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Rethinking the Portuguese Diaspora in British Hong Kong. in C View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Explore Bristol Research Chan, C. S. (2018). At the Edge of Two Worlds: Rethinking the Portuguese Diaspora in British Hong Kong. In C. W-C. Ho, R. K-S. Mak, & Y-H. Tam (Eds.), Voyages, Migration, and the Maritime World: On China's Global Historical Role (pp. 231-242). Berlin, Boston: de Gruyter. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110587685-012 Peer reviewed version Link to published version (if available): 10.1515/9783110587685-012 Link to publication record in Explore Bristol Research PDF-document This is the author accepted manuscript (AAM). The final published version (version of record) is available online via De Gruyter at https://www.degruyter.com/viewbooktoc/product/499352 . Please refer to any applicable terms of use of the publisher. University of Bristol - Explore Bristol Research General rights This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite only the published version using the reference above. Full terms of use are available: http://www.bristol.ac.uk/pure/about/ebr-terms Catherine S. CHAN 11 At the Edge of Two Worlds: Rethinking the Portuguese Diaspora in British Hong Kong For centuries, the Portuguese have journeyed across borders. At the height of Por- tugal’s expansion in the fifteenth century, the Portuguese swept through foreign cultures and transformed foreign communities and peoples. Its gradual decline in the late sixteenth century left behind traces of Portugal and its culture as peoples of Portuguese descent experienced intermarriage and came to be assim- ilated by native locals, resulting in the birth of a Eurasian population. As with all histories of migration and transnational movement, identity negotiation is a never-ending construction that varies according to context, power, interaction and experience: the Melakan Eurasians identified strongly with their Portu- guese background, particularly influenced by the realities of a formal Portuguese Settlement formed in 1933 by the British government.1 In other Southeast Asian settlements, Portuguese Eurasians slowly shed off their ethnic Portuguese identi- ties, especially as many were born in Southeast Asia; having failed to witness the glories of Portuguese colonization, they experienced instead new rounds of colo- nization and subsequent decolonization, succeeding initially in dominating new forces through the use of their Creole language but later becoming assimilated themselves into local societies.2 From transforming others to being incorporated into other societies, the various Portuguese dispersions around the globe have without doubt demonstrated the fluidity of migrant identity as a product of social 1 Significantly within the secluded Portuguese Settlement, the Portuguese Eurasians spoke their own patois language of Kristang, celebrated traditional festivals, were all Roman Catholics and were highly devoted to protecting their settlement area. For extensive studies of the Melakan Portuguese, see Beng-Lan Goh, Modern Dreams: An Inquiry Into Power, Cultural Production and the Cityscape in Contemporary Urban Penang, Malaysia (New York: Cornell Southeast Asia Pro- gram Publications, 2002), 123–144; Kok Eng Chan, “The Eurasians of Melaka,” in Kernial Singh Sandhu and Paul Wheatley, eds., Melaka: The Transformation of a Malay Capital C. 1400–1980, vol. 2 (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1983), 264–283; Ronald Daus, Portuguese-Eura- sian Communities in Southeast Asia (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1989), 6–27. 2 One vivid illustration is the case of the Portuguese in Batavia. According to Daus, the Portu- guese dominated even after and during the invasion of the Dutch owing to the wide use of Creole Portuguese in the area. This picture would later fade out as Malay began to dominate, incorpo- rating the Portuguese subsequently into the Malay community during the early 19th century. For this, see Daus, Portuguese-Eurasian Communities, 6 –2 7. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110587685-012 234 Catherine S. CHAN interaction, institutional framework and collective renegotiation. This study works on such pre-existing observations to highlight the unique context and complex discourse of Creole migration in the Macanese narration through their experience of first diaspora in Hong Kong. Stepping into Macao during the mid-fifteenth century, the Portuguese flour- ished in utilizing Macao as the center of shipping and trade, further consoli- dating their political authority over the territory. Between 1560 and 1640, trade from Guangzhou to Nagasaki and Manila was made possible en route Macao and goods were shipped to Goa and Lisbon through Malacca from Macao.3 Par- ticularly enticed by this economic edge, Portuguese settlers subsequently estab- lished their community and built their lives in and around Macao,4 mingling over time with native communities, resulting eventually in the emergence of a Macanese population.5 However, as