Children and Youth in Thailand
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Language Policy and Bilingual Education in Thailand: Reconciling the Past, Anticipating the Future1
LEARN Journal: Language Education and Acquisition Research Network Journal, Volume 12, Issue 1, January 2019 Language Policy and Bilingual Education in Thailand: Reconciling the Past, Anticipating the Future1 Thom Huebner San José State University, USA [email protected] Abstract Despite a century-old narrative as a monolingual country with quaint regional dialects, Thailand is in fact a country of vast linguistic diversity, where a population of approximately 60 million speak more than 70 languages representing five distinct language families (Luangthongkum, 2007; Premsrirat, 2011; Smalley, 1994), the result of a history of migration, cultural contact and annexation (Sridhar, 1996). However, more and more of the country’s linguistic resources are being recognized and employed to deal with both the centrifugal force of globalization and the centripetal force of economic and political unrest. Using Edwards’ (1992) sociopolitical typology of minority language situations and a comparative case study method, the current paper examines two minority language situations (Ferguson, 1991), one in the South and one in the Northeast, and describes how education reforms are attempting to address the economic and social challenges in each. Keywords: Language Policy, Bilingual Education, the Thai Context Background Since the early Twentieth Century, as a part of a larger effort at nation-building and creation of a sense of “Thai-ness.” (Howard, 2012; Laungaramsri, 2003; Simpson & Thammasathien, 2007), the Thai government has pursued a policy of monolingualism, establishing as the standard, official and national language a variety of Thai based on the dialect spoken in the central plains by ethnic Thais (Spolsky, 2004). In the official narrative presented to the outside world, Thais descended monoethnic and monocultural, from Southern China, bringing their language with them, which, in contact with indigenous languages, borrowed vocabulary. -
Gerontocracy of the Buddhist Monastic Administration in Thailand
Simulacra | ISSN: 2622-6952 (Print), 2656-8721 (Online) https://journal.trunojoyo.ac.id/simulacra Volume 4, Issue 1, June 2021 Page 43–56 Gerontocracy of the Buddhist monastic administration in Thailand Jesada Buaban1* 1 Indonesian Consortium for Religious Studies, Universitas Gadjah Mada, Indonesia * Corresponding author E-mail address: [email protected] DOI: https://doi.org/10.21107/sml.v4i1.9880 Article Info Abstract Keywords: This paper examines the monastic administration in Thai Buddhism, dhamma studies which is ruled by the senior monks and supported by the government. It aims to answer two questions; (1) why the Sangha’s administration has gerontocracy been designed to serve the bureaucratic system that monks abandon social Sangha Council and political justices, and (2) how the monastic education curriculum are secularism designed to support such a conservative system. Ethnographic methodology Thai Buddhism was conducted and collected data were analyzed through the concept of gerontocracy. It found that (1) Thai Buddhism gains supports from the government much more than other religions. Parallel with the state’s bureaucratic system, the hierarchical conservative council contains the elderly monks. Those committee members choose to respond to the government policy in order to maintain supports rather than to raise social issues; (2) gerontocracy is also facilitated by the idea of Theravada itself. In both theory and practice, the charismatic leader should be the old one, implying the condition of being less sexual feeling, hatred, and ignorance. Based on this criterion, the moral leader is more desirable than the intelligent. The concept of “merits from previous lives” is reinterpreted and reproduced to pave the way for the non-democratic system. -
Style and Ascetics: Attractiveness, Power and the Thai Sangha
Style and Ascetics: Attractiveness, Power and the Thai Sangha Natayada na Songkhla School of Oriental and African Studies Ph.D. Thesis ProQuest Number: 11015841 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is d ep en d en t upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely even t that the author did not send a com p lete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be rem oved, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 11015841 Published by ProQuest LLC(2018). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 4 8 1 0 6 - 1346 Abstract The majority of research for this thesis took place during the Thai general election of 1988 when the new religious movements Santi Asoke and Wat Dhammakaya were subject to investigation for political activity despite, respectively, defiance or denial. The relationship between the Thai Sangha and lay devotees is examined in order to discover how it is that Thai monks, whom many researchers find powerless, can be accused of political activity. In the past, monks have been used to legitimate lay political leaders and have taken active roles in local leadership. This thesis aims to determine whether monks in Thailand have power and, if they do, how such power becomes politically threatening to the status quo. -
COVID-19 Active Response and Expenditure Support Program
