NEW/LETTER African Studies Center, Michigan State University, East Lansing,MI 48823

GS ASSOCIATION OF CONCERNED AFRICA SCHOLARS NEW/LETTER African Studies Center, Michigan State University, East Lansing,MI 48823

Fall 1986 Number 19

CONTENTS .. 1. Letter from the Interim Editor •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 2

RESOURCES & CONFERENCES

2. Inside Africa News ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 3

3. Lutherans Plan Conference on Namibia ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 5

4. New Films on Southern Africa ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 6

NEWS & EVENTS

5. NElI Disowns "The Africans" • •..••••.•..•••• ·• • • • • . • . • . • • • . • • . • • • • • • • • 7

6. Congress Overrides Reagan's Veto of Sanctions •••••••••••••••••••••• 8

7. ACAS Panels at ASA 1986•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 9

8. Divestment Update •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 11

9. The Great African Cook-In •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 13

10. TIAA-CREF Campaign Wins Partial Victory •••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 14 ,

11. Item Received from University of Dar es Salaam ••••••••••••••••••••• 18

ARTICLES

12. "Law and The State in Tanzania" by Ed Ferguson.••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••19

13. New Publications From Nigeria •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 20

14. "Southern Africa: Who is the 'Dependent' One?" by Carol Thompson •••••••••••••• .•••••••••••••.••.••••••••••••••••••• 22

15. "Sanctions Worked in Rhodesia, White Businessmen Say" by Elizabeth Schmidt ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 24

16. "Zimbabwean Independence - Not For Sale" by Warren "Bud" Day •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 28 Raleigh, North Carolina, October 7, 1986 A Letter from the inteeim editor

Putting together this issue of the ACAS Newsletter has been a challenge (or to be more precise - a worthwhile burden). This experience has helped me to possess even greater appreciation for the work that Bill Derman and others at Michigan State University devote to preparing each issue of the Newsletter.

I accepted the opportunity to edit this issue of the Newsletter, while Bill Derman was in South Africa, for two reasons. One reason was to take up Derman's invitation in the previous issue of the Newsletter to offer recommendations on how to improve the newsletter. If this issue seems to be qualitatively not unlike previous issues it is because once I found myself overwhelmed with the task of editing the newsletter I came to realize how efficient the present lay-out and organization is from the point of view of production and distribution. In short, Derman's quest for improving the newsletter remains open for suggestions and comments.

My second reason for accepting this editing responsibility was to show off some of the Africa resources of North Carolina. It seems most Africanists conjure up images of Jesse Helms when they think of North Carolina. Granted, this ally of apartheid resides in "The Triangle" (Raleigh, Durham, Chapel Hill), but this area also boasts of one of the top sources of news related to Africa that exists anywhere in the world - Africa News (see articles herein). Residents of North Carolina also are blessed\;ith a daily newspaper which is among the most outspoken critics of apartheid in the country - The (Raleigh) News & Observer. The N & O's editorial cartoonist, Duane Powell, is nationally recognized for his artistic work, and I have included in this newsletter a c-ouple of his more recent cartoons on South Africa.

In effect, I have used this once-only opportunity as Editor of the newsletter to share with you some of the resources in The Triangle which may be of assistance to Africa scholars. Perhaps an implicit result of this effort is a proposal - per Derman's request - that the Newsletter occasionally be edited by a guest member of ACAS so that we all can become more familiar with the diverse environments available to Africa scholars in this continent.

My thanks to Ed Ferguson, Chris Root and Dave Wiley for their guidance and assistance in making this editing task less difficult.

Allan D. Cooper

-2- INSIDE AFRICA NEWS: A RESOURCE FOR ACAS MEMBERS

Most Africanists know Africa News only as a source of objective, reliable news reporting on issues relevant to Africa. But many Africa scholars overlook the fact that the Durham, North Carolina-based offices of the biweekly newspaper represent a unique resource base for researchers interested in contemporary issues affecting the African continent.

The rapidly-growing library of Africa News consists of approximately 3,500 books, some 140 filecrawers of clippings and reference materials, and current and back issues of over 100 different periodicals. While .. th~ vast bulk of the material is in English, there are also substantial resources in French, Portuguese and Spanish.

Books range from general reference works to highly-specific topical treatments. Approximatelyllolo-thirds of the volumes focus on Africa, the remainder on international issues and foreign relations. Shelved period icals include newspapers, magazines and both official and privately published documents and statistical reviews; they range from well-known international publications such as West Africa and The Review of African Political Economy to such difficult-to-obtain journals as Sudanow and Tempo, the weekly newsmagazine from Mozambique. Africa News also possesses a twenty-year collection of Financial Mail, a leading South African business periodical not available in most university libraries.

Most unique is the filed collection, which has resources unlike those of any other library in the United States and is consulted by scholars~ researchers and journalists from around the world. It contains research papers, academic theses and dissertations, news agency dispatches and wire service copy, government records, private and public studies and reports, and shortwave broadcast transcripts, as well as clippings from several dozen domestic and international newspapers and periodicals (in addition to those that are shelved). Professor John Cell of Duke University has noted that 11 the valuable newspaper clipping files that Africa News has been compiling are probably unique in this country. They are an immensely valuable scholarly resource. And I am profoundly impressed with the professional care and expertise that have gone into them."

Data is systematically arranged, first by country, then by topic (culture, economics, foreign relations, health, military, politics, sports, women, etc.) and - within topical categories - chronologically. The filed southern Africa collection began a quarter century ago and material on the rest of the continent dates from at least 1973.

The Africa News Library is maintained by an archivist-librarian who is assisted during the school year by work-study students from Duke Univ ersity and the North Carolina School of Science and "athematics and during

-3- the sununer months by college interns from across the United States. Expansion of the library during 1985 was supported, in part, by a grant from the z. Smith Reynolds Foundation.

Access to the entire library is open and photocopying facilities are available. In addition, within limits imposed by other responsibilities, the staff can respond to requests for information received by phone or mail.

Mandla Tshabalala can<£test to the resourcefulness of the Africa News Library. He spent considerable time in the library in 1983 while he was completing his doctoral dissertation from the University of Pittsburgh. "I have spent time 'i.n both the Library of Congress and the ILO library," he says. "But the resources of Africa News have more depth and quality - the kind of material nobody else has." •

The services of Africa News also can be obtained through its radio broadcast programs. In 1985 Africa News began marketing "Dateline Africa," a twelve-week series of half-hour newsmagazines produced in the studios adjacent to the Africa. News library. Between 50 and 100 radio stations used this radio show, reaching an audience of several million people.

In addition, Africa News makes available to radio stations pre-packaged, 90-second slices called "Afrifacts" which offer interesting pieces of inform ation about Africa, including its importance to the United States.

These outreach services were supplemented by the publication in 1985 of The Africa News Cookbook, which is now being distributed by Viking Penguin. The Cookbook includes ov~r 170 recipes and has received rave reviews from NPR's "All Things Considered," Gourmet magazine, Judith Olney, The Washington Times Magazine, Booklist, and the Christian Science Monitor. Publishers Weekly describes the cookbook as "a smattering of anthropology, linguistics, culture, economics, mores and folkways (that) accompanies lively and varied recipes culled from across the continent ••• " The cookbook has engendered The Great African Cook-In (see separate article in this newsletter) which will be celebrated throughout the world on November 22, 1986.

All of these outreach services have made Africa News one of the top resource centers in the United States for Africana. In fact, a Ford Foundation study of African Studies research centers (to be published later this year) ranks Africa News as number one among all such centers for its cost-effective ness in outreach.

ACAS members should not overlook the unique research resources of Africa ~ews in Durham, North Carolina. ACAS members are encouraged to obtain individual subscriptions to Africa News ($25/year) and to urge their university libraries to subscribe to the biweekly newsmagazine ($45/year). Subscriptions or requests for information should be addressed to Africa News, P.O. Box 3851, Durham, N.C. 27702.

-4- Lutherans Plan Conference on Namibia

At the semi-annual meeting of the American Luthern Church and the ' Luthern Church in America College Task Force on Peace and Justice Education in October 1985, the task force endorsed a proposal by the offices of Lutheran higher education for the Lutheran colleges and universities to provide tuition scholarships for Namibian students to study at these institutions beginning in 1986. The task force also sought ways to expand the Lutheran colleges' response to Namibia's needs.

