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Co-Opting Identity: the Manipulation of Berberism, the Frustration of Democratisation, and the Generation of Violence in Algeria Hugh Roberts DESTIN, LSE
1 crisis states programme development research centre www Working Paper no.7 CO-OPTING IDENTITY: THE MANIPULATION OF BERBERISM, THE FRUSTRATION OF DEMOCRATISATION AND THE GENERATION OF VIOLENCE IN LGERIA A Hugh Roberts Development Research Centre LSE December 2001 Copyright © Hugh Roberts, 2001 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of the publisher nor be issued to the public or circulated in any form other than that in which it is published. Requests for permission to reproduce any part of this Working Paper should be sent to: The Editor, Crisis States Programme, Development Research Centre, DESTIN, LSE, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE. Crisis States Programme Working papers series no.1 English version: Spanish version: ISSN 1740-5807 (print) ISSN 1740-5823 (print) ISSN 1740-5815 (on-line) ISSN 1740-5831 (on-line) 1 Crisis States Programme Co-opting Identity: The manipulation of Berberism, the frustration of democratisation, and the generation of violence in Algeria Hugh Roberts DESTIN, LSE Acknowledgements This working paper is a revised and extended version of a paper originally entitled ‘Much Ado about Identity: the political manipulation of Berberism and the crisis of the Algerian state, 1980-1992’ presented to a seminar on Cultural Identity and Politics organized by the Department of Political Science and the Institute for International Studies at the University of California, Berkeley, in April 1996. Subsequent versions of the paper were presented to a conference on North Africa at Binghamton University (SUNY), Binghamton, NY, under the title 'Berber politics and Berberist ideology in Algeria', in April 1998 and to a staff seminar of the Government Department at the London School of Economics, under the title ‘Co-opting identity: the political manipulation of Berberism and the frustration of democratisation in Algeria’, in February 2000. -
THE RELIGIOUS OPPOSITION in ALGERIA August 21, 2011 Gloria-Center.Org
http://www.gloria-center.org/2011/08/the-religious-opposition-in-algeria-2/ THE RELIGIOUS OPPOSITION IN ALGERIA August 21, 2011 gloria-center.org This article provides an analytical discussion on the religious opposition in Algeria, exploring the conditions and conflict-prone effects of the movement. Through historical analysis, the study reveals that the Islamist opposition in Algeria is to some extent value-driven, but it is mostly a reaction to undesirable local conditions, especially economic distress, widespread poverty, and unjust distribution of national wealth. Thus, the article suggests that positive actions be taken to deal with these issues if the religious opposition is to be successfully managed in Algeria. INTRODUCTION One of the clearest aspects of the post-Cold War era is the rise of religion as a social and political movement around the globe, and, by extension, the growing number of religiously-driven conflicts. This trend appears to be more evident in the Middle East, although it is not limited to this particular region. The secular governments in the Middle East have been frequently challenged, sometimes quite seriously, by Islamist oppositions that want to establish a state based on religious rules. The clash between government forces and militant Islamists often resulted in severe casualties, in which many innocent people, foreigners, as well as fighting sides themselves became victims. In order to manage religious opposition and cope with its conflict-prone effects, it is necessary to understand the nature of such opposition. Algeria offers a valuable case study, since although the country–unlike many Middle Eastern countries–has no tradition of early Islamic revivalism, the secular government was seriously challenged by political Islamism in the 1990s and only survived with the help of the military. -
The Battle Between Secularism and Islam in Algeria's Quest for Democracy
Pluralism Betrayed: The Battle Between Secularism and Islam in Algeria's Quest for Democracy Peter A. Samuelsont I. INTRODUCTION ...................................................... 309 f1. BACKGROUND TO THE ELECTIONS AND THE COUP ................................ 311 A. Algeria's Economic Crisis ......................................... 311 B. Algeria's FirstMultiparty Elections in 1990 for Local Offices ................ 313 C. The FIS Victory in the 1991 ParliamentaryElections ...................... 314 D. The Coup dt& tat ................................................ 318 E. Western Response to the Coup ...................................... 322 III. EVALUATING THE LEGITIMACY OF THE COUP ................................ 325 A. Problems Presented by Pluralism .................................... 326 B. Balancing Majority Rights Against Minority Rights ........................ 327 C. The Role of Religion in Society ...................................... 329 D. Islamic Jurisprudence ............................................ 336 1. Islamic Views of Democracy and Pluralism ......................... 337 2. Islam and Human Rights ...................................... 339 IV. PROBABLE ACTIONS OF AN FIS PARLIAMENTARY MAJORITY ........................ 340 A. The FIS Agenda ................................................ 342 1. Trends Within the FIS ........................................ 342 2. The Process of Democracy: The Allocation of Power .................. 345 a. Indicationsof DemocraticPotential .......................... 346 -
