The Walter Scott: a Steamboat Ahead of Its Day
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THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MISSOURI COLUMBIA, MISSOURI FALL 1967 THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MISSOURI The State Historical Society of Missouri, heretofore organized under the laws of this State, shall be the trustee of this State—Laws of Missouri, 1899, R.S. of Mo., 1959, Chapter 183. OFFICERS 1985-68 LEO J. ROZIER, Perryville, President L. E. MEADOR, Springfield, First Vice President *WILLIAM C. TUCKER, Warrensburg, Second Vice President LEWIS E. ATHERTON, Columbia, Third Vice President RUSSELL V. DYE, Liberty, Fourth Vice President JACK STAPLETON, SR., Stanberry, Fifth Vice President JOHN A. WINKLER, Hannibal, Sixth Vice President R. B. PRICE, Columbia, Treasurer FLOYD C. SHOEMAKER, Columbia, Secretary Emeritus and Consultant RICHARD S. BROWN LEE, Columbia, Director, Secretary, and Librarian TRUSTEES Permanent Trustees, Former Presidents of the Society E. L. DALE, Carthage E. E. SWAIN, Kirksville RUSH H. LIMBAUGII, Cape Girardeau ROY D. WILLIAMS, Boonville GEORGE A. ROZIER, Jefferson City Term Expires at Annual Meeting, 1987 WILLIAM AULL, III, Lexington GEORGE FULLER GREEN, Kansas City WILLIAM R. DENSLOW, Trenton GEORGE H. SCRUTON, Sedalia ELMER ELLIS, Columbia JAMES TODD, Moberly ALFRED O. FUERBRINGER, St. Louis T. BALLARD WAITERS, Marshfield Term Expires at Annual Meeting, 1988 FRANK P. BRIGGS, Macon *W. C. HEWITT, Shelbvville HENRY A. BUNDSCHU, Independence ROBERT NAGEL JONES, St. Louis R. I. COLBORN, Paris LEWIS E. ATHERTON, Columbia VICTOR A. GIERKE, Louisiana * WILLIAM C. TUCKER, Warrensburg Term Expires at Annual Meeting, 1969 *BARTLETT BODER, St. Joseph W. WALLACE SMITH, Independence GEORGE MCCUE, St. Louis JACK STAPLETON, SR., Stanberry L. E. MEADOR, Springfield HENRY C. THOMPSON, Bonne Terre JOSEPH H. MOORE, Charleston ROBERT M. WHITE, Mexico EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE The twenty-nine Trustees, the President and the Secretary of the Society, the Governor, Secretary of State, State Treasurer, and President of the Univer sity of Missouri constitute the Executive Committee. FINANCE COMMITTEE Five members of the Executive Committee appointed by the President of the Society at each annual meeting of the Executive Committee constitute the Finance Committee. T. BALLARD WAITERS, Marshfield, Chairman WILLIAM R. DENSLOW, Trenton *W. C. HEWITT, Shelbyville ELMER ELLIS, Columbia GEORGE A. ROZIER, Jefferson City Deceased CONTENTS PUBLIC QUARRELS AND PRIVATE PLANS: THE PRESIDENT, VETERANS AND THE MAYOR OF ST. LOUIS. By C. Joseph Pusateri 1 BENJAMIN F. STRINGFELLOW: THE FIGHT FOR SLAVERY ON THE MISSOURI BORDER. By Lester B. Baltimore 14 BANKING IN EARLY MISSOURI, PART II. By Harry S. Gleick 30 OLD CHARITON—ONLY A MEMORY. By Harold N. Calvert 45 THE WALTER SCOTT: A STEAMBOAT AHEAD OF ITS DAY. By Warren E. Spehar . .51 VIEWS FROM THE PAST: MISSOURI RECREATION 54 HISTORICAL NOTES AND COMMENTS News in Brief 56 Local Historical Societies 60 Honors and Tributes 69 Gifts 70 Missouri History in Newspapers 73 Missouri History in Magazines 77 Erratum 78 In Memoriam 79 BOOK REVIEWS 81 BOOK NOTES 86 TRIAL BALLOONS 93 PHOEBE APPERSON HEARST Inside Back Cover THE COVER: The problems on the Missouri-Kansas border in the 1850s received national attention. The front cover illustration, "Ferrying Missouri Voters to the Kansas Shore," appeared in the serialization of Abraham Lincoln: A History, written by John G. Nicolay and John Hay, published in The Century Magazine during 1886-1887. MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW Published Quarterly by THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MISSOURI COLUMBIA, MISSOURI RICHARD S. BROWN LEE EDITOR DOROTHY CALDWELL ASSOCIATE EDITOR JAMES W. GOODRICH ASSOCIATE EDITOR The MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW is owned by the State Historical Society of Missouri and is published quarterly at 201 South Eighth Street, Columbia, Missouri 65201. Send communications and change of address to The State Historical Society of Missouri, Columbia, Missouri 65201. Second class postage is paid at Columbia, Missouri. VOLUME LXII The REVIEW is sent free to all members of The State Historical Society of Missouri. Membership dues in the Society are $2.00 a year or $25 for an individual life membership. The Society assumes NUMBER 1 no responsibility for statements made by contributors to the magazine. OCTOBER 1967 PUBLIC iB %" : v? QUARRELS AND PRIVATE PLANS: THE PRESIDENT, THE VETERANS, AND THE MAYOR of ST. LOUIS 111 BY gill C. JOSEPH PUSATERI* 111 11111 David Rowland Francis Stevens, Hist, of St. Louis, I In the summer of 1887 the irresistible political force of the all- powerful Union Army veterans' organization, the Grand Army of the Republic, clashed with an immovable political object in the person of Grover Cleveland, President of the United States and ex ponent of honest and economical government. The outcome of that political collision had far-reaching consequences, not only for its participants, but also for the city of St. Louis and especially the city's young mayor David Rowland Francis. The Grand Army of the Republic, or simply the G.A.R. as it was more commonly known, had been founded in 1866 as a *A native of St. Louis, Dr. Pusateri attended the University of Notre Dame, Indiana University and St. Louis University. He received his Ph.D. in American History from St. Louis University and he is presently an assistant professor of History on the faculty of John Carroll University. 