To assist the Lutheran~hools in providing an informed and favorable learning environment for Namibian students, to draw national attention to the troubled present and hopeful future of this country in its trial toward independence, and to address the vital importance of peace and justice conce; ns present in Namibia, the task force proposed a national conference on Namibia for the faculty, staff, students, and related constituencies of the Lutheran colleges and universities.

Namibia has become a central challenge for the Lutheran Church and its colleges to address global justice and peace issues. Namibia offers an urgent agenda for areas of teaching, research, and service among the Lutheran colleges. Namibia challengesthese institutions to plan for increasing sub stantive educational assistance for this land of Lutheran peoples. A major objective of the conference will therefore be to move the colleges beyond awareness and information to action: the schools will be challenged to respond to the encounter with Namibia through their educational programs.

With these purposes in mind, the conference will explore the life and plight of Namibia as it anticipates national independence. The political, economic, social, religious and cultural life will be examined by Namibians and by people who have been working with Namibians.

The conference will be scheduled from Friday morning through Sunday noon, March 20-22, 1987. The conference will be held at Gustavus Adolphus College, St. Peter, Minnesota, which is a major co-sponsor of the program. For more information on this conference contact Solveig Kjeseth, Director, National Namibia Concerns, 860 Emerson, Denver, CO, 80218.

-5- New Films on Southern Africa

California Newsreel's Southern Africa Media Center has just issued its tenth anniversary catalogue representing the world's most comprehensive selection of films on apartheid.

This year's catalog features two significant new releases, "Witness to Apartheid" and "Winnie and Nelson Mandela." Bishop Tutu has urged Americans to use the films as tools for heightening understanding and involvement in the South Africa conflict.

''Witness to Apartheid" describes the apartheid regime's terrifying trampling of human rights. The widely praised film enables every American to "enter" the townships and meet the schoel children who face daily the guns, tear gas, and bullwhips of the police forces. At a time when the South African government has imposed Orwellian restrictions on the media, this film's shOcking expose of systematic torture and police brutality will shake the conscience of the most quiescent. It is an ideal vehicle for introducing the uninformed to the enormity of apartheid and to move even the apathetic to support the freedom movement. New York Times columnist Anthony Lewis writes, "My words (cannot) reproduce what one sees in "Witness to Apartheid." It is a brave and powerful piece of journal ism."

The Center's second new release, "Winnie and Nelson Mandela," offers a moving portrait of the two most prominent South African freedom fighters whose lives personify the black majority's long and arduous struggle for human dignity. The film captures the emergence of Winnie Mandela as a deter mined and inspiring leader since her husband's imprisonment more than 20 years ago. According to Pulitzer Prize-winning writer Alice Walker, this film "will bruise your heart, dam pen your cheeks, and strengthen your soul."

Initiated during the 1976 Soweto uprisings, the Media Center has for ten years provided media bringing Americans together against apartheid. Today it is the most widely used source of films on South Africa in the world and a leading resource for deepening American's understanding of the South African struggle.

"Witness to Apartheid" and "Winnie and Nelson Mandela" join "Generations of Resistance," "You Have Struck a Rock!," "Woza Albert!" and nine other titles in the Media Center's new catalog. The films are available for rental and purchase on 16mm and all videocassette formats.

To order a film, for more information, or to obtain a free catalogue write or call: The Southern Africa Media Center, 630 Natoma Street, San Francisco, CA 94103 (415/621-6196).

11111111 II

-6- NEH Disowns "The Africans"

The National Endowment for the Humanities has won the right to disown a controversial public television series ·entitled "The Africans" which is now being aired in most cities in the United States. The Federal Communications Conunission granted a waiver to allow the NEH to withdraw its name from any broadcast it helps fund if the show does not meet the conditions of the grant. The chair of the NEH demanded that WETA-TV of Washington, D.C. delete notice of an endowment grant at the end of "The Africans," a nine-part program that NSH paid $600,000 to help produce.

Dr. Lynne Cheney, appointed by President Reagan to chair the ~EH, said the final program did not meet the agency's standards for "objectivity . and unbiased treatment of subject matter." Ali A. Mazrui, the Kenyan political scientist and narrator of the series, denied that the series glorifies Libya's Muammar Qaddafi and condemns the West. Mazrui is quoted in Africa News as saying that he was invited "to look at Africa as an African ••• I wasn't trying to run for election in the U.S. and do a little more Quaddafi bashing ••• As I was addressing a Western audience, the last thing I wanted to do was pander to Western prejudices."

Charles Krauthammer of the Washington Post insists that the series has a strong anti-Western bent which, among other things, lends support to the views of Qaddafi:

"The problem is not the Gadhafi bit. He gets about two minutes. The problem is that after nine hours, even the subtlest propaganda becomes oppressive. Is there any evil under the African sun that Mazrui will not lay at the feet of the West and its bastard son, capitalism?"

Tom Shales, of the Washington Post Writers Group, argued in a separate analysis that the PBS series is "biased and preachy and didactic, and fascinating." He asserts that

"One may quarrel with allegations Mazrui makes, but his version still seems preferable to a series on Africa prepared by a committee and carefully designed to be innocuous. Those who want innocuous public TV can find plenty of it - in the rather dull new series "The West of the Imagination," for instance ••• "The point is, one can suffer the opinions of Mazrui easily for the privilege of seeing Africa in a new, sharp, riveting focus that is much wider in perspective than whatever stories of violence or famine turn up on the evening news ••• ''Mazrui's vision has its romantic side, but one that has nothing to do ~ith the romanticism of a film like "Out of Africa." One can view "The Africans" as a primer, basic study, a begin ning. It makes more sense to explore the wealth of knowledge in it than to worry about the prejudices of the teacher."

ACAS members are urged to review "The Africans" and to make possible use of the series in their classrooms. Check local listings for airings in your area.

-7- Congress Overrides Reagan's Veto of Sanctions

The U.S. Senate voted October 2 to override President Reagan's veto of legislation imposing mild sanctions on South Africa. The vote was 78-21, or 12 votes short of sustaining the veto. The House of Representatives voted earlier that week to override the veto.

The new bill bans the import of South African iron, steel, arms, ammunition, military vehicles and farm products immediately. A ban on the import of uranium, coal and textiles takes effect beginning in 1987. All direct and indirect imports from South African state-owned companies are prohibited. .. . The bill bans U.S. export of petroleum products, crude oil, munitions or nuclear technology or materials. Exports of computers, software and services to South African military, police or other agencies involved in administering the apartheid system also are prohibited.

The sanctions prevent new public or private loans and investments, but companies still will be allowed to reinvest their prof its and to reschedule debts. Exempted from this ban are loans, credits for education, housing or humanitarian projects and investments in firms owned by black South Africans. Divestiture is not required.

Included in the legislation is an end to landing rights in the U.S. for South Africa Airways.

Corporations which violate these provisions are subject to $1 million fines for each violation. Individuals face fines up to $50,000 and/or· five years' imprisonment.

All Democratic Senators voted to override Reagan's veto. The 21 Republicans voting against sanctions were: Armstrong (CO), Broyhill (NC), Cochran (:IS), Denton (Ala.), Dole (Kan.), Goldwater (AZ), Gramm (TX), Hatch (UT), Hecht (NV), Helms ~C), Humphrey (NH), Laxalt (NV), McClure (ID), Nickles (OK), Pressler (SD), Rudman (NH), Simpson (WY), Stevens (Alaska), Sym"ns (ID), Thurmond (SC), and Wallop (WY).