Colonization, and Post-Colonization
MAJDI FALEH Massachusetts Institute of Technology Reconstructing Tunisian Architectural Identity in the Context of ‘Ottomanization’, Colonization, and Post-Colonization Abstract Keywords Architectural This article discusses how layers of hinterlands were historically recreated /urban history within the city of Tunis through destruction and reconstruction. Invisible destruction historical, political, and architectural layers can be reconstructed to reflect how reconstruction the marginalization of Tunis and the erasure of its architectural identity under of heritage colonization prevailed. The Medina of Tunis was appreciated and revisited at Medina times, but marginalized, ignored and devalued in other instances. Its destruction historical and marginalization were imminent before and after Tunisia’s independence. marginalization Several historical and political factors came into play and helped to protect the Medina. This research examines the contemporary eras of destruction or ‘near- destruction’ that the Medina has faced in the modern age. It argues that these challenges, even if they attempted to harm this settlement’s urban fabric, also strengthened its architectural image. This paper will be structured around three historical periods and will primarily tease out different instances of destruction and reconstruction in Tunis and the impact different vanquishers or rulers, had on its urban fabric. These historical eras include late Ottoman-Husainid (1830 – 1882), French colonization (1882 – 1956) and post-independence period of 1956. This research surveys the existing literature and material archives of the three periods. It examines key architectural examples and urban interventions from within the Medina to understand how, despite the processes of destruction or ‘near-destruction’, this organic structure reshaped its identity beyond the hinterlands and how its confines predefined urban core. -
The Ideological Origins of the French Mediterranean Empire, 1789-1870
The Civilizing Sea: The Ideological Origins of the French Mediterranean Empire, 1789-1870 The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Dzanic, Dzavid. 2016. The Civilizing Sea: The Ideological Origins of the French Mediterranean Empire, 1789-1870. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, Graduate School of Arts & Sciences. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33840734 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA The Civilizing Sea: The Ideological Origins of the French Mediterranean Empire, 1789-1870 A dissertation presented by Dzavid Dzanic to The Department of History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of History Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts August 2016 © 2016 - Dzavid Dzanic All rights reserved. Advisor: David Armitage Author: Dzavid Dzanic The Civilizing Sea: The Ideological Origins of the French Mediterranean Empire, 1789-1870 Abstract This dissertation examines the religious, diplomatic, legal, and intellectual history of French imperialism in Italy, Egypt, and Algeria between the 1789 French Revolution and the beginning of the French Third Republic in 1870. In examining the wider logic of French imperial expansion around the Mediterranean, this dissertation bridges the Revolutionary, Napoleonic, Restoration (1815-30), July Monarchy (1830-48), Second Republic (1848-52), and Second Empire (1852-70) periods. Moreover, this study represents the first comprehensive study of interactions between imperial officers and local actors around the Mediterranean. -
The Road to Peace in the Balkans Is Paved with Bad Intentions
Pregledni rad Gregory R. Copley 1 UDK: 327.5(497) THE ROAD TO PEACE IN THE BALKANS IS PAVED WITH BAD INTENTIONS (An Address to the Conference on A Search for a Roadmap to Peace in the Balkans, organized by the Pan-Macedonian Association, Washington, DC, June 27, 2007) This conference is aptly titled “A Search for a Roadmap to Peace in the Balkans”, because we have yet to find a road map, let alone, should we find it, the right road to take. In any event, because of the short-term thinking, greed, fear, and ignorance which have plagued decision making with regard to the region by players inside it and out, the road to peace in the Balkans is paved with bad intentions. The short-term thinking, greed, fear, and ignorance have plagued decision making with regard to the region by players inside it and out. As a consequence, the road to peace in the Balkans is paved with bad intentions. It has been long and widely forecast that the security situation in the Balkans — indeed, in South-Eastern Europe generally — would become delicate, and would fracture, during the final stages of the Albanian quest for independence for the Serbian province of Kosovo and Metohija. As pessimistic as those forecasts were, however, the situation was considerably worsened by the eight-hour visit to Albania on June 10, 1 Gregory Copley is President of the International Strategic Studies Association (ISSA), based in Washington, DC, and also chairs the Association’s Balkans & Eastern Mediterranean Policy Council (BEMPC). He is also Editor of Defense & Foreign Affairs publications, and the Global Information System (GIS), a global intelligence service which provides strategic current intelligence to governments worldwide. -
