DOCSLIB.ORG

GGC Elections Presentation S.Kurykin

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
GGC Elections Presentation S.Kurykin Serhii KURYKIN Candidate for the election of EGP representatives to the Global Greens Coordination (GGC) Nominated by the Partija Zelenykh Ukrainy (Party of Greens of Ukraine) Already for three decades my life strongly connected with environmental protection and Green political activities. It encompassed various spheres and dimensions, equipped and enriched me with important skills and knowledge. Global Greens is unique community generating common views and approaches to the modern global ecological and democratic challenges, promoting sustainability principles all over the world and it is a great honor for me to make personal contribution towards a common goal. Within last three years, as Alternate GGC member I have got new essential experiences and strength my team work skills in cooperation with other members of EGP Delegation in GGC. Mutual political support of the Greens of all the continents is crucially important to answer contemporary ecological and social-economic challenges-climate crisis, overconsumption of natural resources, unsustainable forestry, desertification and many other threats endangering the future of humanity. Sharing best practices and models of environment protection, strengthening of democracy, protection of peace, peoples' dignity and equality all over the world calls for the united efforts of Greens, who are committed to democratic and non-violence values. Participation in the Global Green Coordination is a constant intensive and interesting teamwork, and I am ready productively contribute into further team efforts. (Following is a short CV) CURRICULUM VITAE Serhii Kurykin Was born in 1959 in Kyiv, Ukraine. Educational skills: In 1981 graduated from the Kyiv State Pedagogical University, Department of history. In 2001 graduated from the Kyiv National University, Institute of Foreign relations. Master of International Law. Master's thesis theme: “Role of international organizations in formation of international environmental law”. Language proficiency-English, Polish, Ukrainian, Russian; Professional activities: 1981: school teacher in Kyiv. 1981-1983: Soviet Army duty. 1984-1998: school teacher, lecturer in university, consultant on political issues, Vice-president of the Party of Greens of Ukraine. 1998-2001: MP, Member of Foreign Affairs Committee of Verkhovna Rada (Parliament) of Ukraine, Head of the Sub-Committee on International Agreements. Member of Parliamentary Assembly of Council of Europe (PACE), Member of PACE Committee on Environment and Agriculture. Author of PACE Report “Environmental consequences of the 1999 military conflict in Yugoslavia for Southern-Eastern Balkans”. 2001-2002: Minister of Ecology and Natural Resources of Ukraine. 2003-2006: Deputy Head of the Party of Greens of Ukraine. 2007-2011: “Ukrtransnafta” State Company, Environmental safety consultant, Advisor to the Minister of Economy of Ukraine, Head of the Green Party of Ukraine. 2012-2013: Kyiv City State Administration, Head of Environmental Unit 2014-2015: Antarctic Ocean Alliance consultant in Ukraine Feb.2015 - Feb.2016: Deputy Minister, Acting Minister of Ecology and Natural Resources of Ukraine 2016 – till present time: freelance consultant on environmental policy; Green political and other public voluntary activities 1987-1992: Co-founder, member of Secretariat, Council Member of “Zelenyi Svit” (Green World) Ukrainian Environmental Association (NGO); Co-founder and Foreign Secretary of the Partija Zelenykh Ukrainy (Party of Greens of Ukraine). 1993-2003: European Federation of Green Parties\European Green Party Council Delegate. 2003-2006: EGP Committee member. 2006-2010: Green East-West Dialogue Steering Group elected member 1992-2006, and 2011-2016: Head of Political Council, Deputy Head of the Partija Zelenykh Ukrainy (Party of Greens of Ukraine) Since 2016 till present time: Partija Zelenykh Ukrainy (Party of Greens of Ukraine) Board Member; *** .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Green Parties and Elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Green Par Elections
