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MUSLIM POLITICAL THOUGHT and ATTITUDE in NORTHERN INDIA DURING the FIRST HALF of the 19Th CENTURY

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MUSLIM POLITICAL THOUGHT and ATTITUDE in NORTHERN INDIA DURING the FIRST HALF of the 19Th CENTURY MUSLIM POLITICAL THOUGHT AND ATTITUDE IN NORTHERN INDIA DURING THE FIRST HALF OF THE 19th CENTURY Being Dissertation submitted in lieu of Papers I & II M.A. Final Examination in Political Science 1965 Under the Supervision of DR. S. A. H. HAQ,Q,UI Professor & Head of the Department of Political Science Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh By TAUFIQ. AHMAD NIZAMI (Roll No. 272) T I o-q I T1097 MUSLIM POLITICAL THOUGHT AND ATTITUDE IN KORTHERN INDIA DURING THE FIRST HALF OF THE 19th century Being Dissertation submitted in lieu of Papers I & II M.A,Final Examination in Political Science 1965 Under the Supervision of Dr.S.A.H.Haqqui Professor & Head of the Department of Political Science Muslim University Aligarh By Taufiq Ahmad Nizami (Roll No. 272) P R s f A C E The first half of the 18th century constitutes a period of great significance in the history of Muslim political thought and institutions in India, It saw the final extinction of the Mughal Empire on the one hand and the emergence of British power as the supplanter of Muslim riile on the other. This situation was a challenge to Muslim political attitude as it had developed during the preceding centuries. The present dissertation is an humble attempt at analysing the basic categories of Muslim political thought and reactions during this period of great political stress and strain. I have made as critical and extensive a use of the litera- txire available on the subject in Arabic, Persian, Urdu and English as the limited time at my disposal permitted. A detailed biblio- graphy of the works on which this study is based is given in Appendix B. It is my pleasant duty to express my deep sense of gratitude to Professor S.A.H. Haqql,Head of the Department of Political Science, under whose inspiring guidance this dissertation has been prepared. Taufiq Ahmad Nizami Student M.A. (Final) Roll No. 272 SJLMJUlMJLM. MsQJ&Si* Chapter 2 «••#* Introductory 1 •• 17 . CMptor II Shah Abdul AzLz and his polltlcsl idoas# IS 27 Chapter III Tti& wahhabi IdooXogy and its impact on Indo-KusHa Political OSiought* 28 61 Chapter IV womt&mt o£ Sayyid Alsead Bhahld Idoology, Impact and art0riaath« 52 * 81 Chapter V Shah MuhaimQad Isisall Shahid & his political idoas* 82 * 93 Chapter VI Faraizl movoment of goyig^ Loadors and tha.tr ideals and the PoUti CO-economic sig- niricanco of the move- ment. y4 - 106 Chapter VII On the eve of 1857 107 - 114 Appendicest (a) Persian te»:t and EngUsh translation of Syed Ahmad Shahid*s lottery threw* ing light on his political objectives, 11& - 125 Cb) Bibliography 126 • 132 CiiAPKK I I, » 1 AM J? fl ^ g 0 R , g Tkm ©arXy docadeo of to© 19th ccaatury coMtltute a in the lUstory of Xiido«4{U0lJji political thougbt* fhd dooXine o£ HmlSm politioaX ptxifar vMch bad he$m in th© oajply I8tb coatuupy reacliod its losfost point duplag tMs po^iod a^d th^ tmtacles of Bieitlsh in^erlaUsm apl^6ad far and wide into tho eountryt Eed Fort iriileh Md onoo bsen condition that according to tho forsaillos of India was reduood to such a/Blshop Hebor wiio visited it In the early l®th centttry» "ffli© was dlrtyi imolyf ^ wrotcii@d§ tlio l^ath and fountain dry| tho Inlaid pavement hid with Imbor and gaifden»r*0 ewooplngi and tho wall© stained with th© dung of birds and bats*** Xhe ontiro political structuro of northern India crumbled daring this period* Tho Mughal eaperors booaao not only pensioners but prisoners In tho hands of the Bast India Co!!^any which eoon passed froci dividends to dominlon» with a real govemisenti persuing an ambitious policy of annescatlon* Finding a trading company turning Into the controller of Indian's destinies| Shah Abdul son of the faoous Husllta schol^^r and divine of Delhi | Shah Wall 0Xlah| declared that India had becos» Par Harb^ it was a political verdict 1* Hfliratlva Qf Journay through tlin Unneg Provlncefl of India,. Vol. pp. 306-307. - 2 •• couched in religious terminlology* It became the focal point of Muslim political thought in the decades that followed and, in fact, Muslim activity in the political sphere drew inspira- tion from this fatwa and centred ro^and it. Sayyid Ahmad Shahid and Maulana Ismail Shahid really tried to translate into prac- tice the decision of Shah Abdul Aziz. They travelled through- out northern India, from Balakot to Calcutta and recruited supporters almost in every Important town and city that they happened to visit. Hunter says that as tiie result of their propaganda•there appeared secret organizations throughout the whole of northern India, The tragedy of Balakot (1831) was a turning