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Boston Elites and Urban Political Insurgents During the Early Nineteenth Century

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Boston Elites and Urban Political Insurgents During the Early Nineteenth Century University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 1-1-1997 "The am gic of the many that sets the world on fire" : Boston elites and urban political insurgents during the early nineteenth century. Matthew H. rC ocker University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1 Recommended Citation Crocker, Matthew H., ""The am gic of the many that sets the world on fire" : Boston elites and urban political insurgents during the early nineteenth century." (1997). Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014. 1248. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1/1248 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 312Dbb 2 b M D7fl7 "THE MAGIC OF THE MANY THAT SETS THE WORLD ON FIRE" BOSTON ELITES AND URBAN POLITICAL INSURGENTS DURING THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY A Dissertation Presented by MATTHEW H. CROCKER Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts Amherst in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY September 1997 Department of History © Copyright by Matthew H. Crocker 1997 All Rights Reserved • "THE MAGIC OF THE MANY THAT SETS THE WORLD ON FIRE" BOSTON ELITES AND URBAN POLITICAL INSURGENTS DURING THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY A Dissertation Presented by MATTHEW H. CROCKER Approved as to style and content by C It. Ja Jack fpager, Chair Bruce Laurie , Member Ronald Story, Member Leonard Richards , Member 6^ Bruce Laurie, Department Head History ABSTRACT "THE MAGIC OF THE MANY THAT SETS THE WORLD ON FIRE": BOSTON ELITES AND URBAN POLITICAL INSURGENTS DURING THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY SEPTEMBER 1997 MATTHEW H. CROCKER, B.A., MACALESTER COLLEGE M.A., UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS AMHERST Ph.D., UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS AMHERST Directed by: Professor Jack Tager "The Magic of the Many Which Sets the World on Fire": Boston Elites and Urban Political Insurgents During the Early Nineteenth Century is a broad analysis on social class and political culture in Boston and Massachusetts between 1800 and 1830. I have consciously focused on the political odyssey of congressman, Massachusetts legislator, and Boston's second mayor, Josiah Quincy, to investigate the political and cultural evolution of Boston during these three crucial decades. Quincy's political career—though central to the story--is utilized as a narrative hook that helps unveil the dramatic changes in the political and social culture that Massachusetts faced in between the first and second party systems. During the first three decades of the nineteenth century, Massachusetts and Boston, in particular, faced a dramatic period of political, cultural, and economic transformation. At the beginning of the century, the transformation. At the beginning of the century, the politics, economy, and culture of the state were controlled almost exclusively by a close-knit elite which ran roughshod over the ordinary citizenry. By the mid-1820s this elite faced an onslaught of serious challenges to its hegemony in Massachusetts. By 1823 the political arm of the elite, the Federalist Party, was gutted by a united lower-to-middling class electorate led by ex-Federalist and Brahmin, Josiah Quincy; This newly charged electorate refused to abide by the political standards of the past, resulting in the passing of the first party system. This study investigates the emergence of a dramatically new sort of political culture while also providing an analysis of a highly popular caesarist who helped destroy the first party system in Massachusetts, but could not survive the advent of the second. v PREFACE Historians of nineteenth-century Boston have consistently viewed the city as a static fortress of elite conservativism—truly a protected "city upon the hill." Those interested in elite-class studies invariably turn to Boston's patricians as a premier example of an economic, cultural and political hegemonic class that ruled over a region with oligarchical power. Only the historiography on Southern slaveholding elites can compete in sheer volume with the work done on Boston's "Brahmins" and their class structure. 1 Though mostly interested in economic and/or cultural dominance, Frederic Cople Jaher, Edward Pessen, Ronald Story, and Betty G. Farrell among others, assert that Boston's nineteenth-century cultural and economic elite held sway over the politics of Massachusetts. Established cultural and economic institutions intertwined with the political structures of the state, giving a unified Boston patriciate nearly complete control over the Bay State. Inextricably bound together not only by cultural, political and economic institutional ties, but reinforced by direct familial allegiances, Boston's elite posed a sustained and unified front against the various forces of democratization that threatened its hegemony. Much like the slaveholding elite, Boston's Brahmins embraced a unigue brand of paternalism as the philosophical justification for their vi . dominance. Built by "many of our wealthiest and most liberal merchants," Massachusetts General Hospital cured Boston's sick. The director of the privately funded Perkins Institution for the Blind claimed he could teach "an oyster" to read. 2 Armed with a sense of noblesse oblige, Boston's nineteenth-century patricians consolidated and reinforced their economic, cultural and political power--unif ied in their common purpose and right to lead as a class. As Frederic Cople Jaher argues, "between 1800- 1860, [a] multi-functional upper-class, by dominating the foremost local business establishments, political organizations and cultural and philanthropic institutions, assumed the role of a ruling elite." In the political realm, it is argued that despite nineteenth-century party mutations and restructuring, Boston's ruling elite maintained unremitting political solidarity in the face of the growing political turbulence during the first half of nineteenth-century 3 class In this sense, students of Boston's elite model that structure have formed an incomplete and static politics while neglects the complexity of antebellum Boston the solidarity ignoring how political disruptions affected Boston. The limited of the elite class structure in peninsula, despite geographic space imposed by the Shawmut fill-in projects, compelled the city's nineteenth-century classes. As much as the commingling of Boston's various Vll they may have wanted to, the city's elite did not live in social 1 isolation.' The effects of urban life during the / early nineteenth-century bred counter-hegemonic thought that directly affected the political culture of Boston. Ronald Formisano, John Brooke, Paul Goodman, John R. Mulkern, and others interested in popular political confrontations with this economic, cultural and political elite focus on challenges to the Bay State's established order. Tracing the successes and failures of antebellum Massachusetts political insurgents, these historians concentrate on popular forays into the state's political culture. s Despite heated historiographical debate over ethnocultural vs. sectional/ local vs. national causation for the break-up of established party systems, these studies greatly expand our understanding of how nineteenth- century party systems changed in Massachusetts over time. Yet they too often fall victim to the static model of Boston elite hegemony — all too easily associating Federalist/Whig/Republican political interests with the interests of Boston's upper class. Massachusetts' most adroit political historian, Ronald Formisano, concedes "[t]he nerve center of maritime Massachusetts, Boston, was Federal [ ist] . Its upper classes were predominantly so...." Demonstrating the alliance between elite economic interests and Federalist party affiliation, Formisano resolves that the Bay State's coastal region "boasted 'many families of viii wealth and culture,' including the Cabots, Lees and Thorndikes, who sat in the highest Federal [ist] councils. Its social hierarchy was well marked and highly cohesive." Despite an analysis demonstrating Massachusetts Whiggery's broad social construction, in the end, Formisano succumbs: "The Whig Party, it is not farfetched to say, was the instrument of this [Brahmin] elite." 6 Drawing from both these historiographical approaches, I hope to expand dominant notions of elite-class hegemony, while also broadening our understanding of popular political urban insurgency movements. In studying the political career of patrician Josiah Quincy, it became apparent that many assumptions historians placed on elites and particularly the "Brahmins," do not hold together after a close reading of the primary material. In particular, the presumption of a static and unified nineteenth-century Boston elite is vitiated by the evidence in the rich papers and manuscripts of the Massachusetts Historical Society and the American Antiguarian Society. Perhaps, Boston's historians had too easily accepted the mythology of Brahmin apologists such as Oliver Wendell Holmes, Henry Adams, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Cleveland Amory, Samuel Eliot Morison and a myriad of other upper-class Bostonians. The alternative newspapers of Boston— the New Engl and Galaxy, the Bostonian and Mechanics Journal , the Debtor's
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