    Chapter 1 Green Parties and Elections, 1979–2019 Green parties and elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Wolfgang Rüdig Introduction The history of green parties in Europe is closely intertwined with the history of elections to the European Parliament. When the first direct elections to the European Parliament took place in June 1979, the development of green parties in Europe was still in its infancy. Only in Belgium and the UK had green parties been formed that took part in these elections; but ecological lists, which were the pre- decessors of green parties, competed in other countries. Despite not winning representation, the German Greens were particularly influ- enced by the 1979 European elections. Five years later, most partic- ipating countries had seen the formation of national green parties, and the first Green MEPs from Belgium and Germany were elected. Green parties have been represented continuously in the European Parliament since 1984. Subsequent years saw Greens from many other countries joining their Belgian and German colleagues in the Euro- pean Parliament. European elections continued to be important for party formation in new EU member countries. In the 1980s it was the South European countries (Greece, Portugal and Spain), following 4 GREENS FOR A BETTER EUROPE their successful transition to democracies, that became members. Green parties did not have a strong role in their national party systems, and European elections became an important focus for party develop- ment. In the 1990s it was the turn of Austria, Finland and Sweden to join; green parties were already well established in all three nations and provided ongoing support for Greens in the European Parliament.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of Changes in Electoral Systems: a Comparative Analysis of the Local Election in Ukraine in 2006 and 2010
    STUDIA VOL. 36 POLITOLOGICZNE STUDIA I ANALIZY Olena Yatsunska The impact of changes in electoral systems: a comparative analysis of the local election in Ukraine in 2006 and 2010 KEY WORDS: local government, local elections, proportional electoral system, majoritarian electoral system, mixed majoritarian-proportional electoral system, Ukraine STUDIA I ANALIZY Having gained independence in 1991 Ukraine, like most Central and East- ern European countries, faced the need for radical Constitutional reforms, with reorganization of local government figuring high in the agenda. Like other post-soviet countries, Ukraine had to decide on the starting point and like in the neighboring countries, democratic euphoria of the early 1990s got the upper hand: local authorities were elected on March 18, 1990, while the Law On Local People’s Deputies of Ukrainian SSR and Local Self-government was adopted by Verkhovna Rada of Ukrainian SSR on December 7, 1990. Ukrain- ian Researchers in the field of local government and its reforms concur with the opinion that the present dissatisfactory state of that institution was con- ditioned by the first steps made by Ukrainian Politicians at the beginning of the ‘transition’ period. Without clear perspective of reform, during more than 20 years of Independence, Ukrainian local government has abided dozens of laws, sometimes rather contradictory and has survived more than 10 stages of restructuring. Evolution of election legislation in Ukraine is demonstrated by Table 1. The table shows that since 1994 three electoral systems have been tested in Ukraine: 1, Majoritarian, 2, Proportional except elections to village and settlement councils and 3, ‘Mixed’ system (50% Majoritarian+50% Proportional).
    [Show full text]
  • Anti-Communism, Neoliberalisation, Fascism by Bozhin Stiliyanov
    Post-Socialist Blues Within Real Existing Capitalism: Anti-Communism, Neoliberalisation, Fascism by Bozhin Stiliyanov Traykov A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology University of Alberta © Bozhin Stiliyanov Traykov, 2020 Abstract This project draws on Alex William’s (2020) contribution to Gramscian studies with the concept of complex hegemony as an emergent, dynamic and fragile process of acquiring power in socio- political economic systems. It examines anti-communism as an ideological element of neoliberal complex hegemony in Bulgaria. By employing a Gramcian politico-historical analysis I explore examples of material and discursive ideological practices of anti-communism. I show that in Bulgaria, anti-communism strives to operate as hegemonic, common-sensual ideology through legislative acts, production of historiography, cultural and educational texts, and newly invented traditions. The project examines the process of rehabilitation of fascist figures and rise of extreme nationalism, together with discrediting of the anti-fascist struggle and demonizing of the welfare state within the totalitarian framework of anti-communism. Historians Enzo Traverso (2016, 2019), Domenico Losurdo (2011) and Ishay Landa (2010, 2016) have traced the undemocratic roots of economic liberalism and its (now silenced) support of fascism against the “Bolshevik threat.” They have shown that, whether enunciated by fascist regimes or by (neo)liberal intellectuals, anti-communism is deeply undemocratic and shares deep mass-phobic disdain for political organizing of the majority. In this dissertation I argue that, in Bulgaria, anti- communism has not only opened the ideological space for extreme right and fascist politics, it has demoralized left political organizing by attacking any attempts for a politics of socio- economic justice as tyrannical.