the tides turned, Macao soon became a place dominated by the growing influences of British merchants under the flourishing British Empire.6 Despite the existence of a Portuguese administration, the major- ity of the Portuguese in Macao could only work under and for the British and cer- tainly not without a sense of bitterness.7 Notably, it was common for the British to perceive the Portuguese in Macao as valuable, yet non-European laborers owing to their mixed racial background and linguistic competence in Cantonese, Por- tuguese and English; the Macanese, in turn, expressed an absence of resistance towards such identification.8 3 R.D. Cremer, “Origins and Early History of Macau,” in R.D. Cremer, ed., Macau City of Com- merce and Culture (Hong Kong: UEA Press, 1987), 32. 4 Churches, for instance, were built by the Portuguese in Macao during this early period. For this, see Michael Hugo-Brunt, “The Church and Former Monastery of St. Augustine, Macao,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians XIX, no. 2 (1960): 69–75; “The Convent and Church of St. Dominic at Macao,” Journal of Oriental Studies 4, nos. 1 and 2 (1957–1958): 66–75. 5 José Pedro Braga, The Portuguese in Hong Kong and China (Macau: Fundaçao Macau, 1998); Siping Deng 鄧思平, Aomen tusheng Puren 澳門土生葡人 (The Macanese of Macao; Xiang- gang: Sanlian shudian youxian gongsi, 2009); Ana Maria Amaro 瑪麗亞 ‧ 阿馬羅, Dadi zhizi: Aomen tusheng Puren yanjiu 大地之子 ‧ 澳門土生葡人研究 (Filhos de Terra: A Study of Macao’s Macanese; Aomen: Aomen wenhua sichu, 1993). 6 Philip J. Stern has done an extensive study on the East India Company in The Company-State: Corporate Sovereignty and Early Modern Foundations of the British Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011). 7 As Braga observed, ambitious Macanese subsequently engaged in the Opium business but many to no avail. See Braga, The Portuguese in Hong Kong, 63. 8 Maurice Collis, “Macao, the City of the Name of God,” History Today 1, no. 4 (1951): 49. At the Edge of Two Worlds 235 AU: We have shorten the running head. Please check Away from Two “Homes” and comfirm. Attempting to turn the tables, the Portuguese arrived in Hong Kong following British victory against China in the First Opium War. As a ripe opportunity for greater advances, this group of Macanese was amongst many others who thought the newly established British colony offered a chance for change, particularly in attaining upward mobility.9 Significantly in their experience of first diaspora, the Macanese entered an identity marked by the strengthening of a collective memory intersecting between a point of origin (Macao) and a point of mythical origin (Por- tugal).10 This is especially illustrated by the fact that Hong Kong soon became the first exposure for many less privileged Macanese to formal education of the Por- tuguese language: although there were only about 300 Macanese in the colony by 1848, an imminent rush to set up private schools for the Portuguese children emerged in the decade due to fears of “los[ing] their cultural ties to Macao.”11 Prior to their arrival in the British colony, political instability in Portugal led to difficulties in consolidating sound educational institutions for the Macanese in Macao; thus, it would only be until 1871 that the Associação para a Instrução dos Macaneses (APIM) was formed to guarantee the continuation of education for the Macanese youth.12 In contrast to the situation in Macao, the first Portuguese school in Hong Kong was opened as early as in 1844 and between 1848 and 1850, four more schools would be established for the Macanese community. Apart from private schools, religious organizations also exerted efforts in the founding of the Canossian Sisters’ School for Catholic girls (1860) and the St. Saviour’s College for Catholic boys (1865, later renamed as the St. Joseph’s College), both of which taught Portuguese as a second language. This demand for and supply of educa- tion for the Portuguese community is demonstrated in the consistent foundation of schools in the Central District from 1842 to 1896 for Portuguese children by the 9 Simultaneously during this period, mainland Chinese, Indians, Americans and Germans arrived in Hong Kong in hopes of making a fortune. 10 Alfredo Gomes Dias, “The Origins of Macao’s Community in Shanghai. Hong Kong’s Emigra- tion (1850–1909),” Bulletin of Portuguese-Japanese Studies 17 (2008): 202. 11 Mário Pinharanda, “Socio-Historical Factors Involved in the Changes of the Creole Matrix of Makista,” in Katrine K. Wong and C.X. George Wei, eds., Macao- Cultural Interaction and Literary Representations (New York: Routledge, 2014), 34. 12 According to Pinharanda, due to repeated setbacks caused by Portugal’s political issues and diplomatic decline, the first lay school of Macao that used Portuguese as medium of instruction would only be founded in the year 1847 (Escola Principal de Instrução Primária), leading suc- cessively to efforts by local Macanese and Portuguese residents to open more schools for their children. For this, see Ibid., 32.
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