The Izala Movement in Nigeria Genesis, Fragmentation and Revival
n the basis on solid fieldwork in northern Nigeria including participant observation, 18 Göttingen Series in Ointerviews with Izala, Sufis, and religion experts, and collection of unpublished Social and Cultural Anthropology material related to Izala, three aspects of the development of Izala past and present are analysed: its split, its relationship to Sufis, and its perception of sharīʿa re-implementation. “Field Theory” of Pierre Bourdieu, “Religious Market Theory” of Rodney Start, and “Modes Ramzi Ben Amara of Religiosity Theory” of Harvey Whitehouse are theoretical tools of understanding the religious landscape of northern Nigeria and the dynamics of Islamic movements and groups. The Izala Movement in Nigeria Genesis, Fragmentation and Revival Since October 2015 Ramzi Ben Amara is assistant professor (maître-assistant) at the Faculté des Lettres et des Sciences Humaines, Sousse, Tunisia. Since 2014 he was coordinator of the DAAD-projects “Tunisia in Transition”, “The Maghreb in Transition”, and “Inception of an MA in African Studies”. Furthermore, he is teaching Anthropology and African Studies at the Centre of Anthropology of the same institution. His research interests include in Nigeria The Izala Movement Islam in Africa, Sufism, Reform movements, Religious Activism, and Islamic law. Ramzi Ben Amara Ben Amara Ramzi ISBN: 978-3-86395-460-4 Göttingen University Press Göttingen University Press ISSN: 2199-5346 Ramzi Ben Amara The Izala Movement in Nigeria This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. Published in 2020 by Göttingen University Press as volume 18 in “Göttingen Series in Social and Cultural Anthropology” This series is a continuation of “Göttinger Beiträge zur Ethnologie”. -
Gender, Labor, and Socio-Economic Power in a Tunisian Export Processing Zone Claire Therese Oueslati-Porter University of South Florida, [email protected]
University of South Florida Scholar Commons Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School January 2011 The aM ghreb Maquiladora: Gender, Labor, and Socio-Economic Power in a Tunisian Export Processing Zone Claire Therese Oueslati-Porter University of South Florida, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd Part of the American Studies Commons, Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons, and the Women's Studies Commons Scholar Commons Citation Oueslati-Porter, Claire Therese, "The aM ghreb Maquiladora: Gender, Labor, and Socio-Economic Power in a Tunisian Export Processing Zone" (2011). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3737 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Maghreb Maquiladora: Gender, Labor, and Socio-Economic Power in a Tunisian Export Processing Zone by Claire Oueslati-Porter A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Anthropology College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: Kevin Yelvington, Ph.D. Chair: Stephen Thornton, Ph.D. Mark Amen, Ph.D. Maria Crummett, Ph.D. Susan Greenbaum, Ph.D. Rebecca Zarger, Ph.D. Date of Approval: October 28, 2011 Keywords: globalization, culture, women, factory, stratification Copyright © 2011 Claire Oueslati-Porter Dedication I thank my parents, Suzanne and Terry, for instilling in me a belief in social justice, and a curiosity about the world. -
The Development of Libyan- Tunisian Bilateral Relations: a Critical Study on the Role of Ideology
THE DEVELOPMENT OF LIBYAN- TUNISIAN BILATERAL RELATIONS: A CRITICAL STUDY ON THE ROLE OF IDEOLOGY Submitted by Almabruk Khalifa Kirfaa to the University of Exeter As a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics In December 2014 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: Almabruk Kirfaa………………………………………………………….. i Abstract Libyan-Tunisian bilateral relations take place in a context shaped by particular historical factors in the Maghreb over the past two centuries. Various elements and factors continue to define the limitations and opportunities present for regimes and governments to pursue hostile or negative policies concerning their immediate neighbours. The period between 1969 and 2010 provides a rich area for the exploration of inter-state relations between Libya and Tunisia during the 20th century and in the first decade of the 21st century. Ideologies such as Arabism, socialism, Third Worldism, liberalism and nationalism, dominated the Cold War era, which saw two opposing camps: the capitalist West versus the communist East. Arab states were caught in the middle, and many identified with one side over the other. generating ideological rivalries in the Middle East and North Africa. The anti-imperialist sentiments dominating Arab regimes and their citizens led many statesmen and politicians to wage ideological struggles against their former colonial masters and even neighbouring states. -