Report and Recommendation of the President to the Board of Directors Project Number: 54177-001 June 2020 Proposed Countercyclical Support Facility Loans Kingdom of Thailand: COVID-19 Active Response and Expenditure Support Program Distribution of this document is restricted until it has been approved by the Board of Directors. Following such approval, ADB will disclose the document to the public in accordance with ADB’s Access to Information Policy after excluding information that is subject to exceptions to disclosure set forth in the policy. CURRENCY EQUIVALENTS (as of 7 June 2020) Currency unit – baht (B) B1.00 = $0.03173 $1.00 = B31.50 ABBREVIATIONS ADB – Asian Development Bank ASEAN – Association of Southeast Asian Nations BOT – Bank of Thailand CARES – COVID-19 Active Response and Expenditure Support CLMV – Cambodia, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Myanmar, and Viet Nam COVID-19 – coronavirus disease CPS – country partnership strategy GDP – gross domestic product GMS – Greater Mekong Subregion IMF – International Monetary Fund MOF – Ministry of Finance MOPH – Ministry of Public Health SMEs – small and medium-sized enterprises WHO – World Health Organization NOTES (i) The fiscal year (FY) of the Government of Thailand and its agencies ends on 30 September. "FY" before a calendar year denotes the year in which the fiscal year ends, e.g., FY2020 ends on 30 September 2020. (ii) In this report, "$" refers to United States dollars. Vice-President Ahmed M. Saeed, Operations 2 Director General Ramesh Subramaniam, Southeast Asia Department (SERD) Directors Jose Antonio R. Tan III, Public Management, Financial Sector and Trade Division (SEPF), SERD Ayako Inagaki, Human and Social Development Division (SEHS), SERD Hideaki Iwasaki, Thailand Resident Mission (TRM), SERD Team leaders Duong T. -
The Government of Thailand's National Review
1 The Government of Thailand’s National Review Implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (1995) and the outcomes of the twenty-third special session of the General Assembly (2000) in the context of the twentieth anniversary of the Fourth World Conference on Women and the adoption of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action 2015 October 2014 2 Section One: Overview analysis of achievements and challenges since 1995 Thailand as a member of the global community has ratified numbers of international agreements on women and the promotion of gender equality, such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), and endorsed Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (BFPA) and the Millennium Development Goal (MDGs). These 3 agreements are definite, related, and corresponding to Thailand’s policies. The Thai government has attached great importance to the social equality and to mainstream gender perspectives in the national policy, giving priority to the promotion of gender equality, women’s role in politics and administration at all level, and the respect for human dignity. Major achievements in promoting gender equality and empowering women in Thailand since the adoption of the Beijing Platform for Action in 1995 can be identified as follows: National policy on gender equality and women empowerment Over the past few decades Thailand has implemented a total of nine short and long term women’s development plans. Thailand has developed long-term (20-year) and, on a regular basis, short-term (5-year) Women’s Development Plans , the national policy and guidelines on gender equality and the empowerment of women, as part of, and a key to integrate women and gender from the global, regional and national commitments into the mainstream of the National Economic and Social Development Plans. -
Ida Fan Lindbergh High School Saint Louis, MO, USA Thailand, Food Spoilage and Waste
Ida Fan Lindbergh High School Saint Louis, MO, USA Thailand, Food Spoilage and Waste Thailand: The Pathway to Reduced Food Spoilage As of 2020, more than 69 million people inhabit Thailand (“Thailand Population”). In the center of Southeast Asia, Thailand had various ecosystems, such as the forests in the North, level grounds in the Northeast, and rocky coasts in the South (Keyes). Thailand's climate consists of extreme humidity, the key to its success in farming, and a mean annual temperature of 82°F taking into regard the three distinct seasons. Due to its location in the tropics and its climate, Thailand was almost entirely an agricultural nation for the majority of its existence. Recent changes still reflect the importance of farming in the country: Half of the population is rural, living in small villages and growing much of their own food with occasional trips to larger towns for necessities, and arable land made 43.28% of Thailand in 2016 (“Thailand - Rural Population”). The average farm size is 4.5 ha, 450% larger than the size of farms in the country’s neighbor, Japan. Most of Thailand’s farms grow rice, one of the most key crops in Asia, and while sugarcane and tobacco are some of the country’s main crops and exports, rice is the most major crop and export with around 60% of Thailand farmers growing it (Hays). In 1932, Thailand became a constitutional monarchy. With a monarch as the head of state, this change of government paved the way to an increasing number of people who moved to the capital of Thailand, Bangkok, and other urban cities in the 1960s (Ouyyanont). -
Beyond Syncretism: Hybridization of Popular Religion in Contemporary Thailand
