of developing socialist societies in their respective countries. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Russian Contents: English Translation The victory of the people’s revolution in China and the establishment of the Chinese People’s Republic marked the start of a qualitatively new stage in relations between the peoples of the Soviet Union and China, based on a commonality of interests and a unity of goals in constructing a socialist and Communist society in both countries. … When discussing the overall success of the development of Soviet-Chinese relations during the first three years after the formation of the PRC, we must not overlook several negative features of these relations connected with the violation of the sovereign rights and interests of the Chinese People’s Republic, as reflected -
Hundred Flowers Blossom, Let a Hundred Schools of Thought Contend
LET A HUNDRED FLOWERS BLOSSOM, LET A HUNDRED SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT CONTEND Richard Kraus “Hundred Flowers” is a slogan that elicits complex memories in China’s cultural politics. It identifies a 1956–57 political campaign in which Mao Zedong urged intellectuals to criticize the shortcomings of the ruling Communist Party. More broadly, it refers to recurring moments of political tolerance in the People’s Republic. The Maoist slogan for the campaign was baihua qifang, baijia zhengming 百花齐放, 百家争鸣: “Let a hundred fl owers blossom, let a hundred schools of thought contend.” The open-minded spirit of the Hundred Flowers Campaign is, however, forever bound up with its opposite: the repres- sion of intellectuals in the Antirightist Campaign that followed. These linked trends of relaxation and restriction have dominated Chinese cultural life for half a century. We can see the competing and ultimately contradictory meanings attached to the “Hundred Flowers.” Full of confidence from his suc- cesses at socializing the economy, Mao pressed hard for a new accom- modation with China’s intellectuals. While many intellectuals took the campaign as a signal of the revolution’s conclusion, party leaders instead regarded it as a shift in political tactics. When the debates elicited during the Hundred Flowers showed Mao that he had over- estimated the party’s popularity, he and other party leaders reacted harshly in a bitter Antirightist Campaign, consolidating control over Chinese culture and postponing for decades serious thought of an end to the revolution. When such ideas of tolerance and openness returned in a later period, the Hundred Flowers once more served as their vehicle. -
From" Morning Sun" To" Though I Was Dead": the Image of Song Binbin in the "August Fifth Incident"
From" Morning Sun" to" Though I Was Dead": The Image of Song Binbin in the "August Fifth Incident" Wei-li Wu, Taipei College of Maritime Technology, Taiwan The Asian Conference on Film & Documentary 2016 Official Conference Proceedings Abstract This year is the fiftieth anniversary of the outbreak of the Chinese Cultural Revolution. On August 5, 1966, Bian Zhongyun, the deputy principal at the girls High School Attached to Beijing Normal University, was beaten to death by the students struggling against her. She was the first teacher killed in Beijing during the Cultural Revolution and her death had established the “violence” nature of the Cultural Revolution. After the Cultural Revolution, the reminiscences, papers, and comments related to the “August Fifth Incident” were gradually introduced, but with all blames pointing to the student leader of that school, Song Binbin – the one who had pinned a red band on Mao Zedong's arm. It was not until 2003 when the American director, Carma Hinton filmed the Morning Sun that Song Binbin broke her silence to defend herself. However, voices of attacks came hot on the heels of her defense. In 2006, in Though I Am Gone, a documentary filmed by the Chinese director Hu Jie, the responsibility was once again laid on Song Binbin through the use of images. Due to the differences in perception between the two sides, this paper subjects these two documentaries to textual analysis, supplementing it with relevant literature and other information, to objectively outline the two different images of Song Binbin in the “August Fifth Incident” as perceived by people and their justice. -
Political Generations: Memories and Perceptions of the Chinese Communist Party-State Since 1949