Appendix: the Use of Symbolic Notation in Descriptive Logic
Appendix: The Use of Symbolic Notation in Descriptive Logic One well-known introductory textbook on normative logic happens to use, as an example, certain propositions from Patristic theology,1 with the implication that Christians would do well to accept the correct- ness of the comparatively little remembered Patripassian heresy. In this case, the point can be adequately stated using the ordinary notation employed in normative predicate logic:2 PATRIPASSIANISM Px. x is God. Qx. x suffered and died on the Cross. a. the Father. b. the Son. 1. ∃∀xyPy() ↔ x = y 2. Pa 3. Pb ∴= 4. ab 5. Qb ∴ 6. Qa In fact, however, Christians in all periods have usually found the idea of the Father’s having suffered and died to be a repugnant one; and the Church of the fourth century was disturbed much less by Patripassianism than by another doctrine, one that can be stated using the same vocabulary: ARIANISM 1. ∃∀xyPy() ↔ x = y 1 Hodges, Logic, pp. 138, 262. 2 Since normative logicians have not achieved a complete standardization of the notation they use, it is probably worth specifying how I intend the symbols employed in the example sequences to be read. They are as follows: ∃x : ‘There exists some x such that ... ’; ∀x : ‘For all x ... ’; PQ↔ : ‘P if and only if Q’ (i.e., P and Q are either both true or both false); xy= : ‘x equals y’; ∴: ‘therefore’; ¬P : ‘not P’ (i.e., P is false); xy≠ : ‘x does not equal y’; PQ∧ : ‘P and Q’. 155 156 Appendix 2. Pa 3. ¬Qa 4. -
BOOK REVIEWS Jacob Abadi. 2013. Tunisia Since the Arab Conquest
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 16, Issue 3-4 | December 2016 BOOK REVIEWS Jacob Abadi. 2013. Tunisia Since the Arab Conquest: The Saga of a Westernized Muslim State. Reading, UK: Ithaca Press and Southern Court. 586 pp. This book is a general review of the history of Tunisia, which is a tumultuous, rich, and varied history. Tunisia is a country that has managed to forge an identity that distinguishes it from other Arab countries and North Africa. In his introduction, Jacob Abadi discusses Tunisia’s bibliographic sources, which contain all the great names in the history of Islam in North Africa and Ifriqiya. These sources are rich and varied. This means that Abadi’s study is scientifically based, and can be seen as an accurate window on the history of Tunisia and its Mediterranean environment, an environment that encompasses the northern Mediterranean (Sicily, Sardinia, Spain) and southern Mediterranean, both to the east (Libya, Egypt) and the west (Algeria, Morocco). Abadi begins his history with the Arab conquest of Ifriqya but fails to discuss that the past of this region, as an autonomous entity, dates back to the Carthaginians, Romans, and Byzantines. Located in the center of the Mediterranean, Ifriqya played a major role in trade. It was a target for all Mediterranean civilizations. It was the center of all the Punic Wars that induced the destruction of Carthage. It was a refuge for Christian sects considered heretical by Catholic Rome. When it was under Byzantine rule, its inhabitants were the subject of taxation and abuse. This explains the ease with which they welcomed the Arab conquerors when they arrived in the country. -
The Middle East in International Relations Power, Politics and Ideology
This page intentionally left blank The Middle East in International Relations Power, Politics and Ideology The international relations of the Middle East have long been dominated by uncertainty and conflict. External intervention, interstate war, poli- tical upheaval and interethnic violence are compounded by the vagaries of oil prices and the claims of military, nationalist and religious move- ments. The purpose of this book is to set this region and its conflicts in context, providing on the one hand a historical introduction to its character and problems, and on the other a reasoned analysis of its politics. In an engagement with both the study of the Middle East and the theoretical analysis of international relations, the author, who is one of the best known and most authoritative scholars writing on the region today, offers a compelling and original interpretation. Written in a clear, accessible and interactive style, the book is designed for students, policy- makers and the general reader. is Professor of International Relations at the London School of Economics. His publications include Nation and Religion in the Middle East (2000), Two Hours that Shook the World (2001) and 100 Myths about the Middle East (2005). The Contemporary Middle East 4 Series editor: Eugene L. Rogan Books published in The Contemporary Middle East series address the major political, economic and social debates facing the region today. Each title com- prises a survey of the available literature against the background of the author’s own critical interpretation which is designed to challenge and encourage indepen- dent analysis. While the focus of the series is the Middle East and North Africa, books are presented as aspects of a rounded treatment, which cut across disci- plinary and geographic boundaries.