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60 Years of Bilateral Relations and the Search for Common Ground

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60 Years of Bilateral Relations and the Search for Common Ground Transcript Are We There Yet? 60 Years of Bilateral Relations and the Search for Common Ground HE Ron Prosor Ambassador of Israel to the Court of St James’s Ambassador Collette Avital Director General, Berl Katznelson Foundation’s Ideological and Educational Center Sir Malcolm Rifkind MP Intelligence and Security Committee, House of Commons Sophie Honey Head, Near East Group, Foreign and Commonwealth Office 30 March 2011 The views expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the view of Chatham House, its staff, associates or Council. Chatham House is independent and owes no allegiance to any government or to any political body. It does not take institutional positions on policy issues. This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author(s)/ speaker(s) and Chatham House should be credited, preferably with the date of the publication or details of the event. Where this document refers to or reports statements made by speakers at an event every effort has been made to provide a fair representation of their views and opinions, but the ultimate responsibility for accuracy lies with this document’s author(s). The published text of speeches and presentations may differ from delivery. Transcript: 60 Years of Bilateral Relations and the Search for Common Ground Sir Malcolm Rifkind: Thank you very much indeed for inviting me this morning. We’ve just had an extraordinary performance from a fantastic President and statesman who, well into his eighties, has given that very powerful speech. I couldn’t help but recollect: it was said that Churchill when he was 80 was photographed by a young man who said, ‘Sir Winston, it’s a great honour, I hope I’ll have the honour to take your photograph on your 90th birthday and on your 100th birthday’ and Churchill apparently replied, ‘I don’t see why not, you look perfectly healthy to me!’ That could have been our guest this morning. Today we are discussing Israel-British diplomatic relations, the relations over 60 years. And may I begin by suggesting in the nicest possible way that there’s a certain wistfulness in the choice of title: 60 years of a search for common ground, implying first of all that that should have been relatively straight forward and easy, but it turns out to have been having its rocky patches, and generally a note of sadness and lack of achievement of a kind that might have been aspired to at the beginning of this great period. Now the reality, of course as we all know, is two things; first of all that there are an enormous number and range of shared values and interests between Israel and the United Kingdom which goes back that whole period of time. Starting of course from the fact that we share the democratic principle, the system of government, which has served both countries so well over those years. I am remembering hearing Abba Eban speaking in London some years ago, when he made a point that was equally relevant to the United Kingdom. He said, you know when he was asked the difference between when your party is in government and when your party is in opposition. And his response, I thought was splendid, he said: “you know when your party is in government you wake up in the morning and you say to yourself ‘what shall I do today.’ When your party is in opposition you wake in the morning and say, ‘what shall I say today.’” You don’t have power, it is a fundamental distinction and it is the essence of a democratic society. I want to just make a couple of points in these few minutes that I have to address you this morning. And the first is to just look at this general question. Israel is a democracy. Britain is a democracy. Sometimes the inference is that democracies should always be of common mind and countries should not seek to expand their foreign policy relationships beyond those who share their values. Of course the reality is that, for neither the United Kingdom, nor for Israel has that been a fundamental principle. When it comes to foreign policy countries have to take in to account what is the consequence not of the www.chathamhouse.org.uk 2 Transcript: 60 Years of Bilateral Relations and the Search for Common Ground domestic policy of another state, although that is relevant, ultimately it is the foreign policy, the strategic regional or international interests that will ultimately determine these relationships. For much of the last 60 years the United Kingdom and Israel have had an enormous amount in common and have shared fundamental interests. Although Britain has often been critical of Israel it has always treated as a basic, basic requirement of its own foreign policy that Israel should have secure independence and must be able to be certain of its future in a difficult world. When I was at the Foreign Office, I was occasionally asked, as are all Foreign Secretaries, ‘the Foreign Office - is it pro-Israeli or is it pro-Arab?’ Of course the obvious answer and the one you’ve heard before is that it is pro-British and that can lead to different conclusions on different issues. But that is not specific to the United Kingdom. Israel itself has not hesitated to have relations, some overt, some covert, with some of the more unpleasant regimes around the world. If for wider reasons of foreign policies those countries were prepared to be supportive of Israel either in the United Nations and in other fori. So that is the world of international diplomacy, it doesn’t imply hostility it doesn’t imply indifference. But of course during, for example, the Cold War, Israel and Britain had good relationships but it was of crucial importance to Britain’s own national security that we also had good relations with the Arab world because of the strategic and crucial importance of that region to the well-being of ourselves and of the wider Western world. And that continues to be true today at a time when terrorism, much of it emanating from the Middle East, creates the necessity for us to have close working relationships with many Arab governments. A very major act of terrorism could have happened in the United Kingdom but for the intelligence provided by the Saudi authorities to the United Kingdom a few months ago, which enabled a particular plot to be uncovered just in time, which could otherwise have been disastrous. So national interest inevitably is what determines the policy, not just of Britain, but of Israel, that will always be true. But it doesn’t mean there is not a very wide spread of common ground, and we want to build on that. Can I turn to this question of the ‘Arab Spring.’ This extraordinary dramatic developments that are taking place throughout the Middle East at this particular moment in time. It is said that in 1789 after the Bastille fell, Louis XVI asked one of his aides, ‘Is this a revolt?’ and he replied, ‘No sire, this is not a revolt. It is a revolution.’ A very important distinction. What is happening throughout the Middle East is comparable to what happened in Central and Eastern Europe in 1989 to 1991. But also what has happened in Latin www.chathamhouse.org.uk 3 Transcript: 60 Years of Bilateral Relations and the Search for Common Ground America, which used to be a bastion of generalissimos, now only Cuba, the only country of that whole Latin American region that doesn’t have an elected government. It also happened in the Far East, with Taiwan and South Korea and Indonesia, and so forth. And it’s not a question of Muslims being unable to deal with democracy, when you look at Indonesia the largest Muslim country in the world, that has a flourishing democracy now for well over ten years. When you think of Turkey, Malaysia, Bangladesh. The phenomenon has been the Arab world’s inability, until now, to be able to be counted amongst that number. Now I’m conscious that many in Israel have been ambivalent at least to start off with, in regard to these changes. And I understand the reasons why, because clearly when you’ve had a very constructive working relationship with Mr Mubarak or other leaders who have since been deposed, you become nervous as to the consequences of what happens with their departure when it must remain unknown at least to the short- to medium-term who is going to fill that vacuum. And I say without any embarrassment, countries that are undoubtedly autocratic, like Mubarak’s Egypt, or Saudi Arabia or a number of other states of the region, have nevertheless pursued quite constructive foreign policies, have not been aggressive towards their neighbours and to that extent, not just Israel, but also the Western world has had close relationships that are quite often criticised but which I believe have worked towards stability and peace rather than the opposite. But having made those preliminary comments, let me say that if I think if I were an Israeli – a dangerous thing to say if you something you’re not – but if I was an Israeli I would see this period of turmoil in the Middle East as having quite serious short- to medium-term problems but in the longer term to be the best thing that could possibly have happened. Because it cannot be other than beneficial to Israel and it’s aspirations and its ultimate security if more of the countries, and hopefully all of the countries of the region of which it is inescapably part of, gradually move towards societies which respect the rule of law, which have governments that are accountable to their electorate, which have free media, which can put different views and not simply parrot whatever the government is saying.
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