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Narratives of Ethnic Identity and Language Among Young Pannonian Ruthenians in Serbia

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Narratives of Ethnic Identity and Language Among Young Pannonian Ruthenians in Serbia DOI: 10.11649/a.1983 Marina Sakač, an undergraduate at the University of Belgrade, Article No.: 1983 Serbia, Faculty of Philosophy, Department of Ethnology and Anthropology. Junior Associate at Petnica Science Center, Depart- ment of Anthropology. ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6441-3371 nr 14/2019 r. e-mail: [email protected] Marina Sakač Narratives of ethnic identity and language among young Pannonian Ruthenians in Serbia “[…] there is not, there has never been anywhere, any people without narrative; all classes, all human groups, have their stories […]” Roland Barthes Introduction his article offers a study of personal experiences and understandings of Ruthenian ethnic minority identity in Serbia. The narrative approach was selected as the most Tappropriate method to gain insight into its intersubjective perception. The narratives under consideration are viewed as personal story-telling and are presented in the context of the political and social discourse of ethnic identities and minorities in particular. The bilingual upbringing of all Ruthenians in Serbia poses as one of the key factors behind a political position which enabled them to avoid assimilation with the majority. This study can be taken as an example of how minorities (ethnic, linguistic or otherwise) can obtain their rights within nation-states through strategic positioning aiming to withstand the cultural and linguistic hegemony of the majority. The migration of Ruthenians form the region of Transcarpathia in the north-east of the historical Kingdom of Hungary (Kraljevina Ugarska) to the south of the realm, today’s Vojvodina (Srem, Banat, Bačka), Serbia, began in the mid-eighteenth century The study was conducted at the author’s own expense. No competing interests have been declared. Publisher: Institute of Slavic Studies, Polish Academy of Sciences. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 PL License (creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/pl/), which permits redistribution, commercial and non-commercial, provided that the article is properly cited. © The Author(s) 2019. Marina Sakač Narratives of ethnic identity and language among young Pannonian Ruthenians in Serbia (Ramač, 1995, p. 307). In the areas of their settlement, they consolidated as an ethnic group with its own traditions, religion, heritage, language and culture. They also adopted strategies aiming to obtain minority rights: they established their educational, cultural, political and publishing institutions. Their official recognition as a national minority meant that the Ruthenian language (Ruski jazik) became one of the six official languages in the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina,1 used in administrative, judicial and other public settings. Providing a historical overview of the most important elements of Ruthenian cultural and linguistic background since the settlement in Vojvodina until the present day will make it easier to understand the attitude of my interviewees towards their own cultural identity. The information presented here is considered an “official” history of Vojvodinian Ruthenians: it is taught in the curriculum in the Ruthenian high school as well as in the elec- tive Ruthenian cultural classes. Calling this history “official” is not meant to question it or to imply that it is not factual – I merely refer to the fact that my interests and expertise as well as my academic background lie in a different field of study: ethnology and anthropol- ogy. I am therefore more interested in understanding how these identities are imagined, re-imagined, strategically positioned and whether my informants have agency over their own ethnic identity. My goal is not to determine whether or not the historical information is true or false, but to understand how certain identities are interconnected and related to one another. The data analysed in this article was collected through in-depth semi-structured interviews and questionnaires conducted in Ruthenian with nine informants in Novi Sad, Serbia, in 2016, as well as four preliminary interviews. The informants selected for this study were Ruthenians (born between 1991 and 1997) from Ruski Krstur and Novi Sad studying at the University of Novi Sad who consider themselves Ruthenian. In order to perserve their anonimity, the citations only include information on their gender and the year they were born. I have strived to be unbiased and impartial to the best of my ability, considering that I am a member of the Ruthenian community, and that both of my parents are currently employed in Ruthenian institutions. Any misinterpretations, misrepresentations and mis- translations that this article may contain are entirely mine. 