461 Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 36 (3), pp 461–487 October 2005. Printed in the United Kingdom. © 2005 The National University of Singapore doi:10.1017/S0022463405000251 Beyond Syncretism: Hybridization of Popular Religion in Contemporary Thailand Pattana Kitiarsa This article challenges the dominant paradigm of ‘inclusive syncretism’ in the study of Thai religion. By taking the worship of multi-original deities in the popular spirit- medium cults in contemporary Thailand as a case study, it argues that practitioners and specialists working on Thai religious studies need to refresh and update their analytical paradigm to incorporate the concept of ‘hybridization’. Syncretism is a proven analytical model, particularly in studies of Thai Buddhism, but it is neither a perennial nor a flawless one. It cannot be denied that Thai religion by and large has maintained its complex syncretic outlook. However, it is argued here that the focal point for students and specialists should be not the harmonious continu- ities and transformations of a syncretistic religious system, but rather the ruptures and breaks from its seemingly homogenous tradition. Based on a close consideration of the ‘parade of supernaturals’ flooding spirit-shrine altars in popular spirit-medium cults since the 1980s, I propose that Thailand’s popular beliefs and religiosity in the past few decades have been undergoing a significant degree of ‘subtle hybridization’, where religious commodification and capitalist consumerism have been increasingly prominent.1 Pattana Kitiarsa is a Post-doctoral Fellow at the Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore. His e-mail contact is [email protected] The original version of this article was presented at the International Conference on Transnational Reli- gions: Intersections of the ‘Local’ and ‘Global’, organized by the Asia Research Institute, National Univer- sity of Singapore, 19–20 July 2004. -
The Influence of Buddhism in Historical Thai Art Lertsiri Bovornkitti*
«“√ “√√“™∫—≥±‘µ¬ ∂“π ªï∑’Ë Û ©∫—∫∑’Ë Ú ‡¡.¬.-¡‘.¬. ÚıÙ¯ The Influence of Buddhism in Historical Thai Art Lertsiri Bovornkitti* Abstract There is a historical relationship between Buddhism and indigenous Thai art; Buddhism has had an immense influence on Thai art and culture. The emergence of Thai art reflects the integration of Buddhist components into cultural, political and societal Thai systems, and mostly in the way that Buddhism has been represented from generation to generation and in the way people have shown devotion; Buddhist components such as Buddha images, Buddhist monks, and Buddhist activities (e.g., festivals and ceremonies) have been acknowledged as significant components of Thai culture. The influence of Buddhism on Thai art and culture has been systematic and direct from the beginning of the Sukhothai Kingdom at the beginning of the thirteenth century. Subsequently, the indigenous art forms and styles engaged in the representation of Buddhism were integrated into the Thai cultural mainstream during the early Rattanakosin era, creating aesthetic art forms, which have been classified into “classical Thai art”, such as mural painting, sculpture and Chang-sip-moo, and “folk art”. Such influence of Buddhism on historical Thai art is relevant in the context of scrutinizing the relationship between Buddhism and Thai art. This communication is aimed at pointing out the long-standing role of Buddhism in the development of Thai art in the past, especially the integration of the Buddhist context, which has led to the creation and the birth of indigenous Thai arts with the styles of “classical Thai art” and “folk art”, both of which are genuinely Thai. -
Forces of Change 101123-1
Beteckning: Akademin för utbildning och ekonomi Forces of change A theoretical analysis of syncretism between Theravada Buddhism and animistic indigenous beliefs in Thailand Erik Nilsson 2010-11-21 30 hp Religionsvetenskap D Tematiskt examensarbete Handledare: Olov Dahlin Examinator: Peder Thalén Abstract Urak Lawoi is the name of one of the sea nomadic tribes which lives along the shores of Myanmar, Thailand and Malaysia. They are spread on many of the islands in the Andaman Sea archipelago and Ko Lanta is the main settlement. Urak Lawoi is regarded as the indigenous people of the island and they live there as a minority together with Muslims and Thai-Chinese. The traditional religion and culture of Urak Lawoi is built upon the animistic belief of their ancestors. In the last 20 years Ko Lanta has experienced a tremendous process of change caused by increasing tourism. The conditions of the Urak Lawoi and their way of life have dramatically changed. The fact that this process brings consequences for the traditional culture and religion is obvious, but in what direction is it developing? To be able to interpret and expound the material from my field studies among Urak Lawoi on Ko Lanta in October-December 2009, I have done a literature search to investigate the animistic traditions and the syncretistic nature of belief in Thailand. I have also tried to find theories about the process of religious change and the forces working behind them. In this essay I am trying to do a theoretical analysis of the field study material using theories and parallel examples I have found in the literature. -
Religion' in Thailand in the 19