Political generations: memories and perceptions of the Chinese Communist Party-State since 1949 Hexuan Zhang Taiyuan, Shanxi, China M.A. University of Virginia, 2013 B.A. Peking University, 2010 A Dissertation presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology University of Virginia May, 2019 Committee members: Jeffrey Olick (Chair) Sarah Corse Yingyao Wang Brantly Womack I Abstract In this dissertation, I examine the three political generations that took shape during the rapid social changes and historical transformations in China since the mid 20th century. Drawing on Mannheim’s social-historical definition of generation, I identify these generations by the three major transformative events/processes each experienced during late adolescence and early adulthood: the founding of the PRC in 1949, the Cultural Revolution from 1966 to 1976, and the Tiananmen Crackdown in 1989. I address two research questions: how have the historical events and the Party-state shaped the life trajectories and generational habitus of each political generation, and how the concept of “political generations” can help analyze distinct views and narratives about “Guo Jia,” the state, and perceptions of state legitimacy. To answer these questions, I rely on two data sources: historical archives of official documents and 56 in-depth interviews in Beijing across the three political generations. I adopt an interpretive approach and use textual analysis to provide the historical contexts of the formation of political generations and their explicit views and implicit beliefs towards their past lived experiences and the Party-state. In general, I find that the historical events that happened during each generation’s formative years had a relatively more prominent and lasting impact on their moral values and worldviews, including their political and emotional engagement with the state and their perceptions and expectations of state legitimacy. -
The Past Is Not Another Country
THE PAST IS NOT ANOTHER COUNTRY AN INTERVIEW WITH WANG YOUQIN In October of 2000, Wang Youqin launched a has been done to systematically address the crimes against Web site recognizing those who died from humanity that occurred during the Cultural Revolution? persecution during the Cultural Revolution. Wang: In China, the persecutions were planned and arranged in Through twenty years of research involving advance.The leaders of the persecutions issued directives regard- more than a thousand interviews, Wang has ing what kinds of people would be targeted and how to attack them in detail, step by step.They defined categories of “ene- compiled a list of one thousand victims and mies” and created new phrases in the Chinese language to label information regarding their deaths. The Web them. In my book Victims of the Cultural Revolution, I describe the backgrounds of 659 victims who died not for particular things site, www.chinese-memorial.org, bears the they did, but simply because they belonged to a category of slogan, “We will never forget you.” A little “enemies.” more than a year after the Web site was Teachers were a major target of the Cultural Revolution, as Mao clearly explained to the American journalist Edgar Snow. launched, Chinese authorities blocked The result of this decision was obvious and serious.At the access from the mainland. Girls’ Middle School attached to Beijing Normal University, one vice-principal was beaten to death by Red Guard students, and four teachers committed suicide after being attacked.At CRF: Why is it important to confront the Cultural Revolution Beijing Kuanjie Elementary School, the principal and dean rather than just to treat it as a matter of history? were killed by their students.At Peking University,63 people died from persecution. -
Master for Quark6
Special feature s e Finding a Place for v i a t c n i the Victims e h p s c The Problem in Writing the History of the Cultural Revolution r e p YOUQIN WANG This paper argues that acknowledging individual victims had been a crucial problem in writing the history of the Cultural Revolution and represents the major division between the official history and the parallel history. The author discusses the victims in the history of the Cultural Revolution from factual, interpretational and methodological aspects. Prologue: A Blocked Web topic “official history and parallel history” of the Cultural Memorial Revolution. In this paper I will argue that acknowledging individual vic - n October of 2000, I launched a website, www.chinese- tims has been a crucial problem in writing the history of the memorial.org , to record the names of the people who Cultural Revolution and represents the major division be - Idied from persecution during the Cultural Revolution. tween the official history that the Chinese government has Through years of research, involving over a thousand inter - allowed to be published and the parallel history that cannot views, I had compiled the stories of hundreds of victims, and pass the censorship on publications in China. As of today, placed them on the website. By clicking on the alphabeti - no published scholarly papers have analyzed the difference cally-listed names, a user could access a victim’s personal in - between the two resulting branches in historical writings on formation, such as age, job, date and location of death, and the Cultural Revolution. -
