Style and Ascetics: Attractiveness, Power and the Thai Sangha Natayada na Songkhla School of Oriental and African Studies Ph.D. Thesis ProQuest Number: 11015841 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is d ep en d en t upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely even t that the author did not send a com p lete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be rem oved, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 11015841 Published by ProQuest LLC(2018). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 4 8 1 0 6 - 1346 Abstract The majority of research for this thesis took place during the Thai general election of 1988 when the new religious movements Santi Asoke and Wat Dhammakaya were subject to investigation for political activity despite, respectively, defiance or denial. The relationship between the Thai Sangha and lay devotees is examined in order to discover how it is that Thai monks, whom many researchers find powerless, can be accused of political activity. In the past, monks have been used to legitimate lay political leaders and have taken active roles in local leadership. This thesis aims to determine whether monks in Thailand have power and, if they do, how such power becomes politically threatening to the status quo. As is suggested by the rise of new movements, the Thai Sangha is not an institution of uniform standard and activity; monks often appear different from each other in subtle yet distinctive ways and these differences can be noted by the lay public. Differences in appearance often reflect variations in monks’ pastoral involvement in the lay community. In short, there are different styles of Thai monk, each with a lay following which is attracted to his particular style. There are four factors which effect the relationship between the Thai Sangha and the lay public: monks, devotees, temples and day-to-day religious life. Each of these factors - among the mainstream Sangha, Santi Asoke and Wat Dhammakaya - are examined, compared and contrasted in order to determine the nature of monastic power in Thailand and how that power works in society to allow the Sangha to act as legitimators and local leaders and, on occasion, to be perceived as a threat. Particular attention is given to the devotees and the style of monk they find attractive. It is this attraction that is the basis of monastic power. 1 Notes on Transliteration and Language: Thai words in this thesis have been transliterated by the same method as Allison (1973). The Roman alphabet is used without diacritics, allowing for the reader unfamiliar with Thai to closely approximate the pronunciation of words without having to refer to a guide. The only deviations from English are as follows: ‘th’ is pronounced ‘t’ as in tin ‘Ph’ is pronounced ‘p’ as in pin ‘kh’ is pronounced ‘k’ as in kin ‘t’ is pronounced as if ‘dt’ ‘p’ is pronounced as if ‘pb’ ‘k’ is pronounced as if ‘gk’ ‘eu’ is pronounced as the vowel sound in ‘good’ ‘ae’ is pronounced as the vowel sound in ‘bad’ Names, however, do not always follow this method but are spelled according to the preference of the person, when known (e.g. Somkuan). Further discussion of my occasional use of real names and not aliases appears in section 1.1.2. In order to avoid confusion, place names, as in the case of temples, are spelled according to documents from the temple, if available (e.g. Wat Dhammakaya) or, as in the case of geographic locations, according to popular usage (e.g. Bangkok instead of Bahngkawk). The issue of language has been more problematic. My informants, when discussing religious terms, invariably used the Thai pronunciation. I considered writing Buddhist terms according to the Thai rather than the Pali pronunciation because Thai Buddhist terms do not always follow Pali, appearing on occasion more like Sanskrit (e.g. traibidok resembles tripitaka more than tipitaka). Other 2 studies of Theravadin societies cited in this thesis, however, refer to Buddhist terms in Pali (e.g. dutanga, Carrithers 1983b). Therefore, for the sake of coherence, 1 use Pali terms in this thesis even when the Thai was used by my informants (e.g. Vinaya instead of Winai). In such cases the Thai pronunciation follows the initial appearance of the Pali term in italics. When the term is not discussed in Pali, I use only the transliterated Thai (e.g. ubosot, abhai). The exception is when a movement itself used the Pali spelling for its own name or the names of programmes it organised (e.g. Wat Dhammakaya, the Dutanga Retreat). There are often no direct translations for Thai religious terms. Throughout this thesis, English Christian terms are often used to express Thai Buddhist concepts (e.g. church for Sangha and monk for phra). I acknowledge that this is not always satisfactory. However, the English