‘Religion’ in Thailand in the 19th Century Ruth Streicher, Adrian Hermann e 19th century can be considered central to processes of ‘reli- ‘Religion-making’ in gion-making’ in Siam (today’s ailand): over the course of the Siam century, a religio-secular episteme emerged that included the es- tablishment of the traditional Buddhist term sasana as the standard translation of ‘religion’ on the basis of modern “distinctions of re- ligion”,1 and relegated certain elements of the Buddhist tradition (e.g. cosmography, law) to other societal spheres now seen as distinct from sasana/religion.2 is process enabled the politicisation and regulation of ‘religion(s)’ in the context of the newly emerging ai state towards the end of the ‘long 19th century.’ Sasana as ‘Religion’ ere seems to be no standardised translation of ‘secular’ in current The ‘secular’ in Thai online ai dictionaries: the entries o ered vary widely from tradi- dictionaries tional Buddhist terms such as lokiya (see below) to rather awkward constructions such as mai kiao kap rueang sasana (literally: not con- cerning matters of religion).3 By contrast, ‘religion’ is consistently 1 Cf. for these theoretical concepts Markus Dreßler, “Modes of Religionization: A Constructivist Approach to Secularity” (HCAS “Multiple Secularities” Working Paper 7, 2019) and Adrian Hermann, “Distinctions of Religion. e Search for Equivalents of ‘Religion’ and the Challenge of eorizing a ‘Global Discourse of Religion’,” in Making Religion. eory and Practice in the Discursive Study of Reli- gion, ed. Frans Wijsen and Kocku von Stuckrad (Leiden: Brill, 2016). 2 Earlier developments in regard to processes of the ‘religionisation’ of the Bud- dhist tradition and trends that later contributed to the establishment of ‘secular’ societal spheres di erentiated from ‘religion’ are likely to have already occurred earlier, in particular in connection with the presence of Catholic missionaries in the Kingdom since 1554, but are beyond the scope of this article. -
Children's Education by Folklore in Thailand Historical Background of Education in Thailand
feature Children's Education by folklore in Thailand Historical background of Education in Thailand by Khunying Maenmas Chavalit ducation of children in Thailand, before the were oral explanation, demonstration and supervi- reformation of its educational system, was sion on the child who was taught to listen, E under the responsibilities of three institu- memorise and practice. The child was also ex- tions; namely the family, the temple, and the King. pected to ask questions, although this activity was The education system was reformed in Buddhist not much encouraged. Era (B.E.) 2411-2453 (A.D. 1868-1910) during the Four activities were required for learning: reign of King Chulalongkorn, who initiated the Suttee (listening);Jitta (thinking); Pucha (inquir- modernization programme of the country's socio- ing), and Likhit (writing). economy and political infrastructure. Before then, The subjects taught were mainly spiritual, there had been no schools in the modern sense; vocational and literary. Girls were given instruc- neither were there a systematically prescribed tions at home, by the mother, the grandmother curriculum and teachers trained in teaching meth- or female adult relatives. They learned etiquette, ods. Knowledgeable persons who were willing to cooking, household management, grass or cane teach, would apply and transfer their knowledge weaving, and most important of all, textile weav- which they had acquired through years of prac- ing. Textile weaving was not only to provide gar- tice, observations, analysis or which they had in- ments for the family, but was also regarded as a herited from their parents. The methods used prestige, and a requirement for respectable women. -
4. Counter-Memorial of the Royal Government of Thailand
4. COUNTER-MEMORIAL OF THE ROYAL GOVERNMENT OF THAILAND I. The present dispute concerns the sovereignty over a portion of land on which the temple of Phra Viharn stands. ("PhraViharn", which is the Thai spelling of the name, is used throughout this pleading. "Preah Vihear" is the Cambodian spelling.) 2. According to the Application (par. I), ThaiIand has, since 1949, persisted in the occupation of a portion of Cambodian territory. This accusation is quite unjustified. As will be abundantly demon- strated in the follo~vingpages, the territory in question was Siamese before the Treaty of 1904,was Ieft to Siam by the Treaty and has continued to be considered and treated as such by Thailand without any protest on the part of France or Cambodia until 1949. 3. The Government of Cambodia alleges that its "right can be established from three points of rieivJ' (Application, par. 2). The first of these is said to be "the terms of the international conventions delimiting the frontier between Cambodia and Thailand". More particuIarly, Cambodia has stated in its Application (par. 4, p. 7) that a Treaty of 13th February, 1904 ". is fundamental for the purposes of the settlement of the present dispute". The Government of Thailand agrees that this Treaty is fundamental. It is therefore common ground between the parties that the basic issue before the Court is the appIication or interpretation of that Treaty. It defines the boundary in the area of the temple as the watershed in the Dangrek mountains. The true effect of the Treaty, as will be demonstratcd later, is to put the temple on the Thai side of the frontier.