-8- ACAS Panels at ASA 1986

October 31, Friday 10:30-12:00 "Anti-Apartheid Movements in the USA and Canada" Chair: Chris Root Chris Root, "The TIAA/CREF Campaign: Pensions in Academia" Jean Sinbad (Program to Combat Racism, World Council of Churches), "The Free South Africa Movement" Jennifer Davis (ACOA), "The Campus-Based Divestment Movement" Respondent: Willard Johnson (MIT)

13:30-15:30 "The World Bank, the West, and the Privatization of African Economies: Panacea or Illusion?" Chair: Ntalaja Nzongola (Howard University) Carol Thompson (Univ. of So. Cal.), "The World Bank and Privatization of Agriculture in Southern Africa" Bereket Habte Selassie (Howard University), "World Bank Lending Policies: Ideology, Institutions & Processes" Respondent: Goran Hyden (Dartmouth University)

November 1, Saturday 8:30-10:30 "Sanctions in Southern Africa: Are They Productive?" Chairs: Betsy Schmidt (Univ. of Wisconsin) & Bill Minter Betsy Schmidt (Univ. of Wisconsin), "Sanctions Against South Africa: Are There Parallels with Sanctions Against Rhodesia:?" (Other papers to be announced) Respondent: Bi.11 Minter

13:30-15:30 "Whither Namibia? The Engineered Stalemate" Chair: Allan D. Cooper (St. Augustine's College) (A roundtable in cooperation with ASA's Current Issues) Panelists: Elizabeth s. Landis (retired, U.N.) John Chettle (South Africa Foundation) U.S. State Department representative

November 2, Sunday 8:30-10:30 "Western Sahara: Issues, Actors & Perspectives - Part I" Chair: Teresa K. Smith (Columbia University) Thomas Franck (N.Y.U.), "The Theory and Practice of Decolonization: The Western Sahara Case" Teresa K. Smith (Columbia Univ.) & Anne Lippert (Ohio Northern Univ.), "The War's Human Costs: Economic Hardships, Refugee Flows & Rights Violations" Robert Mortimer (Haverford College), "Maghrebi Cooper ation and the Western Sahara War"

10:30-12:30 "Western Sahara: Issues, Actors & Perspectives - Part II" Chair: Teresa K. Smith (Columbia University) Phillip Naylor (Merimack College), "European Actors in the Western Sahara Conflict: The French & Spanish Connections" Ulric Havnes (SUNY), "The U.S. & the Conflict in Western Sahara" Oumarou G. Youssoufou (OAU), "The OAU Role: Conflict Resolution fur Western Sahara"

-9- ACAS RESEARCH COMMITTEE PLANS DISCUSSION AT ASA ON THE AGRICULTURAL CRISIS IN SOUTHERN AFRICA

The ACAS Research Conunittee, in cooperation with the International Development Program of Clark University and the Brandeis University African and Afro-American Studies Program, will present a roundtable discussion on the agricultural crisis in southern Africa at this month's meeting of the African Studies Association.

The panel discussion will include a report on the findings of the jointly-sponsored May workshop on this subject. The following individuals will participate in the roundtable: Sibasiso Nkomo, Renosi Mokate, Danny Weiner, Ann Seidman, Nomcebo Similane, Anita Baltzersen, and Kwamima.. Mwanza • The Roundtable will be held at 8:30-10:30, Sunday, November 2, at the Concourse Hotel, Room Director 6.

Edltorlal

-10- Divestment Update

* Catholics: The Archdiocese of Baltimore announced August 27 that it will divest itself of all its holdings in companies that do business with South Africa. The action would be the first such step by a Roman Catholic diocese in the United States. Until now, the strongest action on divestment by a Catholic diocese had been taken by the Milwaukee archdiocese, which divested itself of holdings from companies not abiding by the Sullivan Principles. The stocks involved represent pension funds and other investments in five companies that are among those listed for sanction by the Interfaith Center for Corporate Respon sibility. The five companies include General Motors, Chevron, Texaco and IBM. Until recently, Catholic institutions have been more cautiou ~ than Protestant and Jewish organizations in taking punitive action against South Africa.

* California: A plan to divest $11 billion in state funds from companies that do business with South Africa was approved August 27 in the California Assembly and was sent to the governor who has promised to sign it. The Senate already has approved the measure. This summer the University of California Board of Regents approved a similar divestiture policy, involving some $3 billion in university investments. Estimates of the amount of investments that could be sold by the State of California range from $10.6 billion to $30 billion. The Governor's Office has estimated the divestiture at $11 billion to $11.4 billion.

*Coke: The Coca-Cola Company announced September 17 that it will sell all of ~~its holdings in South Africa in protest of that country's apartheid policies. The soft drink company plans to sell at least part of the holdings to black South African investors. Coke products still will ~e sold in South Africa. A Coca-Cola syrup production plant will be moved out of the country and the syrup shipped in for bottlers. Ultimately the Coca-Cola Company will not own any holdings in South Africa. The company has been reducing its investments in South Africa since 1976.

* EEC: The 12 Common Market nations of Europe agreed September 16 to ban ~-new investments in South Africa and to halt imports of South African iron, steel and gold coins. The ban on iron and steel imports took effect September 27. At West German insistence, the ministers dropped consideration of an import ban on South African coal. The ban on imports of South African iron, steel and gold coins affects about $600 million in trade. The value of Common Market coal purchases from South Africa totalled $1.3 billion in 1985.

* Japan: Japan, South Africa's second largest trading partner, announced September 18 additional sanctions against the South African government, including a ban on iron and steel imports. Japan previously had restricted the sale of computers to South Africa. The new measures do not affect Japanese imports of South African coal or i~on ore, and are viewed as limited. Japan will stop giving South Africans tourist visas and cut air links between the countries. The government also asked Japanese companies to stop importing South African gold coins.

-11- * Harvard: Harvard University said October 4 that it would sell $159 million in investments in companies opera~ing in South Africa. The sale accounts for about 37 percent of Harvard's $427 million in investments in companies operating in South Africa. The school's total endowment is $3.8 billion. Harvard announced the sale saying the investments did not meet requirements of a May 1985 policy that Harvard "avoid involvement as a shareholder in significant sales to the South African police and military o.f important products used in the direct enforcement of apartheid." It took the university nearly 18 months to determine whether the companies were in fact selling products to the military and police of South Africa. Among the firms affected by the university's action are five oil concerns - Texaco, Mobil Oil, Chevron, Exxon, and Shell. •

~ ~: .. AP~RTHEID

-12- THE GREAT AFRICAN COOK-IN November 22, 1986

At a time when media images of Africa have portrayed passive famine victims who need international assistance, it is easy to forget the strength and resilience of African peoples and the rich gifts they have to share with the world.

The Great African Cook-In is a way to remember African hunger and develop ~ent needs while celebrating the contribution of Africans to international cuisine and culture. On November 22, in both private and public gatherings, there will be a sharing of food, companionship and information organized by a coalition of volunteer workers. Churches, development and aid agencies, food policy groups and returned Peace Corps volunteers are among those helping t ; organize local observances.

The event's primary purpose is to increase awareness about and appreciation for Africa and to nurture continued concern about long-term needs. Raising money for education, reli~f and development projects will be a secondary, but important aspect of the gatherings. The observances also will spread the word about The Africa News Cookbook (Viking Penguin, 1986) - royalties from which support the work of Africa News Service on hunger and development issues.

Each cook-in will be unique, reflecting the mix and spirit of its individual organizers. Some will have entertainment, such as African music or arts displays, and all will make available written and/or audio-visual materials developed and provided by participating groups. Persons attending are invited to commit time as well as resources to further efforts.

Community consciousness of the issues raised by the cook-ins will· extend beyond the events themselves through media coverage and through endorse ments by civic leaders and others. The idea also has spread beyond the U.S. to Canada, Europe and the Caribbean.

Africa News Service is coordinating The Great African Cook-In as part of their work as a non-profit educational news agency. The Cook-In is co-hosted by the United Nations Office fur Emergency Operations in Africa. For information and press packets contact: June A. Archibald, Africa News Service, P.O. Box 3851, Durham, N.C. 27702. Telephone (919)286-0747.

-13- TIAA-CREF Campaign Wins Partial Victory by Christine Root

TIAA-CREF, which has long called on corporations to stay in South Africa and work for change, has now reversed its policy. James MacDonald, chairman of Teachers Insurance and Annuity Association and College Retirement Equities Fund, announced in July that the $49 billion pension fund is urging U.S. com panies to pull out of South Africa. The ACAS-initiated year-long divestment campaign among TIAA-CREF members can take substantial credit for pushing TIAA CREF to come out in f~vor of corporate withdrawal.

TIAA-CREF did not go as far as the divestment campaign demanded, however. TIAA-CREF still refuses to divest its approximately $6.5 billion worth of stock holdings in companies operating in South Africa as a way of putting effective pressure on them to pull out. Instead,. it will introduce shareholder resolu tions urging withdrawal during next spring's stockholder meeting season.