1 Hereafter abbreviated as AP Vojvodina. Page 2 of 18 Marina Sakač Narratives of ethnic identity and language among young Pannonian Ruthenians in Serbia Terminology There have been many ethnonyms used to define Ruthenians, some of them raising ques- tions of certain political agendas during the process of struggle for minority rights and securing the status of a national minority in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (1918–1929). Connected to the linguistic and ethnic origins, these issues have been pres- ent for centuries, as the etymology is complex and multifaceted. The term Ruthenian was used to describe a cultural and linguistic identity of East Slavic people living in the region of Ruthenia, which was part of Kievan Rus, Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the Kingdom of Hungary, the Austro-Hungarian empire and their successor states after 1918 (Magosci, 1995). An important dividing line between Ruthenians and other ethnicities in Vojvodina has been religion: they are viewed as a Greek-Catholic community in Serbia. Fedor Labosh wrote that “[…] if they [our grandfathers, M. S.] had been Orthodox, they would not have been able to sign up for resettlement”; in other words, they would not have been eligible for migration to Vojvodina (Labosh, 1979, p. 184). The term I believe best explains the ethnic identity of my informants, and which I use here, is Pannonian Ruthenian (Rusyn),2 encompassing today’s Ruthenians living in Serbia, Croatia, Hungary, Slovakia, Poland, Ukraine and Romania. The ethnonym for Pannonian Ruthenian in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia3 was Rusyn (Rusin). Based on a study by Zdravka Zlodi and the data she collected, we know that a number of other ethnonyms had been used for Ruthenians in the Croat part of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia between 1924 and 1941 (and presumably earlier) – Rusin, Rusnak, Rusin-Ukrajinac, Ukrajinac, ruski narod (Zlodi, 2011, p. 221). An official history of Ruthenians A brief overview of the chronology of the Ruthenian migration to Vojvodina is important in order to understand the reality of the period as well as the historical, political, religious and cultural background of this community and their perception of their own ethnic identity. The migration of Ruthenians from Transcarpathia (Zakarpatje, Western Ukraine, Poland, Slovakia) to the south of the Kingdom of Hungary within the Habsburg Monarchy, 2 The term Rusyn (Rusin/Rusinka, Rusnak/Ruskinja) corresponds to what the people call themselves in Serbia. 3 The South Slavic state which existed from 1918 to 1941 under two names: the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (1918–1929), and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (1929–1941). Page 3 of 18 Marina Sakač Narratives of ethnic identity and language among young Pannonian Ruthenians in Serbia present-day Vojvodina, Serbia, began during the eighteenth century and was motivated by economic and political factors (Labosh, 1979, pp. 54–84). Issued on 17 January 1751, the decree on Ruthenian settlement in the south officially allowed Ruthenians to migrate to small towns such as Ruski Krstur and Kucura, where some of them had already arrived in 1745 (Labosh, 1979, pp. 64–65). Today, this date is celebrated as the official national holiday of all Ruthenians in Serbia. They are Greek-Catholic, and their self-image of a unique union between Catholicism and Orthodoxy is considered important in the collective imagery of Ruthenian identity. Catholic influence on the generally Orthodox region of Ruthenia goes back to the Union of Brest (1596):4 the acceptance of the supremacy of the Pope was supposed to be the first step of Catholicization of Ruthenians (Litwin, 1987, pp. 69–71). Apart from this, processes which were part of the modernization of the Roman Catholic Church in the seventeenth century led to the Union of Uzhhorod/Ungvár (1646). The unification of Eastern-rite Chris- tians with Rome and the acceptance of the teaching of the Roman Catholic Church were primarily motivated by the local church, Hungarian society and Hungarian ecclesiastical policy (Véghseő, 2015, pp. 148–152). The Hungarian historian Tamás Véghseő writes that “Archbishop of Esztergom György Lippay, in informing the Holy See about the union, […] [states] that he has ‘converted the Patriarch of the Ruthenians’” (Véghseő, 2015, p. 149). The Greek-Catholic denomination is often considered one of the most important distinctions between the ancestors of modern Ruthenians, Poles, Ukrainians and Slovaks, who all have similar descent in the region of Ruthenia, especially when we consider the time period – the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. This line of division is also important when talking about the Ruthenian identity in Vojvodina, because it differentiates Ruthenians from other communities in the region. Julijan Tamaš, a Ruthenian academic at the Vojvodina
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