    [Show full text]
  • Uphill Struggle for the Polish Greens
    “The Most Challenging Term Since 1989”: Uphill Struggle for the Polish Greens Article by Urszula Zielińska July 9, 2021 Rising corruption, shrinking democratic freedoms, and a crackdown on free media: the political landscape in Poland is challenging to say the least. After a long struggle, Polish Greens made it into parliament in 2019, where they have been standing in solidarity with protestors and fighting to put green issues on the agenda. We asked Green MP Urszula Zielińska how the environment and Europe fit into the Polish political debate, and how Greens are gearing up ahead of local and parliamentary elections in 2023. This interview is part of a series that we are publishing in partnership with Le Grand Continent on green parties in Europe. Green European Journal: 2020 saw presidential elections in Poland as well as a great wave of protest provoked by further restrictions to abortion rights. The pandemic is ongoing in Poland as everywhere. How are the Greens approaching the main issues in Polish politics in 2021? Urszula Zielinska: This period is significant for the Greens. We entered parliament for the first time after the October 2019 election with three MPs as part of a coalition with the Christian Democrat party Civic Platform (PO) and two other partners (The Modern Party and Initiative Poland). It’s taken the Greens 14 years to reach this point and the coalition helped us gain our first MPs. But at the same time, it has been an extremely difficult parliamentary term in general for Poland. In some respects, it may have been the most challenging term in 30 years of free, democratic Poland.
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine's Agricultural Sector After Accession to The
    FAO Regional Office for Europe and Central Asia Policy Studies on Rural Transition No. 2015-7 Ukraine’s agricultural sector after accession to the WTO This country study is a part of the FAO series of case studies on assessing the impact of the WTO accession on agriculture in countries of the region Kobuta Iryna, Vitaliy Zhygadlo, Aleksandr Sikachyna 2015 The Regional Office for Europe and Central Asia of the Food and Agriculture Organization distributes this policy study to disseminate findings of work in progress and to encourage the exchange of ideas within FAO and all others interested in development issues. This paper carries the name of the authors and should be used and cited accordingly. The findings, interpretations and conclusions are the authors’ own and should not be attributed to the Food and Agriculture Organization of the UN, its management, or any member countries. Authors: Kobuta Iryna - Agricultural Trade and Commodity Policy Economist, PhD in Economics (FAO) Vitaliy Zhygadlo, Aleksandr Sikachyna - Agricultural Analysts with more than ten-year working experience with international organizations and technical support projects (USAID, UNDP, World Bank, TACIS) in Ukraine 2 Contents Contents ................................................................................................................................ 3 Figures .................................................................................................................................. 4 Tables ...................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Negative Consequences of Proportional Representation in Ukraine
    THE NEGATIVE CONSEQUENCES OF PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION IN UKRAINE SERHIJ VASYLCHENKO POLITICAL GEOGRAPHER Abstract: Ukraine has changed its electoral law numerous times. The first two elections to the parliament in 1990 and 1994 employed a single-member district majoritarian system. The Verkhovna Rada elections in 1998 and 2002 used a mixed system with single- member districts and proportional representation. The parliamentary elections in 2006 and 2007 were purely proportional representation. Finally, the elections in 2012 went back to the mixed system. This article argues that the use of proportional representation has facilitated extensive manipulation in the Ukrainian political system through the creation of “party projects” and by severing the link between parliamentarians and their constituents. fter Ukraine gained its independence in 1991, it faced an urgent need Ato reform its electoral legislation to address new political realities – most importantly, the development of a multiparty system in place of the previous one-party system that had ruled the Soviet Union. According to the existing law adopted during the Soviet era, parties other than the Communist Party of the Soviet Union had no legal basis. That law laid out a first past the post majoritarian system in which the winner had to win an absolute majority of the votes.1 The opposition national-democrat deputies in the People’s Rada group in the first years of independence supported electoral law reform Serhij Vasylchenko is an independent political geographer in Ukraine, [email protected]. 1 Law “On elections of the people’s deputies of the Ukrainian SSR” from October 27, 1987, Vedomosti Verkhnoi Rady USSR, 1989 addendum to N 45, article 626 <http://zakon4.rada.