Furthermore, nowhere in TIAA-CREF's press release will you find any criti cism of the role of U.S. companies in bolstering apartheid. TIAA-CREF has not abandoned its belief that corporations have been "a positive force for change." Instead, TIAA-CREF argues that events of recent months "have eclipsed the ability of private good works to translate into positive public policy."

TIAA-CREF now argues that companies should leave for purely economic reasons. Its revised policy statement states:

TIAA-CREF believes that the violence in South Africa will continue to escalate and escalate rapidly. As a consequence the country's much needed economic recovery will be stymied; currency will continue to devaluate and unemployement will continue to rise. Moreover, a growing world outrage may be translated into additional sanctions against South Africa and boycotts against U.S. corporations doing business there. In this environ ment, the financial risks of portolio corporations remaining in South Africa will increasingly outweigh the potential rewards."

TIAA-CREF has switched its position without acknowledging any error in its previouss stance. In this regard, TIAA-CREF's new statement has a ring similar to Rev. Leon Sullivan's current position. Sullivan has announced that he will call for corporate withdrawal on May 31, 1987 if statutory apartheid has not been eliminated by that time. Simultaneously, he continues ·to laud American companies that are implementing his fair employment principles and to urge them to invest more money in training and community development programs for blacks.

In order to switch positions without acknowledging any change of ration ale, TIAA-CREF officials point to changed conditions in South Africa. Their press release states that the crisis in South Africa "has become predominantly political and there is now little opportunity for U.S. corporations to intrude successfully into that political arena." One wonders what characterized the South African struggle before!

-14- The fundamental weakness of TIAA-CREF's new position is that it acknow ledges that there is a crisis in South Africa but responds to that crisis without any sense of urgency. The political struggle in South Africa has been escalating dramatically at least since the protest against Botha's constitution al reforms in 1984, and the calls of South African black leaders for interna tional economic pressure are by now vociferous and virtually unanimous.

Under these circumstances, adopting a shareholder resolutions strategy is utterly inadequate. It is impossible to gain enough shareholder votes to pass a resolution on South Africa against management. This leaves only the poten tial benefits of publicity and general public education, which hold little promise. Churches and other institutional investors have undertaken share holder actions on South Africa for, at least fifteen years but have achieved precious few successes.

Despite TIAA-CREF's continued refusal to divest, its call for corporate withdrawal is nevertheless a partial victory. The TIAA-CREF divestment campaign now needs to build on this success by emphasizing the strength and urgency of black South African calls for international support and specific encouragement of the divestment campaign. We can express agreement with their call for withdrawal, but continue to argue that divestment is the most effec tive way to achieve this result and a logical conclusion of their assessment of conditions in South Africa.

Action Needed - The TIAA-CREF divestment campaign is a top political priority for ACAS. As Africanists on college and univesrity campuses, we can make a special contribution to the national divestment movement by focusing on TIAA-CREF, which is one of the largest pension systems in the country.

TIAA-CREF members need to advocate divestment directly to TIAA-CREF decision-makers on the boards of trustees of TIAA and CREF before their meeting on November 20 in New York. We ask you to organize letter-writing campaigns on your campus to as many board members as possible. A list of members of the two boards with their addresses follows this article. Check over the list to find any particular connection you might have with any board members, whether .through a university, disciplinary association, or other personal contact. We are also continuing the petition drive among TIAA-CREF members.

Please consider making this campaign a political priority this fall. A national Day of Action on South Africa on October 10 provides a good oppor tunity for organizing on campuses and gaining visibility for the c~mpaign. We encourage you to seek press coverage for any actions you undertake on qctober 10, and to mail a copy of any articles to the campaign's national campaign co-ordinator. We want to build the strength and visibility of the campaign as much as possible before the November 20th board meeting in New York.

An organizer's packet with a petition and background information on TIAA CREF's position and the divestment campaign is available from either:

James Breeden Greg Finger Campaign Co-ordinator National Campus Organizer 102 College Hall RR #1, Box 105 Dartmouth College Wallkill, N.Y. 12589-9720 Hanover, NH 03755 (603) 646-3441 (914) 895-2974

-15- TIAA-CREF TRUSTEES (Listed By Ascending Zip Code)

Phyllis A. Wallace, Professorcf Management, MIT, Cambridge, MA 02139 (617/253-0585). Trustee of TIAA. Rosabeth Morse Kanter, Professor of Business Administration & Sociology, Yale University, New Haven, CT 06520. Trustee of CREF. Stephen A. Ross, Professor of International Trade & Finance, Yale University, New Haven, CT 06520 ao3/436-4771). Trustee of CREF. Paul R. Tregurtha, President, Moore McCormack Resources Inc., 1 Landmark Sq., Stamford, CT 06901 (203/358-2200). Trustee of TIAA. Uwe E. Reinhardt, Professor of Political Economy, Princeton University, Princeton, N.J. 08544 (609/452-3000). Trustee of TIAA. • William P. Waltrip, President & CEO, Purolator, Inc., 255 Old New Brunswick Rd., Piscataway, N.J. 08854 (201/885-1100). Trustee of TIAA. George T. Conklin Jr., Chairman of the Inv~stment Committee, The Guardian Life Insurance Co. of America, 201 Park Ave., New York, N.Y. 10003 (212/590-8000). Trusteecf TIAA Stock & Member of CREF. Robert V. Roosa, Partner, Brown Brothers Harriman & Co., 59 Wall Street, New York, N.Y. 10005 ( 212/483-1818). Trustee of TIAA & Member of CREF. Dave H. Williams, Chairmancf the Board, Alliance Capital Management Corp., 140 Broadway, New York, N.Y. 10005 (212/635-3400}. Trustee of CREF. Charles Urstadt, Chair & President, Pearce Urstadt Mayer and Greer, 90 Park Ave., New York, N.Y. 10016 (212/682-1400). Trustee of TIAA. Walter G. Ehlers, President, UAA and CREF, 730 Third Ave., New York, N.Y. 10017 (212/490-9000). Trustee of TIAA. James G. MacDonald, Chairman & CEO, TIAA and CREF, 730 Third Ave., New York, N.Y. 10017 (212/490-9000). Trustee of TIAA Stock & Member of CREF. James s. Martin, Executive Vice Pres., CREF and TIAA, Chairman of CREF Financial Committee, 730 Third Ave., New York, tt.Y. 10017. Trustee of CREF. Walter B. Shaw, Chairman & CEO, The Turner Corp., 633 Third Ave., New York, N.Y. 10017 (212/878-0300). Trustee of TIAA. Donna Shalala, President, Hunter College, 695 Park Ave., New York, N.Y. 10021 Trustee of TIAA. Peter L. Rernstein, President, Peter L. Bernstein, Inc., 509 Madison Ave., New York, N.Y. 10022 (212/688-1908). Trustee of CREF. Frederick R. Adler, Senior Partner, Reavis & McGrath, 345 Park Ave., New York, N.Y. 10154. Trustee of TIAA. Harry Spindler, Senior Vice Chancellor, State University of New York, Albany, N.Y. 12222. Trustee of CREF. David B. Truman, President Emeritus, Mount Holyoke College, P.O. Box 308, Hills Dale, N.Y. 12529. Trustee of CREF. Leonard s. Simon, Chairman & CEO, The Rochester Community Savings Bank, 40 Franklin St., Rochester, N.Y. 14604 (716/263-4400). Trustee of TIAA. Josephine E. Olsen, Associate Professor of Business Administration & Economics, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, PA 15260 (412/648-1700}. Trustee of TIAA. Albert C. Blunt III, Retired Senior Vice Pres., The Hanover Shoe, Inc., 118 Carlisle St., Hanover, PA 17331. Trustee of TIAA. Andrew F. Brimmer, President, Brimmer & Co., Inc., 2519 Connecticut Ave. N.W., Washington, D.C. 20008 (202/244-1000}. Trustee of CREF.