The 1919 May Fourth Movement: Naivety and Reality in China
The 1919 May Fourth Movement: Naivety and Reality in China Kent Deng London School of Economics I. Introduction This year marks the 100th year anniversary of the May Fourth Movement in China when the newly established republic (1912-49) – an alien idea and ideology from the Chinese prolonged but passé political tradition which clearly modelled the body of politic after post-1789 French Revolution - still tried to find its feel on the ground. Political stability from the 1850 empire- wide social unrest on - marked by the Taiping, Nian, Muslim and Miao uprisings - was a rare commodity in China. As an unintended consequence, there was no effective control over the media or over political demonstrations. Indeed, after 1949, there was no possibility for the May Fourth to repeat itself in any part of China. In this regard, this one-off movement was not at all inevitable. This is first the foremost point we need to bear in mind when we celebrate the event one hundred year later today. Secondly, the slogan of the May Fourth 1919 ‘Mr. Sciences and Mr. Democracy’ (kexue yu minzhu) represented a vulgar if not entirely flawed shorthand for the alleged secret of the Western supremacy prior to the First World War (1914-1917). To begin with the term science was clearly confined within natural sciences (military science in particular), ignoring a long line of development in social sciences in the post-Renaissance West. Democracy was superficially taken as running periodic general elections to produce the head of the state to replace China’s millennium-long system of patrimonial emperors. -
THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION at the GRASS ROOTS Jonathan Unger
THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION AT THE GRASS ROOTS Jonathan Unger The Chinese Cultural Revolution as History, edited by Joseph Esherick, Paul G. Pickowicz and Andrew G. Walder. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006. x + 382 pp. US$65.00 (hardcover), US$24.95 (paperback). Because of the headlong rush of events in China since Mao’s death, research about the Cultural Revolution turmoil of 1966–68 and about the 1970s period of radical policy-making has received short shrift during recent decades. It used to be that a period was most productively studied in detail once the dust had settled, years after the events. Thus a good deal of excellent research about the 1950s was conducted during the 1960s and 1970s, and much of the important work about the 1960s, including studies of the grass-roots upheavals of the Cultural Revolution, was carried out a decade later, during the mid- to late 1970s. But with a few exceptions, during the 1980s and 1990s the traumatic periods of the 1960s and 1970s were neglected by scholars. This lamentably leaves us with too little knowledge of what transpired at the grass roots during those two earlier decades of PRC history, with large areas of important research still left undone. It has been a missed opportunity. The Western-language research of the 1960s and 1970s was necessarily conducted from abroad through documentation and by interviewing émigrés in Hong Kong. From the 1980s onward, researchers have been able to go directly to sources within China, which can provide considerably richer information than was available to the earlier generation of scholars. -
Popular Memories of the Mao Era
Popular Memories of the Mao Era From Critical Debate to Reassessing History Edited by Sebastian Veg Hong Kong University Press The University of Hong Kong Pokfulam Road Hong Kong www.hkupress.hku.hk © 2019 Hong Kong University Press ISBN 978-988-8390-76-2 (Hardback) All rights reserved. No portion of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publisher. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Printed and bound by Paramount Printing Co. Ltd., Hong Kong, China Contents Acknowledgments vii 1. Introduction: Trauma, Nostalgia, Public Debate 1 Sebastian Veg Part I. Unofficial Memories in the Public Sphere: Journals, Internet, Museums 2. Writing about the Past, an Act of Resistance: An Overview of Independent Journals and Publications about the Mao Era 21 Jean-Philippe Béja 3. Annals of the Yellow Emperor: Reconstructing Public Memory of the Mao Era 43 Wu Si 4. Contested Past: Social Media and the Production of Historical Knowledge of the Mao Era 61 Jun Liu 5. Can Private Museums Offer Space for Alternative History? The Red Era Series at the Jianchuan Museum Cluster 80 Kirk A. Denton Part II. Critical Memory and Cultural Practices: Reconfiguring Elite and Popular Discourse 6. Literary and Documentary Accounts of the Great Famine: Challenging the Political System and the Social Hierarchies of Memory 115 Sebastian Veg 7.