    [Show full text]
  • Journal of Aquaculture & Livestock Production
    Journal of Aquaculture & Livestock Production Short Communication Open Access Climate, Crop and Livestock Oleg Khalidullin Academician of Kazakh National University, Kazakhstan *Corresponding author Oleg Khalidullin, Academician of Kazakh National University Kazakhstan, Tel: 87770550099; E-Mail: [email protected] Received: January 16, 2021; Accepted: January 25, 2021; Published: January 28, 2021 The beginning of life on Earth originated 600 million years ago. The water cycle consists of three components - the quality of the Various creatures creep out of the ocean and fill the land. vapor, the volume of the vapor and the rate of the vapor. Waste of secretions and transpiration, each molecule of which is different from all its neighbors and from the ordinary water molecule, constitutes the main part in the composition of the vapors that form clouds. This substance takes a leading role in the mechanism of precipitation, which controls the distribution and frequency of precipitation, which formed a strict and regular portioned water supply to the entire land area. The idea is confirmed by the fact that over millions of years, clearly limited and diverse habitats of flora and fauna - tropics, steppes, deserts - have formed. By his appearance, man began to destroy the balance of the water cycle - he took more than half of the fertile land from nature Each of them consumes air and water, saturated with minerals, - for arable land, dumps, dumps, reservoirs, deforestation, the and exhales carbon dioxide and moisture with their waste. Plants, construction of cities and roads, etc. It is estimated that out of transforming this waste, complement the construction of the water 149,000,000 km2 (149 million square kilometers kilometers) of cycle and climate and saturate the atmosphere with oxygen and a all inhabited land - 63% - [2], destroyed by civilization.
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine's Party System Evolution: 1990-2017
    RAZUMKOV CENTRE UKRAINE’S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 The publication is supported by the Ukrainian Office of Konrad Adenauer Foundation 2017 UKRAINE`S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 / Edited by Yu.Yakymenko. – Kyiv: Razumkov Сentre, 2017. – p.62 This publication presents an abridged version of the Analytical Report by the Razumkov Centre that examines the emergence and further transformation of Ukraine’s party system in 1990-2017. We have examined key drivers of change at each evolution stage, such as legislation on political parties and elections; political regime; most significant societal cleavages, nature and consequences of their influence; analysed current trends in Ukraine’s party system development. The publication will be useful for everyone interested in post-independence nation-building processes in Ukraine, development of political parties and the party system, experience of political transformations in post-Soviet countries. © Razumkov Centre, 2017 © “Zapovit Publishing House”, 2017 UKRAINE’S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 olitical parties are an important institution of a democratic society, P which ensures aggregation and articulation of the interests of various social groups. Interaction among parties in their struggle for power and the exercise of political power by them form a party system. The process of party system formation in Ukraine has been going on for more than 25 years. This publication represents a shortened version of the Razumkov Centre’s report, which examines the fundamental stages of the party system formation in 1990-2017, including intra-party processes, institutional legal and socio-political conditions for their activities and inter-party relations.1 1. STUDY METHODOLOGY The Razumkov Centre’s study uses an approach that combines elements of quantitative and qualitative approaches to the analysis of party system dynamics and takes into account changes of the three following components that define party system and/or affect it.
    [Show full text]
  • Greens, Oligarchs, and Elections in Ukraine
    RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE, CZECH REPUBLIC ___________________________________________________________ RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 6, No. 46, Part II, 11 March 2002 END NOTE GREENS, OLIGARCHS, AND ELECTIONS IN UKRAINE By Taras Kuzio Of Ukraine's 130 registered parties, seven claim to be "green." These include the All-Ukrainian Chornobyl People's Party (registered in October 1998), the Green Ecological Party (February 2001), the Green Party of Ukraine, the Ecological Party, the Ecological Party "Defense" (all in March 2001), and the Green Party--21st Century (April 2001). Six of Ukraine's seven "green" parties have little influence in comparison to the oldest, the Party of Greens of Ukraine (PZU), which was registered far ahead of the others on 24 May 1991. Until its electoral success in 1998, the ZPU faced little competition from other "greens," but another five "green" parties were registered between the winter of 2000 and the spring of 2001. The "Greens" underwent a similar process that took place within other Ukrainian political parties. In 1994-1998, some centrist and national democratic parties were gradually taken over by oligarchs who needed to convert their newly found economic clout back into political influence. After the ZPU and the People's Democratic Party (NDP) were taken over by them, those members of both parties who stayed loyal to their original pre-oligarch ideology left to create other parties or join existing ones. Those nonoligarchic parties have joined Our Ukraine or the Yuliya Tymoshenko blocs, while the ZPU and NDP support the oligarchs and Kuchma. Of the 34 parties and blocs originally registered for the election campaign, only two are "green," and both are supported by competing oligarchs.