2 Missouri Historical Review nonpartisan fraternal society of Civil War veterans who had fought to preserve the Union. Over the years the organization spread from its original home in Decatur, Illinois, across all of the north ern states so that by 1887 its membership stood at an impressive 320,000.1 While supposedly nonpartisan, the society had mixed in po litical affairs since its inception, becoming closely allied with the Republican party. The Republicans had shown through the years a willingness to grant veterans' pensions with an open hand and to give the veterans preferment in federal employment, a generosity which held the allegiance of the ex-soldiers. With Union army veterans forming large blocs of the voting population in the key northern states, such policies made obvious political sense. On the other hand, the Democratic party was handicapped in attracting the support of the veteran by its association with the defeated Confederacy, and by its philosophy of reduction of all government expenditures in the interest of economy and of with holding special privileges and favors to special interest groups whether these groups be manufacturers seeking protective tariffs or ex-soldiers seeking pensions.2 Grover Cleveland, the first Democratic President since the Civil War, was no dissenter from this prevailing party philosophy and, as a result, quickly incurred the wrath of the G.A.R. Cleveland was accused of choosing Confederate veterans over those of the North in filling governmental posts and of showing his lack of gratitude for the services of Union veterans by vetoing a large number of special pension bills.3 As the biographer of the G.A.R. points out, Cleveland actually vetoed only 228 out of more than 1,800 special pension bills passed by the Congress. But "the dis appointed claimants became 228 victims of Cleveland's animosity to veterans—228 rounds of ammunition in the Republican oratorical armament."4 Cleveland's problem was complicated in that he himself had not been a soldier and had instead hired a substitute to serve for him during the Civil War, a fact that the G.A.R. did not allow 1 Mary R. Dearing, Veterans in Politics: The Story of the G.A.R. /Baton Rouge, 1952), 80-86, 308. 2 Horace Samuel Merrill, Bourbon Leader: Grover Cleveland and the Democratic Party (Boston, 1957) , 44-45. 3 Dearing, Veterans in Politics, 315; Donald L. McMurry, "The Political Significance of the Pension Question," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, IX (June, 1922) , 29. 4 Dearing, Veterans in Politics, 331. G.A.R. Delegates Badge St. Louis Globe-Democrat, September 12, 1887 the President to forget.5 The quarrel was intensified early in 1887 when Cleveland vetoed the Dependent Pension Bill, a piece of legislation for which the G.A.R. had long lobbied. That bill had promised to pay a pension of twelve dollars monthly to any Union army veteran who was physically disabled, regardless of when the disability had developed. Cleveland denounced the bill as being open to "unjust and mischievous application" and of placing a "premium on dishonesty and mendacity."6 With that veto, the breach between the White House and the organized veterans be came a dangerous chasm threatening to block any possibility of the President's reelection in 1888. 5 Allan Nevins, Grover Cleveland, A Study in Courage (New York, 1932), 49-52. 6 James D. Richardson, A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the President, 1789-1902 (Washington, 1903) , VIII, 555. 4 Missouri Historical Review Into this perilous situation strode David Rowland Francis of St. Louis. A prosperous businessman and an ardent Cleveland Democrat, Francis had unexpectedly received his party's nomina tion for mayor in 1885.7 The tall, mustached, young man (Francis was only thirty-four at the time of his nomination) introduced a breath of fresh air in the stale back-room atmosphere of the St. Louis Democratic party of the mid-1880s. He represented the "re spectable" element of the city who, following Grover Cleveland's example, suddenly saw the need for their own participation in politics. In fact, Francis was generally regarded as a midwcstern version of the new President.* In spite of his inexperience in politics, Francis" administration as mayor was reasonably successful and, from an earl) date, there began to be speculation about his advancement to the governorship.5* The subject of this speculation was not adverse to the idea but he recognized a handicap to overcome. St. Louisans were not particularly popular politically among rural Missourians. The "'big city" candidate invariably had a difficult time garnering the farmer vote.