point in the history of Muslim political thought and activity. It brought to light a hard fact that without efficient I military organization it was utterly impossible to achieve any- thing and that mere religious zeal could lead nowhere. However, the zeal that Sayyid Ahmad Shahid and his other colleagues had inspired amongst the people continued to agitate the religio- political thought of the Muslims, According to Sir Sayyid volunteers used to visit Balakot for at least two decades after the tragedy just to show their profound admiration for and attachment to the fallen leader. Some of them began to believe credulously that the leader had simply concealed^himself to reappear ^tt the opporttme movement. This superstitious aspect apart, it is a fact that the movement of Sayyid Ahmad Shahid did not die with him. It continued to express itself in different 1, Asar U§ gan^dAa (1st edition) pp. 43 - 47. - 3 •• forms at different places. Suppressed in the-north-western frontier region, it made its appearance in the eastern provinces in the shape of the Faraizi movement. For many years the British merchants of Bengal found themselves in a very difficult position * due to the activities of the Faraizis* The so-called mutiny of 1857 was, in fact, preceded by several attempts to dislodge the British from the position they had slowly but surely gained in the economic and political life of the country. In the succeeding chapters an attempt is made to trace the genesis, nature of activity and impact of these movements. But before taking up a discussion of these movements and their ideological significance it seems necessary to have a gl^ce at the political map of India in the beginning of the 19th century and assess the nature and position of various pov/ers struggling for supremacy* (a) The Mughal SlBpi££ and the Mughal Emperor i When Aurangzeb closed his aged eyes in death (1707) the Mughal Empire had already entered a critical phase of its life, iears of continuous warfare in the Deccan had completely r\ained the prosperity of the country. There was agrarian distress; economic ruin and political chaos in the north as well as in the South. The central government found itself helpless to check the recalcitrant elements. The Jats, the Marathas and the Sikhs started their offensive attacks against the Mughal government and their activities struck awe and terror into the - 4 •• hearts of the people, both Hindus and Muslims* Harcharan Das gives the picture of the inhabitants of Delhi at the time of Jat attacks in these words t *'lhe inhabitants of Delhi roamed from house to house| lane to lane, in despair and bewilderment, like a wrecked ship-tossing on the wavesj every one was running about like a lunatic, distracted, puzzled and unable to take care of himself."^ The activities of the I4arathas, Sik^is, Jats and the Rohillas every on© of whom was anxious to establish its power in the country and yet did not possess the requisite ability to run an all-India administration — reduced the Mughal Empire to a mere shadow. Its prestige suffered at every blow that was dealt on Delhi by these powers, taking advantage of the weakness of the centre, provincial governors set up indepen- dent principalities in Awadh, Bengal and the Deccan. The Mughal Empire shrank to only a few districts around Delhi. With the rise of British power, the Mughal Empire was confined to the Red Fort and the Mughal Emperor to the Saman Burj, In fact the Mughal emperor "'ceased to be a person and became an institution."^ In Tihe first half of the 19th century the last two Mughal rulers who occupied the throne of Delhi were Akbar Shah II (1806 - 1838) and Bahadur Shah II (1837 - 1867). 1# (?|^a)iar Gulzar^l-Shujal (Rotograph of Manuscript in British Museum, in Muslim University Library, Aligarh). 2. Ishwari Prasad/ and Subedar, A History of Modern India^ Allahabad 1938, p. 135. « a • Akbar Shab II wag a very weak aiid vacillating rulor# H© leaned upjfeh© ladies of the hareja even In the decision of admini- strative and political matters• In fact| as Spear says^ these women bad becoiae ^'the real directors of his policy*"^ !Eh© three ladies who controlled hiia and guided the destinies of the crumbling empire wer© Qudsia B©guai» his motherj Kuataa Mahal, his favourite wife and 0aulat-«n«»Nisa Begiaai his paternal aunt. Even in political discussions and negotia- tions they took a leading part* "The king himselfwrote Holford, "took little part in conversationi but occasionally explained or confirmed such of tiieir observations as had roforenc© p to his own feelings or wishes*" The economic position of the Emperor became so weak that the silver ceiling of Dlwan»i-Kfaas was removed and sold in the market to meet growing demands on the royal purse. The coppor ceiling of Piwan-i-Am was used for 3 minting coins.
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