    [Show full text]
  • REGULATION of POLITICAL PARTIES in UKRAINE: the CURRENT STATE and DIRECTION of REFORMS Ce , Political Party Cial Opinion Ght Against Corruption
    THE CURRENT STATEREGULATION AND DIRECTION OF POLITICAL OF REFORMSPARTIES IN UKRAINE: Th e reform of political parties legislation and regulation can act as a platform Denys Kovryzhenko from which to consider a wide array of crucial issues in the development of a stable Agency for Legislative Initiatives and lasting democratic party system. Th ese include, inter alia, political party fi nancing, internal party democracy, the participation of women, registration and monitoring of political parties. In partnership with the OSCE’s Offi ce for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) and with the fi nancial support of the European Union, REGULATION Denys Kovryzhenko and his colleagues at the Agency for Legislative Initiatives (ALI), led an in-depth consultative process with key stakeholders in Ukraine T H E C U R R E N T on the issue of political party legislation reform, raising problems and proposing possible solutions. OF POLITICAL Th e result is Regulation of Political Parties in Ukraine: the Current State and Direction of Reforms, a comprehensive report which thoroughly analyses S T A T E A N D the particular problems and issues in Ukraine’s legislative and regulatory framework for political parties. Looking forward, and based on the results ofthe consultations, the report proposes an agenda for reform based PARTIES on international and European standards and best practice. D I R E C T I O N Th e Agency for Legislative Initiatives (ALI) is one of the leading Ukrainian think tanks. ALI has a 10-year experience in implementing projects aiming I N U K R A I N E at the introduction of policy dialogue practices into the law-making process, ensuring public participation in the legislative process, monitoring ofthe activities O F R E F O R M S of the parliament, studying the principles and problems of Ukrainian parliamentarism, and conducting comparative studies on a variety of subjects, such as election legislation, political parties, and the fi ght against corruption.
    [Show full text]
  • How Ukraine Became a Market Economy and Democracy Chapter
    ch04_16071_Peterson_Ukraine:ch04_16071_Peterson_Ukraine 8/28/09 5:50 PM Page 93 4 Kuchma’s Stagnation, 1996–99 By the summer of 1996 Leonid Kuchma’s strategic outlook was clouded. He had introduced elementary market economic reform and the national currency, the hryvnia. Although he desired to pursue more privatization, his reformist endeavors had to a large extent been accomplished. After long and hard work, a Ukrainian constitution was finally adopted in June 1996. National integrity seemed safer. But Ukraine’s foreign policy was not set- tled, and no great deed, such as membership of the European Union, was within reach. Kuchma started devoting a lot of time to foreign policy. Polit- ically, he was at his peak, but he had no real vision or major goals to accom- plish. His strategy seemed to have evaporated, and tactics took its place. As so often happens with politicians who have enjoyed early success, Kuchma focused on his own political survival, which took five expres- sions, best summarized as standard divide and rule with limited policy ambitions. First, he checked the power and ambitions of his prime minis- ter. Second, he devoted great efforts to both parliamentary and presiden- tial elections. Third, he played different business and regional groupings against one another. Fourth, he also played different branches of law en- forcement against each other. Fifth, the presidential administration in- creasingly disciplined and controlled media. These were tactics without strategy. This period was not pretty. In 1996– 97 Pavlo Lazarenko was prime minister but acted like a businessman. Deputy Prime Minister Viktor Pynzenyk undertook a brave but hopeless attempt at renewed economic reform for the sake of economic growth.
    [Show full text]