-16- Henry J. Aaron, Senior Fellow, The Brookings Institution, 1775 Massachusetts Ave. N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036 (202/797-6000). Trustee of TIAA. Luther H. Foster, Chairman&CEO, Robert R. Moton Memorial Institute, 309 Yoakum Parkway, Apt. 1507, Alexandria, VA 22304. Trustee of TIAA Stock and Member of CREF. Jane G. Elchlepp, M.D., Assistant to the Chancellor for Health Affairs, Duke University, Department of Pathology, Durham, N.C. 27706 (919/648-8111). Trustee of TIAA. Juanita Kreps, James B. Duke Professor of Economics, Duke University, Durham, N.C. 27706 (919/648-8111). Trustee of TIAA Stock & Member of CREF. Marjorie Fine Knowles, Associate Dean & Professor of Law, University of Alabama, University, AL 35486. Trustee of CREF. Edward J. Kane, Professor of Banking & Monetary Economics, The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH 43210 (614/422-6701). Trustee of TIAA. Theodore M. Hesburgh, President, University of Notre Dame, Notre Dame, IN 4i 556 (219/239-6383). Trustee of TIAA Stock & Member of CREF. Frederick R. Ford, Executive Vice President & Treasurer, Purdue University, West Lafayette, IN 47907 (317/494-4600). Trustee of TIAA. James F. Brinkerhoff, Vice President & Chief Financial Officer, The University of Michigan, 3014 Fleming Administration Building, Ann Arbor, MI 48109 (313/764-1817). Trustee of CREF. William Bevan, Vice President, The John D. Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, 140 s. Deerhorn St., Chicago, IL 60603 (312/726~8000). Trustee of CREF. Robert X. Lovell, Jr., President, Quadrant Capital Management, 200 s. Wacker Dr., Chicago, IL 60606 (312/993-9333. Trust-e of CREF. George G. Kaufman, Professor of Finance & Economics, Loyola University of Chicago, School of Business Administration, Chicago, IL 60611 (312/670-3130. Trustee of CREF. Robert s. Hamada, Professor of Finance, The University of Chicago, Graduate School of Business, Chicago, IL 60637 (312/962-7743). Trustee of TIAA. John H. Biggs, President & CEO, Centerre Trust Co. of St. Louis, 510 Locust St., St. Louis, MO 63101 (314/231-9300). Trustee of CREF. Alan v. Hall, Manager, Investment Division, Shell International Petroleum Co., 1 Shell Plaza, Houston, TX 77001 (713/241-6161). Trustee of CREF. Willard T. Carleton, Karl L. Eller Professor of Finance, University of Arizona, College of Business & Public Administration, Tucson, AZ 85721 (602/621-2156). Trustee of TIAA. Robert G. Kirby, Chairman, Capital Guardian Trust Co., 333 South Hope St., Los Angeles, CA 90071 (213/486-9200). Trustee of CREF. David Alexander, President, Pomona College, Claremont, CA 91711 (714/621-8131). Trustee of TIAA. Irma Adelman, Professor of Economics, University of California, Berkeley, CA 94720 (415/642-0822). Trustee of CREF. Nancy L. Jacobs, Dean & Professor of Finance, University of Washington, Graduate School of Business Administration, Seattle, WA 98195 (203/543-4660). Trustee of CREF. Charles E. Odegaard, President Emeritus, University of Washington, Seattle, WA 98195. Trustee of TIAA Stock & Member of CREF.

-17- ITEM RECEIVED FROM UNIVERSITY OF DAR ES SALAAM ACADEMIC STAFF ASSEMBLY (.U.D.A.S.A.) P.O. Box 35037 DAR ES SALAAM, TANZANIA

The University of Dar es salaam Academic Staff Assembly (UDASA) General Assembly meeting at the University of Dar es salaam Main Campus on the 2nd of August, 1986:

NOTES with deep concern the killing and injury to unarmed workers at the Kilombero Sugar Plantations, Morogoro, by the paramilitary forces;

BELIEVES this is one of the most atrocious use of violence against workers by state authorities in the history of working class struggles;

FURTHER BELIEVES that should such incidences be allowed to pass by without public concern, criticism, and discussion and without the relevant POLITICAL and other authorities and officials brought to book, the nation would slide into an era of unpreventable repression;

RESOLVES to condemn in the strongest terms the killings and its perpetrators and

SUPPORTS the statement bythe Legal Aid Committee of the Faculty of Law, University of Dar es salaam for setting up IMMEDIATELY of an INDEPENDENT JUDICIAL COMMISSION OF ENQUIRY with broad terms of reference to investigate through open, public hearings and other means the Kilombero incidence with a view to establish POLITICAL responsibility and CRIMINAL culpability for theseatrocities.

AGREES, in view of this RESOLUTION, to organise an UDASA seminar to discuss the irnplicationsof the incidence for the Nation and initiate a fund raising campaign for the benefit of the victims of the incidence;

OBSERVES one minute silence in memory of the deceased ,and in solidarity with the sugar-cane cutters of Kilombero.

Y.M. Kihore UDASA Chairman

-18- Law And The State In Tanzania

Ed Ferguson Department of History, Oregon State University

The recent killing and injury of sugar-cane cutters by Tanzanian paramilitary troops raises, once again, the question of worker's rights and the class content of the legal system in the contemporary African state. Progressive scholars at the University of Dar es Salaam have pursued th-is question through class analysis of the Tanzanian state and legal system over the past decade and a half. Now, two new books and a booklet of unusual interest and insight have been published on this topic and they merit the serious attention of readers of this newsletter.

Law, State and the Working Class in Tanzania is Issa Shivji's most recent book. It is a work of solid historical content and theoretical insight into the development of the Tanzanian working class. He traces its origins to colonial semi-proletarian labor whose conditions of existence, exploitation, and resistance are examined in careful detail. From those beginnings the appearance of permanent wage-labor is documented and analyzed through states of increasing class consciousness, organization, and struggle. He concludes with an evaluation of the strength and weak ness of the trade union movement. The book is published in the U.S. by Heinemann at $27.SO.

Issa Shivji has also edited The State and Working People in Tanzania. The nine contributors to this new work are either members or graduates of the Law Faculty at the University of Dar es Salaam, with the exception of Henry Mapolu who was formerly a lecturer in the Sociology Department at that institution. Shivji introduces the volume with a stinging critique of "developmentalism" which he defines as "the ideological guise under which the new post-independence ruling classes consolidated themselves and their alliance with imperialism." The other contributors offer incisive accounts of the relationship of the state to parliament, party, peasantry and students, and its control through legislation of the working class, cooperative societies, and agricultural marketing boards. This work of committed scholarship may be purchased (no price indicated) from Codesria, B.P. 3304, Dakar, Senegal.

The third work is Essavs on Law and Societv, issued by the Legal Aid Committee of the Law Faculty at the University of Dar es Salaam. This exceedingly interesting booklet consists of 15 essays produced with the common objective of law-reform and legal literacy for a 1984 "Law and Society" column in the government-owned Sunday News. Collective authorship results in a high level of analytical consistency written "in simple, understandable English, avoiding, as far as possible, the use of legal jargon without sacrificing accuracy." The progressive column generated popular responses and rejoinders, provoked the opposition of the Managing Director of the Sunday News leading to the withdrawal of the column by

-19- the Committee before four of the essays were published. Issues discussed include the constitutional Bill of Rights, freedom of movement, preventive detention, right of petition against the government, right to a speedy trial, division of matrimonial assets, children born out of wedlock, and the question of vagabondage. The organization, orientation, and activities of the Legal Aid Committee are appended. Established in 1967, it offers free legal service to indigent applicants, restricts its work mainly to civil matters, giving priority to labor, matrimonial, landlord/tenant, and accident cases. The 87 page booklet may be purchased (no price indicated) from Legal Aid Committee, Faculty of Law, University of Dar es Salaam, P.O. Box 35093, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.

New Publications From Nigeria

Ed Ferguson Department of History, Oregon State University

Three new publications should be of interest to ACAS members:

The Analyst is a hard-hitting alternative periodical that began monthly publication in June 1986. It is published by Abdulkadir Balarab~ Musa, former PRP Governor of Kaduna State, who writes this statement of purpose to readers of the first issue:

"We intend to expose the real class origins and interests of all activities in Nigeria ••• There are many journals and magazines which represent the interest of the reactionary ruling class in Nigeria. They do so under various guises. New ones are coming into the market every day. But there are very few journals which defend and promote the interests of the workers, peasants, artisans, petty producers and traders, and the revolutionary and progressive intellectuals and professionals. The Analyst will complement and further develop the roles of this proletarian media by being more democratic, more internationalist, and simple in style and use of language. It will investigate and report on events, realities, and particularly conditions of life of the oppressed classes and the class struggle for a new social order."