terms are used whenever they express a concept which closely translates from the Thai. If a concept cannot be easily translated, I will use the Thai word (e.g. ubosot). When English religious terms are used for Thai Buddhist concepts for the first time, they will be followed by the transliterated Thai word in italics. At times, references cited use Christian terms when there is no corresponding Thai concept (e.g. gospel, Jackson 1991). I do not alter that use. 3 Ackno wl edgements This thesis could never have been completed without the support of my supervisor Dr. Andrew Turton. Not only was his advice invaluable, his faith, encouragement and understanding have been immeasurable. He was exactly what I needed of him when I needed it. When I sought guidance, he had insight. When I needed time, he gave me space. When I lacked confidence, we talked until I found it. Most importantly, however, he never gave up on me, not even when I had given up on myself. Dr. Turton is an ajahn in the true sense of the word and there is no way I can thank him sufficiently for seeing this through. I wish also to thank Dr. Lola Martinez whose comments, on numerous occasions, pointed out my glaring oversights. She taught me to see what was always there. Dr. Tadeusz Skorupski’s lectures made it possible for me to begin learning about Buddhism and Dr. Rachel Harrison’s advice on transliteration and her hospitality when I felt profound despair helped me over the final hump. Without the gracious metta of H.H. Princess Vimalachatra I would never have had the data for this thesis. She is an elder whom I not only respect but love deeply. We have had great fun together and I am grateful she has shared her wisdom with me. I wish also to thank Khun Sompom Thepsitta, Khun Somkuan Laolapha and their colleagues at Thailand’s National Council on Social Welfare. I am indebted to Khun Sutthaya Vacharabhaya, and my friends at all the mainstream temples and the new movements Santi Asoke and Wat Dhammakaya, especially the ladies of the Wednesday Group. I wish to thank my family, especially my mother, father, step-father, brother, sister, their spouses and my cousin Vana for bearing with me. Thanks to Vichien Chansevikul without whose love, support and guidance I would never 4 have learned to cope in Thailand, Albert Paravi Wongchirachai for his generosity of intellect and his loving friendship, David Bailey for liberating me from folly, Jo Bindman for literally standing over my shoulder when I had writer’s block and forcing me to articulate, Tara King for being Julia to my Rupert, Kelly Cusack whose wings flew me to London, Lyndsay Howard who believes I am capable of more, Ian Leong whose friendship keeps my soul free of illusion, Pakom Bovonsombat for getting there first, Lan Pajasalmi for giving me hope of an afterlife, Sam Wong for taking me shopping when I needed it, Khun Vanni Premfujai for sending me my field notes when I thought I’d lost them and all my other friends who gave me encouragement. Most of all, however, I want to thank Luecha Kajomnetikul whose love for me and faith in me make me brave. 5 Santi Asoke The New Trend of Buddhism in Thai Society Figure 1: the front cover of a public relations pamphlet depicting the residential area at Pathom Asokephutthasathan. Note that the pamphlet is in black and white and crudely designed. 6 DHAMMADAYADA A NEW HOPE FOR THE THAI NATION '.'.ViV/JV '*'"«J *1 «*«* ^viisW i ••> < * f 1; .»,v> .*>♦ *u* »«*.•»■» * ^(Pm . % %«•*»«♦*•'>*• '; cc i ».»•»-» •, i WORLD PEACE CAN BE ACHIEVED BY DHAMMAKAYA...THE INNER PEACE. Figure 2: the front cover of a public relations pamphlet depicting the ubosot at Wat Dhammakaya 7 Contents A bstract ...............................................................................................................................1 Note on Transliteration.....................................................................................................2 Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................... 4 List of Illustrations...........................................................................................................13 List of Maps and Charts..................................................................................................16 I. Introduction/Methodology: The Search for Truth 1. A Personal Path to Discovery : methods and motivations.................................. 19 1.1. initial motivations for exploring this aspect of Thai society 1.2. personal background: the search for Truth 1.3. inklings of the power relationship between monks and laymen within society 1.4. preparations for the field 1.5. return from the field and the delay in writing up 1.6. sect vs. movement: a definition of terms 1.7. good fortune: elections declared the day I left for the field 1.8.