-20- The cover story of the June issue, "Companies in Nigeria: Who Owns What?," is a fact-filled analysis of Nigeria's "monied men" and their · multinational ties. Other articles include an extensive interview with Burkina Faso's leader, Thomas Sankara, excerpts from a report on "Nigeria's Search for a Foreign Policy," from the April conference at the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies, Kuru, and an important piece on The Sixth Nigerian Theatre Arts Festival titled "Radical Shifts in Theatre Arts."

U.S. subscriptions to The Analyst are $20 a year made in bankdraft to The Analyst, P.O.B. 1632, Jos, Plateau State, Nigeria.

The first factual account of the tragic events at Ahmadu Bello University on Friday, May 23, 1986, which consisted of the shooting to death, injuring, raping, '!:eating and brutalizing of many students, staff, .. and other persons on the main campus are now available in the book, The Killings at A.B.U. The 211 page volume is the full text of the memO:: randum submitted by the Academic Staff Union of Universities, Ahmadu Bello University Branch, to The Tribunal o·f Inquiry into the A.B.U. Crisis appointed by the Federal Military Government. It includes 33 documents, 21 eye witness testimonies, as well as analyses of the immediate and remote causes of that national tragedy. Copies of The Killings at A.B.U. may be purchased (no price indicated) from Academic Staff Union of Universities, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Nigeria.

Nigeria Against the I.M.F.: The Home Market Strategy is a significant new study of the present Nigerian economic crisis. The author, Yusufu Bala Usman, Professor of History at Ahmadu Bello University, makes a penetrating analysis of the 1985 and 1986 national budgets and the IMF structural adjustment program, "to reveal how this restructuring with, or without, the IMF loan, actually amounts to entrenching the very structures and processes which wreck the Nigerian economy." The alter native offered by the author is a strategy to generate internal capital investment for domestic production and consumption. Persuasive arguments for the "home market strategy" are supported by substantial documentation, in~luding 21 statistical tables. The book is available (no price indicated) from Vanguard Printers and Publishers Ltd., P.M.B. 2048, Kaduna, Nigeria.

-21- Southern Africa: Who Is The "Dependent" One?

Carol Thompson Department of Political Science University of Southern California

One response by apartheid South Africa to threats of economic sanctions has been a counter-threat that it would impose sanctions on its neighbors. South Africa, like a wounded rogue elephant, trumpets that these reprisals would bring economic calamity to the weak states in the region because they are so dependent on the South African economy.

This verbal attack by the Botha regime raises some fundamental questions important to an understanding of the sanctions issues. How dependent are these neighbors on South Africa - or is it perhaps a two-way street?

In 1980 the independent states in the region formed the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC), composed of Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. The first priority of SADCC was to reduce their dependence on South Africa, for under colonialism their economies were built to serve South Africa - with rail links, tele-communications and trade all oriented to the south. For example, in Zimbabwe the major portion of its foreign exchange comes from South Africa which still dominates diverse sectors like mining, sugar, citrus fruits, breweries, insurance and shipping agencies.

However, as Prime Minister Mugabe has pointed out, these links work two ways. Interests inside South Africa are not monolithic. Owners of large South African corporations in Zimbabwe (and Zambia) criticize their government when these major enterprises cannot get their products to international markets. Zimbabwe has suggested that profits and dividends from these South Africa subsidiaries could be cut off if South Africa squeezes the Zimbabwean economy. Also, there normally is a substantial flow of pension funds from Zimbabwe to residents of South Africa.

This year Zimbabwe shipped 250,000 tons of corn to South Africa, still in the grip of a drought. Are we to believe South Africa will shut its border to these important food supplies?

The South African government threatened to deport migrant workers back to their home countries, like tiny Lesotho, if sanctions are imposed. A visit by mine owners to the South African government forestalled this threat, for many of the migrants are highly skilled miners and cannot easily be replaced from the big pool of unemployed in South Africa.

-22- South Africa also needs its neighbors for a market. It is estimated that 2,000,000 South Africans would be thrown out of work if the government should cut this trade. Only Lesotho has South Africa as a major market for its goods, and most of the "neighbors" have reduced their trade with apartheid. Zimbabwe sends only ten per cent of its exports to South Africa, down from twenty per cent in the last two years.

Zimbabwe and Zambia were joined in. August by Australia, Canada, India and the Bahamas in instituting sanctions against South Africa. Several other countries have pledged support by increasing trade with the inde pendent African states. The United States could do likewise: the textile trade preference that President Reagan just allocated to South Africa could be transferred to Zimbabwe. Instead, the Reagan administration cut off aid to Zimbabwe, after a Zimbabwean official criticized the u.s. policy of "constructive engagement" with South Africa at a July 4 reception in Harare.

The transport of goods through South Africa is where the neighbors are most vulnerable. But again, South Africa is not in a good position to stop this lucrative source of foreign exchange from rail and port revenues. It may slow traffic, but cannot afford to stop it totally.

And the neighbors have been cooperating over the last five years to refurbish their own routes which do not go through South Africa. Regional cooperation produced a road north from Malawi to the Tazara railroad in Tanzania, which goes to the famous port of Oar es Salaam on Africa's east coast. Tazara was the lifeline for another neighbor, Zambia, during sanctions against Khodesia. The Tanzanian government has already offered to leave the Car port entirely for its neighbors and use its other ports for its own trade.

The Beira port and rail system in Mozambique, vital to Zimbabwe, - expects to triple its cargo capacity to 3,000,000 tons by the end of this year. The transport rate from Zimbabwe east to Beira is now $500 per container cheaper than for those sent to Durban, South Africa; Beira is only 360 miles from Harare, compared to l,260 miles to Durban.

Finally, the dependence argument ignores the fact that South Africa has sustained influence through constant forays against its neighbors. A weakened South Africa will be less able to wage war against Mozambique and Angola, or to continue sabotage raids into Lesotho, Botswana, Zimbabwe and Zambia. South African military attacks have knocked out three of the five port systems (Benguela in Angola, Maputo and Nacala in Mozambique). Beira has been fully protected from such sabotage by Zimbabwean troops since 1982.

These attacks are now imposing annual costs reckoned at $4 billion to the neighbor nations - $70 per capita for a region whose average annual gross domestic product (GDP) is only $500 per capita.

-23- In spite of bombings and other incursions and harrassments, these states have not reduced their support for anti-apartheid forces within South Africa. Bearing this cost of apartheid aggression is already a major contribution to the struggle for majority rule in South Africa; and all the neighboring states are calling on the international community to impose comprehensiveEConomic sanctions to bolster their efforts. Those who want peaceful change in the region could also find ways to increase trade and investment in those states which have already done much to further the cause of majority rule in the entire region.

'"Sanctions Worked in Rhodesia,' White Businessmen Say" • by

Elizabeth Schmidt .Doctoral Candidate Department of History University of Wisconsin

As the international campaign to isolate South Africa gains momentum, the remnants of the anti-sanctions forces have begun to grasp at straws. "Sanctions don't work," Thatcher and Reagan have insisted, citing the embargo of white minority-ruled Rhodesia, now Zimbabwe, as a case in point. Rather than forcing a transition to majority rule, they argue, the economic isolation of Rhodesia actually strengthened the Smith regime.

A very different story is told by white businessmen still living in Zimbabwe, who battled for 14 years to keep the Rhodesian economy from succumbing to the effects of international sanctions. "Some people feel that sanctions failed," claimed a former employee of the Association of Rhodesian Industries interviewed recently in Harare. "I think they failed initially, but long term they exercised a very important element - maybe not even admitted at the time by the government. Certainly they didn't help."

"Sanctions, by itself, would sooner or later have forced a political decision," affirmed a colleague employed by the Associated Chambers of Commerce of Rhodesia during the sanctions period. "No economy anywhere in the world can exist under a sanctions type situation for a long period of time ••• Sooner or later something had to give." If Rhodesia's petroleum lifeline had been severed, and if South Africa had not served as a back door to international trade, businessmen agreed that the country could not have survived for more than a matter of months. As it was, South Africa, Britain, the United States, and other Western powers, along with scores of transnational corporations, actively broke sanctions, adding years to the life of the white minority regime.

-24- When sanctions were imposed on Rhodesia in 1965, its economy was extremely dependent upon foreign trade and investment. Exports earned 40% of Rhodesia's national income, of which 34% was in turn spent on . imports. The country was essentially an exporter of primary products, the most important being tobacco, which constituted nearly one-third of total export value, and minerals, which comprised another 22 percent. In teens of imports, Rhodesia relied on the outside world for virtually all of its machinery, transport equipment, chemicals, and spare parts - and for all of its petroleum. According to Rhodesia's National Develop ment Plan of 1965, the inflow from abroad of capital, technical skills, and management capacity was ~bsolutely crucial to the country's economic growth.

The immediate impact of sanctions was absolutely devastating, the • businessmen said. Betweenl965 and 1966, the total value of Rhodesian exports fell by 38 percent. By 1968, total exports were worth slightly more than half their 1965 value. Minister of Finance, John Wrathall, told the Legislative Assembly in July 1966, "Exports are Rhodesia's lifeblood. Our success or failure as a nation depends on our ability to make good, by whatever means possible, the loss of the export markets which have been closed by sanctions."

Tobacco, the most vital export, was most severely damaged by the trade embargo. Between 1965 and 1966, the volume of tobacco produced fell by one-half and its value declined by two-thirds. "Sanctions disrupted our tobacco industry terribly," asserted John Graylin, who in 1965 was chairman of the Tobacco Export Promotion Council. "We couldn't sell it. We had a big stockpile... Then we started to have to sell it under the counter - but at a tremendous discount." The prices fell alarmingly, Graylin said, because Rhodesia's covert trading partners "held us to ransom." Rhodesian exports had to be sold dirt cheap in order to be sold at all. As for imports, Graylin charged, "We paid through the nose."

By all accounts, South Africa was the most notorious sanctions buster. However it also demanded the highest ransom. "The South Africans were totally mercenary about the sanctions against Rhodesia," charged Eddie Cross, an economist for the Rhodesian government's Agricultural Marketing Authority from 1969 to 1980. "They exploited the situation right from the word go. They ecploited their monopolistic con·trol. over our transport routes. They exploited their favorable position as a supplier of spares and critical things that we couldn't buy internationally because of sanctions. We owe the South Africans nothing for fifteen years (sic) of sanctions busting," he concluded. "They were making a good business out of it. For many SouthAfrican businessmen, sanctions against Rhodesia were a boom, a tremendous thing."

As a result of sanctions, Rhodesia was unable to import a large range of necessary products. Thus, after recovering from the initial shock, the manufacturing sector began to produce locally goods that previously had been

-25- imported. While a number of consumer goods were ultimately made in Rhodesia, most industrial machinery and a significant proportion of essential raw materials continued to be imported at exorbitant, sanction-inflated prices.

By 1975, most of the consumer goods that could be made within the constraints of the Rhodesian economy were being produced. The limited domestic market and obstacles imposed by sanctions on external trade meant that Rhodesian industries frequently did not produce enough to achieve economies of scale. Thus, their manufactures were often costly, of inferior quality, and uncompetitive internationally. By the mid-1970s there was little room for further expansion in either the domestic or forei~n markets.

Ten years after the imposition of sanctions, the Rhodesian economy had reached a plateau. The sanctions-induced decline in export earnings meant that the country was desperately short of foreign exchange, which it needed either to produce capital goods or to import them.

Machinery was wearing out. Spare parts could not be obtained. The country was "running down its capital goods stock right across the board," said Ruth Weiss, who covered Rhodesia for the South African Financial Mail during the early sanctions period. Far from ensuring economic growth, sanctions had "made a massive holding operation necessary." A prominent businessman in the commercial sector concluded, "If you're not moving forward in economic terms, then you're actually going backwards." Rhodesia, claimed a colleague, had finally "come to the crunch line."

In the mid-1970s, a number of factors converged to intensify the damage done by sanctions. First, petroleum prices shot up dramatically, trebling the cost of Rhode3ian oil imports between 1973 and 1976. Fol lowing in the wake of the OPEC price increase, the world economic re cession caused a rapid deterioration in Rhodesia's terms to trade. The prices offered for Rhodesia's primary commodity exports fell sharply, while import prices sky-rocketed. In order to finance vital oil require ments, the government cut non-petroleum import allocations by more than 40 percent. Its supply of capital goods, spare parts, and certain es sential in ~ uts practically severed, the Rhodesian manufacturing sector embarked on a downward spiral.

Simultaneous with the onset of the economic recession, the liberation war began to escalate. il y 1979 the war was consuming more than one-third of the national budget, costing the regime approximately Rl million a day. Setween 1975-76 and 1979-80, the budget deficit increased five-fold, pri marily as a result of the war and oil import costs.

The war was "the final nail in the coffin," said one businessman. "But there were a lot of other nails ••• The state of war, the state of economic sanctions, could not go on forever without a total collapse." The inability of the country to finance both the war and the economy

-26- "was in part attributable to sanctions," maintained a colleague formerly involved in the covert exportation of minerals. "If we had been able to continue our economic strength," he concluded, "the political side of the •t hing would have continued the war longer." Thus, in the long run, sanctions assisted those fighting for liberation by reducing the regime's ability to finance the war against them.

If, contrary to Thatcher's assertions, sanctions played a major role in the liberation of Zimbabwe, what part can they be expected to play in the future of South Africa? "Sanctions have the capacity to really damage the South African economy," s~id Eddie Cross, now general manager of the Cold Storage Commission, a Zimbabwe parastatal. South Africa is even "more vulnerable" to economic sanctions than was Rhodesia, he continued, "because they are so much more sophisticated, so much more dependent on access to technology, so much more dependent upon exports of sophisticated produc~s."

Like Rhodesia twenty years ago, South Africa today is extremely reliant upon international trade and investment for its economic well-being and growth. Foreign trade constitutes approximately 55 percent of South Africa's gross domestic product, while its massive foreign debt, equivalent to more than one-third of its GDP, makes it one of the world's top debtor nations. Pretoria is forced to import a large proportion of its capital and intermediate goods requirements - advanced technology, transport equipment, power gen erators - as well as essential raw materials. Petroleum products and military goods alone constitute one-third of South Africa's total import bill.

The deepening crisis in the South African economy is another factor that will work to the country's detriment if sanctions are imposed. The vigorous Rhodesian economyin 1965 helped to soften the sanctions blow. South Africa, in contrast, is in the depths of its worst economic recession in 50 years. Since 1984, the rand has lost half its value. Inflation is rampant, r·unning at more than 20 percent. Record black unemployment levels are exacerbating already prof ound urban tensions. In September 1985 the press reported the largest flight of capital from South Africa since the aftermath of the Sharpeville Massacre in 1960. Transnational corporations are shutting down their subsidiaries and foreign banks are refusing to roll over loans.

South Africa in 1986 bears a far closer resemblance to Rhodesia in the mid-1970s than that country when sanctions were imposed. In conjunction with its rapidly deteriorating economic situation, South Africa is confronted by mounting political pressures: escalating trade union and community action, intensified activities by the armed wing of the African National Congress, and the general ungovernability of the black townships. Already reeling from these internal strains, Pretoria is extremely vulnerable to external pressures. For South Africa, as for Rhodesia, comprehensive economic sanctions would be one more nail in the coffin of white minority rule.

-27- Zimbabwean Independence - Not For Sale

Warren "Bud" Day oxfam America's Representative in Zimbabwe

Only six years ago, the people of Zimbabwe proudly hoisted their new flag, featuring 'the symbolic bird of an earlier Zimbabwe, thriving several centuries before Europeans ever "discovered" America. The 90- year interlude of domination by white settlers had given way, once a gain, to political freedom. The struggle for economic freedom continues; progress since 1980 has beenp.inctuated by three years of drought and three bumper crops.

Peasant farmers in the communal lands are once again engaged in the arduous task of land preparation, using hoes, oxen, and an occasional tractor. The dry heat of October, known as suicide month, should produce the welcome rains of November, as the tropical convergence moves to its furthest southern impact ••• the result of falling pressures over South Africa.

This dramatic change in air currents began in early September, springtime for the southern hemisphere. The cool (often cold) winds spinning off high pressure zones over apartheid South Africa gave way to the warmer gusts from across the independent nations to the north and east. Changing winds; winds of change! And, on those same wind currents arrived the re?resentatives of more than half of humanitv, gathered in Harare for the eighth surmnit, the 25th anniversary, of the ;fon Aligned Movement.

Heads of State in their motorcades moved easily from the villas to the Conference Center, passing Rhodes Avenue (with sign-posts removed long ago), through the major intersection of Julius Nyerere and Samora ~chel Avenues, a reminder of the role of the Frontline States in the liberation of Zimbabwe. Hid they turned down Rhodes Avenue, they might have noticed the fortress-style U.S. embassy, with its angular roof-top pole carrying a twisted flag, twisted by lne changing winds. In April, soon after the people of Zimbabwe burned the U.S. flag to express in dignation at Reagan's unapologetic killing of innocent children during a "surgical strike" against Libya, embassy officials moved the stars and stripes from the free-standing but vulnerable pole, to its new location, secure from protesting demonstrators.

Unfortunately, it is not only the flag that is twisted. U.S. policy regarding Zimbabwe and SouthAfrica has been similarly afflicted for a long time, most notably during the days 0f Reagan's "constructive ensagement."

Readers will recall the Fourth of July incident. Under the twisted flag, former President Jimmy.Carter and emh~ssy officials walked out on

-28- their guests, feeling insulted by the "inappropriate" Zimbabwean critique of U.S. policy, at what was meant to be only a social occasion. They heard Zimbabwe's expression of appreciation for U.S. aid, but left before the Minister of Youth, Sport and Culture, David Karimazira praised both Carter's role in Zimbabwe's reclamation of independence and his daughter Amy's arrest on behalf of the anti-apartheid struggle. No doubt, the speech was too long; western media tagged it "17 pages," but it was actually no longer than this article. Others dismissed the matter as the product of an inexperienced young minister, ignoring the fact that he was merely sub stituting for the Foreign Minister, Witness Mangwende.

No, Prime Minister Robert Mugabe did not want to offend Carter, so an apology was extended. Yes, Zimbabwe did mean to expose Reagan's con tinuing support of apartheid and the U.S./British refusal to join the world . community in the implementation of comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa. Wrists may be slapped for such statements, although even that was not done in Tanzania and Zambia, where similar events occurred. Rather, the U.S. chose, once again, to cut its financial assistance to this upstart young nation, unwilling to toe the line. First the threat, then the action, reaffirmed (coincidentally?) at the time of the Non Aligned Summit.

Even though Carter agrees with Mugabe that constructive engagement has to go, he declared it an inappropriate topic for an observance of the 210th anniversary of American independence. Quite the contrary, said concerned Americans in Zimbabwe, writing in the Harare Herald, "How is it that the one-time champion of freedom and democracy aligns itself, not with those struggling for a more equitable society, but with the oppressor, as in South Africa and El Salvador, and with counter-revolutionaries, as in Nicaragua and Angola?" How indeed, echoed other American visitors to the region, including Coretta Scott King and Jesse Jackson, the latter speaking in Harare on the anniversary of Martin Luther King Jr.'s timeless address, "I Have a Dream ••• " Before publicly accepting an invitation to visit the U.S., extended by the leader of the National Rainbow Coalition, Mugabe pro claimed "We have a mission - in the religious, political and moral sense - to achieve justice in South Africa, Namibia, and in our relations with each other."

On the eve of the NAM summit, the non-governmental development agency Oxfam America presented a grant to one of Minister Karimazira's exciting new rural youth projects, Gurungwa, located in the underdeveloped Mhondoro communal land. Before returning to the task of preparing 20 hectares for corn planting, the youth were challenged by the minister to use the limited resource wisely. The national budget provides no funds for such projects; rather, in the light of South African destabilization, the defense budget was necessarily increased by 27% this year. Will some of these youth have to join the Zimbabwean forces protecting the Beira corridor in Mozambique, perhaps return as dead heroes? That is the reality.

The U.S. cut of two-thirds of this year's aid to Zimbabwe ($13.S million) was not the result of "unwillingness to conduct relations according to accepted norms of diplomatic practice." Rather, the cut is a part of a

-29- long-standing attack on Zimbabwe's independent thought and action, that is, non-alignment. During exile in Mozambique, ZANU leaders learned many lessens from FREL IMO, including the importance of history; now, the U.S. might well take a page from ZANU's history, call it re conciliation.

Recently Comrade Prime Minister Robert Gabriel Mugabe (formerly known as a terrorist guerrilla) recalled that before 1980, Rhodesian whites feared majority rule, expecting ZANU and ZAPU to "cut their throats and suck their blood." Instead, the leader of Rhodesian oppression, Ian Smi,th, still sits in Parliament, a free man; white businesses and commercial farms flourish as Zimbabwe provides a non racial "demonstration to the apartheid architects."

America was quick to move into independent Zimbabwe, opening the first major embassy and providing immediate assistance for post-war reconstruction~ Assistance in 1981 reached a high of $75 million, but dropped to 10% of that amount by 1986. Mif.fed over Zimbabwe's stance in the U.N. over the Korean airliner incident and the U.S. invasion of Grenada, the U.S. slashed itsai.d by $40 million just two years ago. Continuing, the current cut is coupled with a threat to "down-size" next year's aid request. The 1986 aid cut came only three months after such threats by the outgoing U.S. Ambassador David Miller, who, incidentally, left Harare the evening before Zimbabwe's independence anniversary, April 18th. Rather "inappropriately," he had used the farewell dinner as an occasion to express his frustration and threaten a reassessment of U.S. assistance to Zimbabwe. Miller and his cohorts tried to solve the problem superficially, looking for scapegoats on which to blame the deteriorating relationships.

The root cause, however, is clear. If Reagan and his advisors could not hear it from Karimazira, Mangwende or Mugabe himself, maybe now they can hear it from the Frontline States, the Southern African Development Coordination Conference, the Organization of African Unity, the Connnon wealth, and the Non Aligned Movement. Constructive engagement has been destructive engagement. The only hope for a relatively peaceful eradi cation of apartheid is universal mandatory comprehensive sanctions! In the official packets for 101 delegations attending the NAM summit were copies of the recently published compendium by eleven experts, entitled _Destructive Engagement: Southern Africa at War (now available in selected U.S. book stores) and copies of South Africa Imposes Sanctions Against :leighboun.

The peoples of southern Africa want the world to know that:

* South Africa has imposed economic and military sanctions against its neighbors for more than a decade.

* The current cost of such destabilization amounts to $4 billion per year, or about $70 per capita in a region of only $500 average GDP.

-30- * The human cost has already surpassed 250,000 dead (excluding internal South Africa), 100,000 refugees in neighboring countries and 5,000,000 displaced in Mozambique and Angola.

* The eradication of apartheid is the most important step toward economic development in Southern Africa.

Zimbabwe and Zambia have already committed themselves to full imple mentation of sanctions at the maximum level prescribed by international gatherings. Along with other Frontline States, they realize this may trigger an escalation of counter-sanctions by South Africa, but stand ready to deal with that, with whatever assistance is possible from the world community. Top priority is given to the eradication of this crime against humanity. • v A similarly "inappropriate" presentation was made by the ex-prime minis.ter of Rhodesia, Sir Garfield Todd, at a meeting of the Zimbabwe Britain Friendship Society, at which he called Maggie Thatcher to task, appealed for sanctions. Even the conservative business leadership in Zimbabwe, led by the Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries, echoes the call; that voice includes vast experience of sanctions-busting during Rhodesian days, experience that knows the power of sanctions. Recently, a researcher summarized "In conjunction with growing resistance from within, Pretoria is extremely vulnerable to pressures from without. For South Africa, as for Rhodesia, comprehensive economic sanctions would be a potent force pushing the country toward majority rule."

Zimbabwe is truly a non-aligned nation. As noted in Congressional testimony at the time of the 1984 U.S. aid cut, "Zimbabwe is not an ally of the u.s.s.R., but also Zimbabwe will not be a puppet of the United States." As Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandi handed over the gavel to the new chairperson of the Non Aligned Movement, Zimbabwe's Mugabe, he summarized, "The non-aligned spirit is the courage to be ourselves." That is exactly what Zimbabwea~s want. Mugabe elaborated, "It is not the function of any state, no matter how big, to dictate to any state, no matter how small ••• " On the U.S. aid cut, he re-emphasized, " ••• When we fought for our independence, we never meant to sell it at all."

Zimbabwe Prime Minister Robert Mugabe: "In one vein, the United States would want us to believe that it does not ever want to imoose sanctions and in another vein, it is imposing sanctions against us for saying it refused to impose sanctions against South Africa. Ironical."

-31-